Nuclear Weapons States
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The French White Paper on Defence and National Security (2008) 3
FRENCH DEFENCE 2009 Texts and exercises by Philippe Rostaing : 1. French Defence Organization 2. French Defence Policy : the French White Paper on Defence and National Security (2008) 3. The French Army 4. The French Air Force 5. The French Navy 6. The French Gendarmerie 7. Intelligence and the French Intelligence Community Update : March 2009 1 1. French Defence Organization Read this text carefully. You will then be able to do the following exercises : President of the French Republic Prime Minister Defence Minister Armed Forces Chief of Staff Army Chief Air Force Navy Chief Gendarmerie of Staff Chief of of Staff Director- Staff General 1. The Constitution of October 4th,1958, gives the President of the French Republic the position of Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces (Article 15). In his capacity as guarantor of national independence, territorial integrity and treaty compliance (Article 5), he alone may decide to commit nuclear forces. Within specific councils under his authority (the Council of Ministers, the Defence Council), the President defines national defence policies and makes decisions in defence matters. He is responsible for appointing senior civilian and military officials (Article 13). 2. The French government determines and executes national policies and thus may use armed force (Article 20). The Prime Minister has responsibility for national defence. He implements the decisions made by the President and is supported by the General Secretariat for National Defence (SGDN) in charge of interdepartmental defence coordination. 3. The Defence Minister has authority over the Ministry of Defence and executes military defence policies. He reports directly to the Prime Minister. -
Tailored Deterrence - a French Perspective
50 TAILORED DETERRENCE - A FRENCH PERSPECTIVE Bruno TERTRAIS France is not at the forefront of the debate within NATO on the future of deterrence and retains a fairly conservative nuclear policy. However, the evolution of the French nuclear deterrent has been largely in tune with US and UK policies. Nuclear Deterrence With Smaller Arsenals Nuclear weapons will remain the ultimate guarantee of a nation’s survival for the foreseeable future. There is no alternative means of defense on the horizon which may threaten in a credible way the complete destruction of a State as a coherent entity, in just a few minutes. Conventional weapons could conveivably do the job, but only through repeated and multiple raids and with a lesser guarantee of success. Moreover, conventional weapons cannot instill in the adversary’s mind the very peculiar fear induced by nuclear weapons. Biological weapons are arguably as scary as nuclear ones - and perhaps even more so, in particu- lar for public opinion. But their use can be controlled only with difficulty. More importantly, they are not able to physically destroy government buildings, factories, command posts and arsenals. Unless perhaps deployed in space in very large numbers, strategic defenses will not be effective against a large number of missiles equipped with decoys and multiple warheads. Finally, threatening some particular hardened targets will continue to be possible only by nuclear means. But future deterrence will be ensured with smaller nuclear arse- nals. In the coming twenty years, Western nuclear stockpiles will continue *Senior Research Fellow, Fondation pour la Recherche Stratégique, France. 51 to be reduced. -
Nuclear Warheads
OObservatoire des armes nucléaires françaises The Observatory of French Nuclear Weapons looks forward to the elimination of nuclear weapons in conformity with the aims of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. To that end, the Observatory disseminates follow-ups of information in the forms of pamphlets and entries on the World Wide Web: • on the evolution of French nuclear forces; • on the on-going dismantling of nuclear sites, weapons, production facilities, and research; • on waste management and environmental rehabilitation of sites; • on French policy regarding non-proliferation; • on international cooperation (NGO’s, international organizations, nations), toward the elimination of nuclear weapons; • on the evolution of the other nuclear powers’ arsenals. The Observatory of French Nuclear Weapons was created at the beginning of the year 2000 within the Center for Documentation and Research on Peace and Conflicts (CDRPC). It has received support from the W. Alton Jones Foundation and the Ploughshares Fund. C/o CDRPC, 187 montée de Choulans, F-69005 Lyon Tél. 04 78 36 93 03 • Fax 04 78 36 36 83 • e-mail : [email protected] Site Internet : www.obsarm.org Dépôt légal : mai 2001 - 1ère édition • édition anglaise : novembre 2001 ISBN 2-913374-12-3 © CDRPC/Observatoire des armes nucléaires françaises 187, montée de Choulans, 69005 Lyon (France) Table of contents The break-down of nuclear disarmament ....................................................................................................................................... 5 The -
