La Civitas Romana En Livio Druso Y Caracalla: Aspectos De Sus Proyectos Y Realizaciones*

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

La Civitas Romana En Livio Druso Y Caracalla: Aspectos De Sus Proyectos Y Realizaciones* TIEMPO Y ESPACIO /7-8/ 1997-8 Depto. Historia, Geografía y Cs. Sociales Universidad del Bío-Bío Chillan - Chile La civitas romana en Livio Druso y Caracalla: aspectos de sus proyectos y realizaciones* Alejandro Bancalari Molina** INTRODUCCION Los aliados o socii populi romani a partir de mediados del siglo II a. de C. expresan un activo interés y deseo por alcanzar la ciudadanía romana. Así, para los latinos y particularmente, para los itálicos, su mayor preocupación era pertenecer al nuevo orden romano que se estaba creando, no en calidad de súbditos, sino más bien, como miembros del cuerpo jurídico de los cives romanos. Esto significaba una equiparación e igualdad de oportunidades y cargos y, de la vida misma, en el interior del accionar político-jurídico y socio-económico de la república tardía. En virtud de esta problemática, emerge la figura del tribuno del 91 a. de C., Marco Livio Druso con una propuesta legislativa de conceder la civitas a los aliados de Roma. Por otra parte, a inicios del siglo III d. de C. se configura una situación clave en las relaciones de Roma con los provinciales. Gradualmente, los emperadores concedían la ciudadanía colectiva o individual a ciertos territorios, convirtiéndolos en municip ios. El gran momento se produce con la Constitutio Antoniniana de Civitate del emperador Caracalla en el 212 d. de C., cuando se otorga la civitas romana, prácticamente, a todos los súbditos del imperio. En el fondo, lo que perseguía la constitución era la unificación *Este artículo forma parte del proyecto de investigación patrocinado por DIPRODE (Dirección de investigación de la Universidad del Bío-Bío, N° 962219-1), que lleva por título: Estudio comparativo de la Rogatio de Sociis de Druso (91 A. de C.) y de la constitutio Antoniniana de Caracalla (212 D. de C.) ** Profesor de Historia Antigua del Departamento de Historia, Geografía y Ciencias Sociales de la Universidad del Bío-Bío y del Depto. de Cs. Históricas y Sociales de la Universidad de Concepción. 77 La civitas... Alejandro Bancalari Molina política de todos los habitantes del mundo romano, como lo expresa Ulpiano: “in orbe Romano qui sunt, ex Constitutione Imperatoris Antonini cives Romani effecti sunt"1. A través de la presente investigación, pretendemos indagar en torno a estas figuras claves dentro de la historia política-social y jurídica-institucional de Roma y del imperio en el desarrollo del proceso de extensión de la civitas romana. Analizaremos las respectivas carreras políticas de Druso y Caracalla, con el objeto de explanar el verdadero y real interés de los dos personajes en el otorgamiento de la ciudadanía. A su vez, como ayuda vertical y horizontalmente al proceso de romanización, de una simbi osis y unidad entre vencedores y vencidos, la concesión de la ciudadanía romana. Igualmente, intentaremos determinar por qué los dediticii fueron excluidos del otorgamiento de la civitas por Caracalla y cuáles fueron las razones por las que el edicto político y jurídico de mayor alcance del estado romano no fue lo suficientemente historiado y registrado por las fuentes contemporáneas del hecho. En síntesis, nos interesa precisar el verdadero sentido de la rogatio de sociis de Druso y de la Constitutio de civitate de Caracalla, a través de un esfuerzo teórico y comparativo de dos propuestas legislativas medulares en la historia republicana e imperial de Roma. I - El Tribunado de Livio Druso. Marco Livio Druso2 nació en el 124 a. de C. en Roma. Era hijo de Livio Druso (tribuno del 122 y adversario de Cayo Graco) y de Cornelia, por tanto era nieto por línea materna de Escipión Emiliano. Ocupó diversas funciones 3 para llegar finalmente a los 33 años, después de una brillante carrera política al tribunado de la plebe, cargo que asumió el 10 de diciembre del 91 a. de C. 4 1 DIGESTO, I, 5, 77. 