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Russia: Youth and Politics Russia: Youth and Politics Mikhail Korostikov April 2014 Russia/NIS Center Ifri is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental and a non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. With offices in Paris and Brussels, Ifri stands out as one of the rare French think tanks to have positioned itself at the very heart of European debate. Using an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debates and research activities. The opinions expressed in this article are the authors’ alone and do not reflect the official views of their institutions. Russia/NIS Center © All rights reserved – Ifri – Paris, 2014 ISBN: 978-2-36567-266-5 IFRI IFRI-Bruxelles 27 RUE DE LA PROCESSION RUE MARIE-THERESE, 21 75740 PARIS CEDEX 15 – FRANCE 1000 BRUXELLES, BELGIQUE TEL. : 33 (0)1 40 61 60 00 TEL. : 32(2) 238 51 10 FAX : 33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 FAX : 32 (2) 238 51 15 E-MAIL : [email protected] E-MAIL : [email protected] WEBSITE : www.ifri.org Russie.Nei.Visions Russie.Nei.Visions is an online collection dedicated to Russia and the other new independent states (Belarus, Ukraine, Moldova, Armenia, Georgia, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan). Written by leading experts, these policy- oriented papers deal with strategic, political and economic issues. This collection upholds IFRI's standards of quality (editing and annonymous peer reiew). If you wish to be notified of upcoming publications (or receive additional information), please e-mail: [email protected]. Previous publications – P. Baev, Rosneft, Gazprom and the Government: The Decision- Making Triangle on Russia’s Energy Policy, “Russie.Nei.Visions” No. 75, March 2014. – D. Tolksdorf, The EU, Russia and the Eastern Partnership: What Dynamics under the New German Government?, “Russie.Nei.Visions” No.74 / “Note du Cerfa” No.109, February 2014. – A. Panibratov, The Influence of the State on Expanding Russian MNEs: Advantage or Handicap?, “Russie.Nei.Visions” No. 73, December 2013. 1 Author Mikhail Korostikov is the Head of the analysis department at the Center for social studies “Kryshtanovskaya Laboratory,” and a member of the British Association for Slavonic and East European Studies (BASEES). He has published several publications in national and international journals on Russian-Chinese relations and Russian domestic politics, including “Russia and China: Against the Storm” (Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics, September 2011), and “The New Oil and Gas Deal between Russia and China: a Long-term Alliance, Built on Mutual Benefit” (Drilling and Oil, May 2013). As part of the research team at the Kryshtanovskaya Laboratory, M. Korostikov has been involved in a number of research studies, including "The mentality of Russia’s youth: policy orientations and role models", "Dynamics of protest activity: 2012-2013" and "The elite on social networks." 2 Abstract Young people are the most politically active and impulsive part of any society. They were among the first to come out on the streets during the 2011-2013 worldwide protests in the Middle East, Thailand, Ukraine, Europe and the United States, to express their disagreement with the existing political and economic order. In Russia, protests began immediately after parliamentary elections in December 2011 and the youth took a very active role in the movement. However, a study of the Kryshtanovskaya Laboratory in 2012-2013 shows that not all of young Russians are opposed to the government. The majority of Russian youth are not interested in politics, and despite the fact that almost all of them do not agree with the government’s current policies and would like to change many things, almost no one is willing to take the action necessary to change the current political situation. Young people are unsatisfied with both the authorities and the opposition. They are convinced that opposition leaders simply use their support to try to get into public office, with the sole purpose of taking the place of acting corrupt officials. Disbelief in the political system, coupled with social anomie and uncertain economic conditions has led to apathy and a desire to emigrate. Such sentiments of its younger citizens hinder the development of Russia and will lead to a long-term deterioration of the country’s social and human potential, and a mass exodus of skilled professionals abroad. 3 Contents INTRODUCTION ................................................................................... 5 SOCIAL STUDY OF YOUNG PEOPLE IN RUSSIA ...................................... 7 YOUTH AND SOCIETY ........................................................................ 10 ATTITUDE TOWARD RUSSIA ............................................................... 15 YOUTH AND POWER .......................................................................... 18 OPPOSITION AND REVOLUTION .......................................................... 22 CONCLUSION .................................................................................... 25 4 Introduction Youth have historically been the engine of social change. Despite the fact that revolutionary ideas more often grow in the minds of elder people, their practical implementation often falls on the shoulders of students, young professionals, unemployed youth and even schoolchildren. Political figures usually explain protests sweeping across their countries by some unnamed political forces, which make a tool of young citizens for their own purposes. However historians and political scientists who study this issue give a different explanation. The fact is that young people are better placed to see the society’s vices acutely. They have not had time to absorb the norms of social structure and can firmly challenge them, and attempt to gain a foothold in the new world. A typical “fathers and sons” confrontation takes place, which in every era gains a new meaning, passing through the prism of social order and technological achievement. In the 21st century, after the emergence of new technologies of communication and growth of mobility, the fall of technological and moral barriers, this confrontation has become radically different from the student protests of 1968 in France, West Germany, Poland, Yugoslavia, Belgium and Czechoslovakia. The end of the first decade of the new millennium was marked by a global economic crisis that turned into an ideology crisis. Waves of unrest in the Arab world have swept away many of the region's governments which had survived the Soviet collapse and had long seemed unshakable. Many people in the United States and Europe have openly expressed their opposition to the capitalist system, which, in their opinion, has led society to the brink of collapse. In Russia, after the State Duma elections in December 2011, tens of thousands of people protested in peaceful demonstrations for more than a year, on a scale unseen since 1993. These conflicts have occurred in various parts of the world thus marking the start of a new global era of open protest. In 2013, seeds of protest sprouted in Ukraine and Thailand: a massive popular movement is fiercely fighting there against the government, with the firm intention of changing it. The outcome of these protests was different in every country, from the collapse of North African and Ukrainian regimes to no result at all the United States. Nevertheless, all these protests are united by one thing: the young people were their driving force and their “awakening” can almost be considered as the main achievement of the protests. Youth, armed with the latest Translated from Russian by Joe Carter. 5 М. Korostikov / Russia: Youth and Politics means of communication and the desire to change the world, have shown that they can actively resist the cumbersome state apparatus. Russia found herself an honorable place among a number of countries where protests have forced the authorities to make immediate concessions in the political sphere, including the simplification of legislation on party registration, return to gubernatorial elections and restoring the “against all” option on ballot papers. But do all young Russians share these revolutionary ideals? Is there a difference between Moscow and the provinces in the perception of the political and social situation? Is it fair to assume that all young Russian people in general support the opposition? What are their values and ideals? A study by the “Kryshtanovskaya Laboratory” between November 2012 and February 2013 sought to answer these questions and to understand the worldview of young Russians in this 1 era of change. 1 In a series of 31 focus groups conducted in 26 major cities in eight federal districts (totaling 325 individuals), young people from 18 to 30 were divided into four categories: students in human sciences, students in technical sciences, young professionals with higher education and young workers with secondary education. Their answers help to better grasp the political evolution in Russia. © Ifri 6 Social Study of Young People in Russia2 After the collapse of the USSR, academic research on Russia’s youth have become rarer. In the 1990s statistics were not even being collected. In a country with a resource based economy and an aging
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