Vito Marcantonio Part 3 of 25
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60 Years of Marine Nuclear Power: 1955
Marine Nuclear Power: 1939 - 2018 Part 4: Europe & Canada Peter Lobner July 2018 1 Foreword In 2015, I compiled the first edition of this resource document to support a presentation I made in August 2015 to The Lyncean Group of San Diego (www.lynceans.org) commemorating the 60th anniversary of the world’s first “underway on nuclear power” by USS Nautilus on 17 January 1955. That presentation to the Lyncean Group, “60 years of Marine Nuclear Power: 1955 – 2015,” was my attempt to tell a complex story, starting from the early origins of the US Navy’s interest in marine nuclear propulsion in 1939, resetting the clock on 17 January 1955 with USS Nautilus’ historic first voyage, and then tracing the development and exploitation of marine nuclear power over the next 60 years in a remarkable variety of military and civilian vessels created by eight nations. In July 2018, I finished a complete update of the resource document and changed the title to, “Marine Nuclear Power: 1939 – 2018.” What you have here is Part 4: Europe & Canada. The other parts are: Part 1: Introduction Part 2A: United States - Submarines Part 2B: United States - Surface Ships Part 3A: Russia - Submarines Part 3B: Russia - Surface Ships & Non-propulsion Marine Nuclear Applications Part 5: China, India, Japan and Other Nations Part 6: Arctic Operations 2 Foreword This resource document was compiled from unclassified, open sources in the public domain. I acknowledge the great amount of work done by others who have published material in print or posted information on the internet pertaining to international marine nuclear propulsion programs, naval and civilian nuclear powered vessels, naval weapons systems, and other marine nuclear applications. -
Nuclear Futures: Western European Options for Nuclear Risk Reduction
Nuclear futures: Western European options for nuclear risk reduction Martin Butcher, Otfried Nassauer & Stephen Young British American Security Information Council and the Berlin Information-center for Transatlantic Security (BITS), December 1998 Contents Acronyms and Abbreviations Executive Summary Chapter One: Nuclear Weapons and Nuclear Policy in Western Europe Chapter Two: The United Kingdom Chapter Three: France Chapter Four: Nuclear Co-operation Chapter Five: NATO Europe Chapter Six: Nuclear Risk Reduction in Western Europe Endnotes About the authors Martin Butcher is the Director of the Centre for European Security and Disarmament (CESD), a Brussels-based non-governmental organization. Currently, he is a Visiting Fellow at BASIC’s Washington office. Otfried Nassauer is the Director of the Berlin Information-center for Transatlantic Security (BITS). Stephen Young is a Senior Analyst as BASIC. Previously, he worked for 20/20 Vision and for ACCESS: A Security Information Service. He has a Masters in International Affairs from Columbia University, and a BA from Carleton College. Acknowledgements The authors would like to thank the many people who pro-vided help of various kinds during the writing of this report. They include: Nicola Butler, for her inestimable assistance; Ambassador James Leonard, for his helpful comments on the report’s recommendations; Professors Paul Rogers and Patricia Chilton, for their comments on early drafts; Daniel Plesch, for his comments on the entire report; and Camille Grand, for his guidance and support in compiling the section on France. Special thanks to Lucy Amis and Tanya Padberg for excellent proofing and copy-editing work, and to Christine Kucia and Kate Joseph for advice and assistance on the layout and design of the report. -
Nuclear Weapons in Europe: British and French Deterrence Forces in a European Context Has Come to the Fore in Recent Years