2 En torno a la figura de Livio Druso, destacamos: POLIDORI, T., Il tribunato di Livio Druso, en “Historia”, I (1927), pp. 140-145; BERNARDI, A., La guerra sociale e le lotte dei partiti a Roma, en “Nuova rivista storica”, XXVIII (1944-45), pp. 60-99; GABBA, E., Le origini della guerra sociale e la vita politica romana dopo l'89 a. C., en “Athenaeum”, XXXII (1954), pp. 41-114 y 295-345 (= en Esercito e Società della tarda repubblica romana. Firenze 1973, pp. 193-345); ID, M. Livio Druso e le riforme di Siila, en “Annali Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa”, XXXIII (1964), pp. 1-15 (=Ese. e Soc., pp. 383-406); SALMON, E. T., The cause of the social war, en “Phoenix”, XVI (1962), pp. 107-119; BRUNT, P., Italian Aims at the time of the social war, en “Jour. Rom. Stud. ”, LV (1965), pp. 90-109; BADIAN, E., Roman politics and the italians (133-91 a. C. ), en “Dialoghi di Archeologia”, IV-V (1970-1971), pp. 373-409; SHERWIN WHITE, A. N„ The roman citizenship, Oxford 19732 pp. 134-149; DE SANCTIS, G. , La guerra sociale, obra postuma edit, por L. Polverini, Firenze 1976; KEAVENEY, A.; Rome and the unification of Italy, New Jersey 1987, pp. 115-193; WULFF, F., Romanos e Itálicos en la baja república. Estudios sobre sus relaciones entre la segunda Guerra Púnica y la Guerra Social (201 -91 a. C.), Latomus, Bruxelles 1991, pp. 307-344. 3 Druso desempeñó una serie de funciones y magistraturas: fue pontífice, tribuno militar y decembir stlitibus iudicantis. En el año 97 a. de C. se hizo cargo de la cuestura en la provincia de Asia y en el 94 fue edil. 4 DIODORO, XXXVII, 10; CICERON, pro arch. 2, 6; VELEYO, II, 13; PLINEO, n. h., XXXIII, 141. 78 La civitas... Alejandro Bancalari Molina De familia aristocrática, culto e inteligente ejerció el cargo de tribuno apoyado - prácticamente- por todos los sectores políticos del período. Un fuerte grupo senatorial le otorgó el sostén encabezado por M. Escauro y Licinio Craso para combatir a los equites. El pueblo en conjunto, lo respaldaba por las diversas reformas en favor de éstos, distribuyendo grano, fundando colonias y retomando la ley agraria de los Gracos. Por último, fue apoyado por los socii itálicos con la esperanza de obtener la ansiada y escurridiza civitas romana5. De esta forma, Druso llega a su alta dignidad al comenzar su período con un relativo consenso, lo que le permite conciliar a los actores en campo, en un momento crítico de presiones y rivalidades en las facciones políticas; al asumir presenta inmediatamente un conjunto orgánico y coherente de propuestas legislativas, en tre otras, sus reformas son: una ley judiciaria que restituye nuevamente los tribunales al Senado y con esto permitía terminar la rivalidad entre senadores y caballeros, aumentando el número del Consejo a 600 (300 del grupo senatorial y 300 del orden equestre más calificado)6, una segunda ley frumentaria en favor de la plebe urbana para la distribución de grano a precio irrisorio, una tercera disposición agraria, similar a la de los Gracos, con el objeto de recuperar el ager publicus (sobre todo de Campania, Etruria) y con la intención de distribuir las tierras a ciudadanos pobres 7 y finalmente, una ley colonial que estipulaba la instalación de colonias en Italia y Sicilia. Un punto central lo focaliza, sin duda, la propuesta más importante: la rogatio liviana de sociis de Druso. Donde afronta el problema de los aliados itálicos; problema viejo y delicado que era urgente zanjar. La mayor parte de los estudiosos sostienen que éste fue el objetivo central del programa del tribuno: resolver definitivamente la llamada “cuestión itálica”8. La civitas, se constituye, como sinónimo de salvo conducto, como solución de los problemas y significa la igualdad de oportunidades y participación en la 5 Las fuentes antiguas son concordantes en expresar que la propuesta más relevante del tribuno era la solución definitiva del problema itálico, entregándoles a éstos la ciudadanía romana. Para ello propuso la rogatio liviana de sociis; cfr. LIVIO, per. LXXI; FLORO, II, 5, 6-9; VELEYO, II, 14, 1; PUNIO, n. h. XXV, 52; De vir ill., II; OROSIO, V, 18, 1. 6 WEINRIB, E.; The judiciary law of M. Livius Drusus (ts. pl. 91 B. C.), en “Historia”, XIX (1970), pp. 414- 443; NICOLET, C.; L’ordre équestre a l’epoque républicaine (312-43 dv. J. C.), Paris 1966-74, esp. pp. 559- 572. 7 La ley agraria retoma en algunas medidas las ideas de lo s Gracos, para la recuperación del ager publicus principalmente en Campania, Etruria y Umbría, con el propósito de repartir las tierras a los ciudadanos pobres; y establecía, además, la deducción de una serie de colonias en Italia y Sicilia. Cfr. APIANO, b . c., I, 35, 156; 36, 162; DE VIR ILL, LXVI, 5; FLORO II, 5, 6. Las colonias debieron ser las mismas propuestas por el padre de Druso en el 122 a. C.: Véase THOMSEN, R., Das Jahr 91 r. Chr. und seine Voraussetzungen, en “Clas. et. Med. ”, V (1942), pp. 13-47. Es necesario mencionar que en el año 91 a. C. un colega de Druso, de nombre Saufeio habría propuesto otra ley agraria (C. I. L., 12, p. 199, XXX); BERNARDI, A.; Guerra soc., pp. 89-91. 8 BERNARDI, A., Guerra soc., pp. 60-99; GABBA, E., Origini guerra, pp. 193-345; SALMON, E. T., Cause, pp 107-119; BRUNT, P., Italian Aims, pp. 90-109; BADIAN, E., Roman pol., pp. 373-409; DE SANCTIS, Guerra, pp. 3-33; KEAVENEY, A., Rome unification, pp. 76- 113; WULFF, F., Romanos itálicos, pp. 354-361. 79 La civitas... Alejandro Bancalari Molina vida de Roma, de Italia y del imperio. Era un deseo latente y, sobre todo, actual. Apiano, es el historiador que afronta la cuestión detenidamente, señalando que los itálicos “no son más copartícipes del imperio, sino simples súbditos”9; en una postura filoitálica explicando la injusticia y el no compromiso de Roma hacia los socii.
Recommended publications
  • Language Contact and Identity in Roman Britain
    Western University Scholarship@Western Electronic Thesis and Dissertation Repository 5-16-2016 12:00 AM Language Contact and Identity in Roman Britain Robert Jackson Woodcock The University of Western Ontario Supervisor Professor Alexander Meyer The University of Western Ontario Graduate Program in Classics A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the equirr ements for the degree in Master of Arts © Robert Jackson Woodcock 2016 Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.lib.uwo.ca/etd Part of the Ancient History, Greek and Roman through Late Antiquity Commons, and the Indo- European Linguistics and Philology Commons Recommended Citation Woodcock, Robert Jackson, "Language Contact and Identity in Roman Britain" (2016). Electronic Thesis and Dissertation Repository. 3775. https://ir.lib.uwo.ca/etd/3775 This Dissertation/Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarship@Western. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Thesis and Dissertation Repository by an authorized administrator of Scholarship@Western. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Abstract Language is one of the most significant aspects of cultural identity. This thesis examines the evidence of languages in contact in Roman Britain in order to determine the role that language played in defining the identities of the inhabitants of this Roman province. All forms of documentary evidence from monumental stone epigraphy to ownership marks scratched onto pottery are analyzed for indications of bilingualism and language contact in Roman Britain. The language and subject matter of the Vindolanda writing tablets from a Roman army fort on the northern frontier are analyzed for indications of bilingual interactions between Roman soldiers and their native surroundings, as well as Celtic interference on the Latin that was written and spoken by the Roman army.