Questions about the meaning, role and utility of nuclear deterrence forces deterrence and French British in Europe: weapons Nuclear in a European context has come to the fore in recent years. Russia has reemphasized the role of a full-spectrum nuclear arsenal. This includes increased reliance on substrategic nuclear weapons for battlefield use, to compensate for its perceived inferiority in conventional armaments. In Europe, the main multilateral and intergovernmental institutions and cooperation have been put under strain as a result of several negative developments. As a consequence the UK and France, Europe’s two nuclear powers, are debating the role and composition of their respective deterrent forces. Multiple, complex security dilemmas, and the possibility that established alliances and partnerships might not be sufficiently reliable, inform the choices that have to be made. The study concludes that while the current arsenals will remain fundamental to national security, their long term futures are far from certain. Budgetary constraints, domestic politics, and strategic perceptions informed by national nuclear mentalities are the main factors determining the outcome and composition of French and British arsenals beyond 2030. Nuclear weapons in Europe: British and French deterrence forces Niklas Granholm, John Rydqvist FOI-R--4587--SE ISSN1650-1942 www.foi.se April 2018 Niklas Granholm John Rydqvist Nuclear weapons in Europe: British and French deterrence forces Bild/Cover: HMS Victorious returning to Clyde. Photo UK MoD. FOI-R--4587--SE Titel Kärnvapen I Europa: Storbritanniens och Frankrikes kärnvapenarsenaler Title Nuclear weapons in Europe: British and French deterrence forces Rapportnr/Report no FOI-R--4587--SE Månad/Month April Utgivningsår/Year 2018 Antal sidor/Pages 79 ISSN 1650-1942 Kund/Customer Försvarsdepartementet Forskningsområde 8. -
Introduction Background Further Details on MBDA And
[Unofficial English translation] Introduction The exclusion of EADS from the investment universe of the Government Pension Fund – Global has been reviewed. There is no longer a basis for exclusion of the company from investments related to involvement in the production of cluster munitions. The recommendation to exclude the company is however upheld because the company is involved in production of key components to nuclear weapons. Background On 16 June 2005, the Advisory Council on Ethics for the Government Petroleum Fund submitted its recommendation on exclusion of companies that are involved in the production of cluster munitions.1 The company EADS (European Aeronautic Defence and Space Company) was among the companies that were recommended for exclusion. The basis for the exclusion of EADS was that the company in a letter to Norges Bank dated June 8, 2005, stated that the company owned the company TDA in a joint venture with the company Thales S.A. Moreover, EADS stated that TDA produced the mortar ammunition PR Cargo, which the Council considered to be cluster ammunition according to the Fund’s ethical guidelines. In a new letter to Norges Bank, dated 21 March, 2006, EADS stated that the company no longer is an owner of TDA and, thus, that there is no longer a basis for exclusion of the company from investments related to involvement in production of cluster munitions. On 19 September 2005, the Council submitted its recommendation on exclusion of companies that develop and produce nuclear weapons.2 EADS is mentioned in this recommendation because of its ownership in the company MBDA and its involvement in the development of the nuclear missile M51. -
Technological Innovation for Defence and Security Defence and Security Businesses and Organisations in Bretagne Defence and Security, Bretagne at the Forefront
Defence & Security TECHNOLOGICAL INNOVATION for defence and security DEFENCE AND SECURITY BUSINESSES AND ORGANISATIONS IN BRETAGNE DEFENCE AND SECURITY, Bretagne at the forefront Morlaixixix Lannion Saint-Malo As France’s 5th industrial region, Brestt Guingamp DEFENCE AND SECURITY Bretagne has always been IN BRETAGNE: Saint-Brieuc prominent on the nation’s Chateaulin Dinan Fougères A COMPREHENSIVE Presqu'île maritime and military scene. This INDUSTRY de Crozon Loudéac Rennes is truer today than ever before since the region is making Quimper • DGA (government defence procurement Pontivy significant headway in the leading agency), Marine Nationale (French Navy) hi-tech sectors, drawing on the • 2 large groups - Thales and DCNS businesses that make it a key • 383 businesses (50% services Lorient player in defending France’s and research, 50% industry) Redon sovereignty. • The Pôle National d’Excellence Chateaubriant Vannes Cyber (national cyber area) • 7 innovation clusters • 11 grandes écoles and university Ancenis Saint-Nazaire establishments Nantes • 7 resource centres, platforms and technical centres TYPE OF ORGANISATION • 47 research teams Centre for technological innovation Source: CTCI Défense & Sécurité – May 2014 The CTCI Defence & Security is a an informal technical Business consultative body managed by Bretagne Développement Innovation. Its membership includes: IEF AERO, Bretagne Pôle Research team Naval, Direccte Bretagne, Pôle Mer Bretagne Atlantique, Images & Réseaux, Meito, Photonics Bretagne, the Chambre de Commerce Training -
L'importance De La Dissuasion Nucleaire Pour Le Tissu Industriel De