    [Show full text]
  • 7 the Roman Empire
    Eli J. S. Weaverdyck 7 The Roman Empire I Introduction The Roman Empire was one of the largest and longest lasting of all the empires in the ancient world.1 At its height, it controlled the entire coast of the Mediterranean and vast continental hinterlands, including most of western Europe and Great Brit- ain, the Balkans, all of Asia Minor, the Near East as far as the Euphrates (and be- yond, briefly), and northern Africa as far south as the Sahara. The Mediterranean, known to the Romans as mare nostrum(‘our sea’), formed the core. The Mediterranean basin is characterized by extreme variability across both space and time. Geologically, the area is a large subduction zone between the African and European tectonic plates. This not only produces volcanic and seismic activity, it also means that the most commonly encountered bedrock is uplifted limestone, which is easily eroded by water. Much of the coastline is mountainous with deep river valleys. This rugged topography means that even broadly similar climatic conditions can pro- duce drastically dissimilar microclimates within very short distances. In addition, strong interannual variability in precipitation means that local food shortages were an endemic feature of Mediterranean agriculture. In combination, this temporal and spatial variability meant that risk-buffering mechanisms including diversification, storage, and distribution of goods played an important role in ancient Mediterranean survival strategies. Connectivity has always characterized the Mediterranean.2 While geography encouraged mobility, the empire accelerated that tendency, inducing the transfer of people, goods, and ideas on a scale never seen before.3 This mobility, combined with increased demand and the efforts of the imperial govern- ment to mobilize specific products, led to the rise of broad regional specializations, particularly in staple foods and precious metals.4 The results of this increased con- It has also been the subject of more scholarship than any other empire treated in this volume.
    [Show full text]
  • UCLA Electronic Theses and Dissertations
    UCLA UCLA Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title Philostratus, Perceptions of Foreign Ethnicity, and Severan Cultural Geography Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/7j2862k0 Author Bingley, Christopher Stephen Publication Date 2019 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles Philostratus, Perceptions of Foreign Ethnicity, and Severan Cultural Geography A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in History by Christopher Stephen Bingley 2019 © Copyright by Christopher Stephen Bingley 2019 ABSTRACT OF DISSERTATION Philostratus, Perceptions of Foreign Ethnicity, And Severan Cultural Geography by Christopher Stephen Bingley Doctor of Philosophy in History University of CaliforniA, Los Angeles, 2019 Professor DAvid DAniel Phillips, Chair During the first two centuries C.E., provinciAl Greek elites reActed to their new stAtus as denizens of the RomAn Empire in part with the literature they produced, often grouped under the heAding of the Second Sophistic. The tAil end of this period, in which a new dynasty of emperors ruled And underwent a crisis of legitimAcy (193-235 C.E.), wAs mArkedly different in the identity of the imperiAl family and as a result the composition of Greek literature. This distinction, however, has not been part of the scholArly approach to the study of this period’s literature, which insteAd focuses on the traits that it shares with eArlier sophistic literature. During this lAter period, the debate over what constituted proper “RomAnness” acquired renewed cultural importAnce especiAlly becAuse of the Severan imperiAl family’s outsider stAtus, SyriAn and AfricAn background, and decree of universAl citizenship in 212 C.E.
    [Show full text]
  • Cults and Religious Integration in the Roman Cities of the Drava Valley (Southern Pannonia)
    CULTS AND RELIGIOUS INTEGRATION IN THE ROMAN CITIES OF THE DRAVA VALLEY (SOUTHERN PANNONIA) BY BLANKA MIŠIĆ A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY DEPARTMENT OF CLASSICS AND PHILOSOPHY ROYAL HOLLOWAY UNIVERSITY OF LONDON JANUARY 2013 1 DECLARATION OF AUTORSHIP I, Blanka Mišić, hereby declare that this thesis and the work presented in it is entirely my own. Signed: ______________________ Dated: _______________________ 2 For my dearest parents. 3 ABSTRACT This work is a detailed examination of pagan cults and deities in three settlements along the Pannonian section of the Drava river (Aquae Iasae – modern Varaždinske Toplice; Iovia- Botivo – modern Ludbreg; and Mursa – modern Osijek) situated within the present-day territory of Croatia. The evidence examined consists primarily of inscribed votive dedications in stone, dating from the Roman conquest of Pannonia to the late third century A.D. Evidence is examined within the theoretical framework of cultural change, taking into account recent theoretical developments in the concepts of “Romanisation”, acculturation, identity- expression and syncretisation in order to determine the extent of cultural and religious integration along the Drava. A thorough examination of evidence reveals the emergence of differing and flexible religious identities specific to each settlement although united by the larger prevailing trend of nature-divinity worship. Our Drava evidence also reveals that economic, social, political and geographic factors all produced an impact on the process and extent of cultural and religious integration, thus helping to form local, regional, provincial and imperial expressions of identity(ies). 4 TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS AND MAPS………………………………………......07 2.
    [Show full text]
  • The Names Flavius and Aurelius As Status Designations in Later Roman Egypt
    Loyola University Chicago Loyola eCommons Classical Studies: Faculty Publications and Other Works Faculty Publications 1974 The Names Flavius and Aurelius as Status Designations in Later Roman Egypt James G. Keenan [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://ecommons.luc.edu/classicalstudies_facpubs Part of the Ancient History, Greek and Roman through Late Antiquity Commons Recommended Citation Keenan, J.G. (1974). The names Flavius and Aurelius as status designations in later Roman-Egypt. Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik, Bd. 13, (1974), 283-304. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Publications at Loyola eCommons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Classical Studies: Faculty Publications and Other Works by an authorized administrator of Loyola eCommons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 License. © Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn, 1974. THE NAMES FLAVIUS AND AURELIUS AS STATUS DESIGNATIONS IN LATER ROMAN EGYPT The use of the name Flavius in late antiquity has attracted the attention of scholars as early as the 8th century when, in his History of the Lombards, Paul the Deacon, son of Warnefrid, wrote regarding an event of A.D. 584 that the Lombards, "propter dignitatem," called their newly elected king Authar?, "Flavius." He further observed that all succeeding Lombard kings continued auspiciously (f?liciter) the use of the name. Inmaking these comments Paul set a precedent which was to be followed up in modern times: viz., the name Flavius first attracted the interest of scholars reconstructing the history of "the barbarian West," concerned with its use by Ostrogothic, Abbrevi ated ti 11 es: Bickermann, Edikt: Elias Bickermann, Das Edikt des Kaisers Caracalla in P.
    [Show full text]
  • Law and Imperial Messaging in Severan Rome
    Playing the Judge: Law and Imperial Messaging in Severan Rome Zachary Herz Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy under the Executive Committee of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2018 © 2018 Zachary Herz All rights reserved ABSTRACT Playing the Judge: Law and Imperial Messaging in Severan Rome Zachary Herz This dissertation analyzes the interplay between imperial messaging or self-representation and legal activity in the Roman Empire under the Severan dynasty. I discuss the unusual historical circumstances of Septimius Severus’ rise to power and the legitimacy crises faced by him and his successors, as well as those same emperors’ control of an increasingly complex legal bureaucracy and legislative apparatus. I describe how each of the four Severan rulers—Septimius Severus, Caracalla, Elagabalus, and Severus Alexander—employed different approaches to imperial legislation and adjudication in accordance with their idiosyncratic self-presentation and messaging styles, as well as how other actors within Roman legal culture responded to Severan political dynamics in their own work. In particular, this dissertation is concerned with a particularly—and increasingly—urgent problem in Roman elite political culture; the tension between theories of imperial power that centered upon rulers’ charismatic gifts or personal fitness to rule, and a more institutional, bureaucratized vision that placed the emperor at the center of broader networks of administrative control. While these two ideas of the Principate had always coexisted, the Severan period posed new challenges as innovations in imperial succession (such as more open military selection of emperors) called earlier legitimation strategies into question.