L’IMPORTANCE DE LA DISSUASION NUCLEAIRE POUR LE TISSU INDUSTRIEL DE DEFENSE FRANÇAIS1 COMITÉ : Comité Industrie de Défense – ANAJ-IHEDN Introduction Le 7 mars 1966, le Général de Gaulle annonçait la sortie de la France du commandement intégré de l’OTAN. Pour l’opinion publique, la surprise est totale. Le journal l’Aurore parle d’un « coup de poignard dans le dos » porté à nos alliés Américains, alors que le mécontentement de la population civile gronde également, déclenchant plusieurs manifestations sur le territoire français. En cause, plus de 50 000 emplois directs liés à la présence des bases américaines sur notre territoire. Néanmoins, la décision du Général est intimement liée à sa volonté de doter la France d’une force de frappe nucléaire indépendante et autonome à l’heure où le pays est encore doté d’ogives américaines dans le cadre de l’OTAN. Ainsi, si le premier essai nucléaire français – nom de code Gerboise bleue - a eu lieu en 1960, les dépenses en matière de dissuasion nucléaire vont peu à peu s’intensifier dans le but de doter le pays d’une arme fiable et efficace, en constante amélioration. 1967 sera l’année de tous les records, puisque la France consacre 1,2% de son PIB à l’arme atomique et aux moyens qui lui sont associés [1]. Les efforts budgétaires consentis paient rapidement. Le 24 août 1968, la première bombe H expérimentale française, Canopus, explose au-dessus de l’atoll de Fangataufa. La France expose au monde entier les progrès scientifiques de ses meilleurs atomistes. Au fil des années, c’est une véritable industrie qui s’érige ainsi sur le territoire afin de produire les éléments que nécessite la conception de cette force. -
Appendix 12A. World Nuclear Forces, 2005
Appendix 12A. World nuclear forces, 2005 SHANNON N. KILE and HANS M. KRISTENSEN* I. Introduction A decade and a half after the end of the cold war, eight states deploy more than 13 000 operational nuclear weapons (see table 12A.1). If all warheads are counted— operational warheads, spares, and those in both active and inactive storage—the eight states possess a total of roughly 27 600 warheads. In addition to these intact weapons, thousands more plutonium cores (pits) are stored as a strategic reserve. The nuclear arsenals vary in both size and capability, ranging from Russia’s 7360 operational weapons to those of India and Pakistan, whose combined arsenal still contains fewer than 100 warheads. Despite their different circumstances, however, all the eight states continue to maintain and modernize their arsenals and insist, publicly or covertly, that nuclear weapons play a crucial and enduring role for their national security. Both Russia and the United States are in the process of reducing their operational nuclear forces under the terms of the 1991 START I Treaty and the 2002 Strategic Offensive Reductions Treaty (SORT).1 China, India and Pakistan, on the other hand, may increase their arsenals somewhat over the next decade. France appears to have reached an equilibrium of some sort in the size of its arsenal, while the United King- dom will soon face a decision about the future of its nuclear arsenal. When the current Russian and US reductions have been completed, in 2012, these eight states (assuming no others have joined the ‘nuclear club’) will still possess a total of about 14 000 intact nuclear warheads. -
Third-Country Nuclear Forces and Possible Measures for Multilateral Arms Control
Third-Country Nuclear Forces and Possible Measures for Multilateral Arms Control Steven Pifer James Tyson The Brookings Institution 1775 Massachusetts Ave., NW Arms ControlWashington, and D.C. 20036 Non-Proliferationbrookings.edu Series Paper 12 • August 2016 Acknowledgments We want to express our deep gratitude to Robert Einhorn and Mi- chael O’Hanlon for reviewing drafts of this manuscript. We would also like to thank Gail Chalef and her colleagues at Brookings for their assistance in the production of this paper. The contents and recommendations are the authors’ own. Support for this publication was generously provided by the Ploughshares Fund and the Carnegie Corporation of New York. The Brookings Institution is a nonprofit organization devoted to indepen- dent research and policy solutions. Its mission is to conduct high-quality, independent research and, based on that research, to provide innovative, practical recommendations for policymakers and the public. The con- clusions and recommendations of any Brookings publication are solely those of its author(s), and do not reflect the views of the Institution, its management, or its other scholars. Brookings recognizes that the value it provides is in its absolute commit- ment to quality, independence, and impact. Activities supported by its donors reflect this commitment. Table of Contents Introduction and Executive Summary ...........................................1 Chapter 1: The Nuclear Arms Control Context...................................4 Chart: World Nuclear Warhead Numbers,