    [Show full text]
  • (211–217 AD): a Reign of Violence the Emperor Known As Caracalla
    Caracalla (211–217 AD): A Reign of Violence The emperor known as Caracalla was born as Lucius Septimius Bassianus in Gaul in 188 AD to the future emperor Septimius Severus and his second wife Julia Domna. When his father became emperor, he had his name changed to Marcus Aurelius Septimius Bassianus Antoninus to connect him and his family to the beloved emperor Marcus Aurelius. He later became known as Caracalla for the type of Gallic cloak he frequently wore, and this name has stuck. Caracalla came the throne of the Roman Empire when his father, Septimius Severus, died in 211. He was supposed to share power equally with his brother Geta, but this was an immediate problem. Geta and Caracalla had different personalities and frequently fought, their disagreements fueled by mutual jealousy and suspicion. The government could hardly function with the two joint emperors constantly at each other’s throats. Therefore, their mother Julia Domna called a conference between the two in her quarters to resolve their differences. Caracalla showed up with a group of Praetorians and murdered Geta as he clung to his mother for safety. Caracalla then embarked on a campaign to rid society of any memory of his brother. He had the senate issue a damnatio memoriae, according to which all images and inscriptions of Geta were to be struck out. Carcalla executed anyone he suspected of having supported his brother. Thousands were executed, including many prominent citizens such as the Praetorian prefect and respected juror Papian. Caracalla replaced him with Macrinus, a trusted supporter. With his brother out of the way, Caracalla left Rome and spent the rest of his reign away in the provinces.
    [Show full text]
  • The Constitutio Antoniniana an Edict for the Caracallan Empire
    This thesis has been submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for a postgraduate degree (e.g. PhD, MPhil, DClinPsychol) at the University of Edinburgh. Please note the following terms and conditions of use: This work is protected by copyright and other intellectual property rights, which are retained by the thesis author, unless otherwise stated. A copy can be downloaded for personal non-commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge. This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the author. The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the author. When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given. The constitutio Antoniniana An Edict for the Caracallan Empire Alex Imrie Doctor of Philosophy The University of Edinburgh 2015 DECLARATION I hereby declare that this thesis is entirely of my own composition and work. It contains no material previously submitted for the award of any other degree or professional qualification. Alex Imrie i I dedicate this thesis to my darling Rachael: my soul mate, my starry-eyed lassie and my constant inspiration. As fair art thou, my bonnie lass, So deep in luve am I: And I will luve thee still my dear, Till a’ the seas gang dry. ii ABSTRACT The constitutio Antoniniana represents one of the most important legal documents of the Roman imperial period. By means of this edict, the emperor Caracalla enfranchised nearly every free person living within the borders of his empire.
    [Show full text]
  • Greek Laws After Constitutio Antoniniana 263
    Greek Laws After Constitutio Antoniniana 263 DIMITRIS KARAMBELAS (ATHENS) GREEK LAWS AFTER CONSTITUTIO ANTONINIANA: IDEOLOGY, RHETORIC AND PROCEDURE IN EUNAPIUS OF SARDIS 1. Introduction: An Arcadian Tale Once upon a time, as the story goes – in an anecdote narrated, around 220 CE,1 by Flavius Philostratus in his Life of Apollonius of Tyana –, a handsome young man from Messene in Arcadia arrived in Rome, sometime in the late 80s, where he was courted by many aspiring lovers and, most famously, by the emperor Domitian. According to the Severan biographer, the youth proved ‘prudent’ and resisted the emperor’s attempts at seduction, this resulting in his imprisonment upon capital charges, by order of Domitian himself. In prison, the young Arcadian approached the Neopythagorian sage Apollonius of Tyana, who was also awaiting trial by Domitian, and their exchange revealed the true cause of the youth’s misfortunes. Just as Hippolytus ‘was destroyed by his father Theseus’ in spite of his turning down the amorous advances of his stepmother Phaedra, thus, in like manner, this youth was destroyed by the omissions or decisions of his own father, who neglected to give him a proper ‘Hellenic’ education, sending him instead to Rome ‘to study law’ (^ aġaba n \): „a¸ {^Y¸I] _Yaº c² YY ^Y¸ ĂYa¶ a _aN_Y aYa¶ NY ac\ V \a^M^ 1 Flinterman 1995, 26 (between 217-238 CE); Kemezis 2014, 297. Dimitris Karambelas 264 ²e^ ^Ya_ N]^ aġaba n \ aY´ o aba¼ aĮ “ “So did the laws in the time of Theseus,” said Apollonius, “since Hippolytus’s own father destroyed him because of his modesty.” “I too,” replied the youth, “have been destroyed by my father.
    [Show full text]
  • Barbarian Immigration and Integration in the Late Roman Empire: the Case of Barbarian Citizenship
    Barbarian Immigration and Integration in the Late Roman Empire: The Case of Barbarian Citizenship BY RALPH W. MATHISEN The population of the early Roman Empire included cives romani (›Roman citizens‹); provinciales (›provincials‹) or peregrini (›foreigners‹), the free non- citizen inhabitants of the provinces; freedmen (freed slaves of Roman citi- zens), and slaves.1 Whereas Roman citizens were subject to Roman ius civile (›law of citizens‹), provinciales remained liable to whatever legal system was in effect in their communities at the time of their annexation by Rome. One of the great successes of the Roman Empire was that Roman citizenship gradual- ly became available to everyone living in the empire. There was a regular fil- tering up of individuals from less privileged legal status to more privileged legal status, and a constant increase in the numbers of full Roman citizens.2 This form of the incorporation of peregrini into the Roman world has been very well studied.3 What has not been investigated nearly so well, however, is the legal status of ›barbarians‹, that is, individuals from outside the Roman Empire who settled within the Empire.4 Ever since the early Principate, bar- barians had been resettled en masse on Roman territory.5 But the details, and 1 Sections of this study draws upon Ralph W. Mathisen, Peregrini, Barbari, and Cives Romani: Concepts of Citizenship and the Legal Identity of Barbarians in the Later Roman Empire, in: American Historical Review, 111. 2006, pp. 1011–1040, © 2006 by the American Historical Association; note also idem, Provinciales, Gentiles, and Marriages between Romans and Barbarians in the Late Roman Empire, in: Journal of Roman Studies (JRS), 99.
    [Show full text]
  • What's in a Name? a Survey of Roman Onomastic Practice from C
    What's in a Name? A Survey of Roman Onomastic Practice from c. 700 B.C. to A.D. 700 Author(s): Benet Salway Source: The Journal of Roman Studies, Vol. 84 (1994), pp. 124-145 Published by: Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/300873 . Accessed: 27/10/2011 00:39 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Journal of Roman Studies. http://www.jstor.org WHAT'S IN A NAME? A SURVEY OF ROMAN ONOMASTIC PRACTICE FROM c. 700 B.C. to A.D. 700* By BENET SALWAY INTRODUCTION Perusal of over a thousand years of the fasti of the Romans' eponymous magistracy is sufficient to demonstrate that Roman onomastic practice did not stand still. Why, then, is there a tendency to see the system of three names (tria nomina, i.e. praenomen, nomen gentilicium, and cognomen) as the perfection and culmination of the Roman naming system rather than as a transitory stage in an evolutionary process? The simple answer is probably that usage of the tria nomina happens to be typical of the best documented class in one of the best documented, and certainly most studied, eras of Roman history - the late Republic and early Empire.
    [Show full text]
  • Roman Citizenship and the Assimilation of Barbarians Into the Late Roman World1
    “Becoming ROMAN, BECOMING BARBARian”: ROMAN CITIZENSHIP AND THE ASSIMILATION OF BARBARIANS INTO THE LATE ROMAN WORLD1 Ralph W. Mathisen One of the great questions that has confronted historians for the past 1500 years is the nature of and reasons for the decline and fall of the west- ern Roman Empire in the 5th century ce. All too often, this question has been posed in the context of opposition between the Romans and the bar- barians who eventually established their own kingdoms in the Western Empire. When looked at from the perspectives of citizenship and identity, however, a rather different picture emerges. Rather than being invariably viewed as ‘outsiders’, barbarians had a long history of immigrating into the Roman Empire and then becoming integrated under the social and legal umbrella of Rome. In the 3rd century ce, Rome’s inclusive citizen- ship policy became extended to include new barbarian settlers. By the time of the barbarian invasions of the 5th century, Romans and barbar- ians had more similarities than differences, a consideration that helps to explain the largely non-violent nature of the barbarian occupation of the western Roman Empire. At the beginning of the Roman Empire, Roman citizenship was an elite legal status to which certain rights, privileges, and obligations accrued under civil and criminal law.2 For example, in private life, citizens (or cives Romani) could marry, make wills and carry out business under the protection of Roman law. Under the criminal code, citizens could not be questioned under torture, had the right of appeal, and if sentenced to death, were given a simple execution rather than crucifixion or death in the arena.
    [Show full text]