CHAPTER 7 Ellis Island: Arrival
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Politics in the Gilded Age
Politics in the Gilded Age MAIN IDEA WHY IT MATTERS NOW Terms & Names Local and national political Political reforms paved the way •political machine •James A. Garfield corruption in the 19th for a more honest and efficient •graft •Chester A. Arthur century led to calls for government in the 20th century •Boss Tweed •Pendleton Civil reform. and beyond. •patronage Service Act •civil service •Grover Cleveland •Rutherford B. •Benjamin Hayes Harrison One American's Story Mark Twain described the excesses of the late 19th centu- ry in a satirical novel, The Gilded Age, a collaboration with the writer Charles Dudley Warner. The title of the book has since come to represent the period from the 1870s to the 1890s. Twain mocks the greed and self-indulgence of his characters, including Philip Sterling. A PERSONAL VOICE MARK TWAIN AND CHARLES DUDLEY WARNER “ There are many young men like him [Philip Sterling] in American society, of his age, opportunities, education and abilities, who have really been educated for nothing and have let themselves drift, in the hope that they will find somehow, and by some sudden turn of good luck, the golden road to fortune. He saw people, all around him, poor yesterday, rich to-day, who had come into sud- den opulence by some means which they could not have classified among any of the regular occupations of life.” —The Gilded Age ▼ A luxurious Twain’s characters find that getting rich quick is more difficult than they had apartment thought it would be. Investments turn out to be worthless; politicians’ bribes eat building rises up their savings. -
Tenements City Sanitation
Growing Pains Tenements Tenements helped answer the growing demand for housing in major urban centers throughout the mid-1800s and early 1900s. While more affluent city residents were relocating to more desirable areas, immigrants were flooding into America’s cities. New York’s Lower East Side especially became the landing point of countless immigrant families. Former single-family homes were retrofitted and subdivided to accommodate multiple families. In some instances, new floors were added to the tops of the buildings and additions were added onto the backs to accommodate more people. At the same time, new tenement buildings were quite literally on the rise. Most tenements were five to seven stories tall, twenty-five feet wide, and one hundred feet deep. Buildings were built as close together as possible in an effort to maximize space. This resulted in limited air circulation. Most rooms in tenement buildings received no natural light. To make matters worse, the buildings were built quickly and inexpensively with poor or no plumbing and, in many instances, no fire escapes. Tenements facilitated the rapid spread of disease, as in 1849 when some five thousand people died from cholera in New York City. The proximity of these buildings, as well as their poor ventilation and building materials, also made them susceptible to fire. This was the case in Chicago in 1871 when a fire destroyed numerous city blocks. There were some early efforts to regulate tenements in the late 1860s, including the Tenement House Act that required buildings to have a minimum of one toilet for every twenty occupants. -
Political Party Machines of the 1920S and 1930S: Tom Pendergast and the Kansas City Democratic Machine
Political Party Machines of the 1920s and 1930s: Tom Pendergast and The Kansas City Democratic Machine. BY JOHN S. MATLIN. A thesis submitted to the University of Birmingham for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Department of American and Canadian Studies, School of Historical Studies, University of Birmingham. September, 2009. Table of Contents. Page No. Acknowledgments. 3. Abstract. 5. Introduction. 6. Chapter 1. A Brief History of American Local Government until the end of the Nineteenth Century. 37. Chapter 2. The Fall and Rise of Political Party Machines in the Progressive Era. 51. Chapter 3. Theories of Political Party Machines and Their Core Elements. 81. Chapter 4. “Bossism”: The Need for Strong Leadership. 107. Chapter 5. Patronage: The Boss’s Political Capital and Private Profit. 128. Chapter 6. Challengers to the Machine: Rabbi Mayerberg, The Charter League and Fusion Movement. 145. Chapter 7. Challenges from the Press. The Self-Appointed Role of Newspapers as Moral Watchdogs. 164. Chapter 8. Corruption: Machines and Elections. 193. Chapter 9. Corruption: Machine Business, Organized Crime and the Downfall of Tom Pendergast. 219. Chapter 10. Political Party Machines: Pragmatism and Ethics. 251. Conclusion. 264. Bibliography. 277. 2 Acknowledgments It is a rare privilege to commence university life after retirement from a professional career. At the age of 58, I enrolled at Brunel University on an American Studies course, assuming that I would learn little that I did not already know. My legal life had taken me to many of the states of America numerous times over the previous forty years. My four years at Brunel as an undergraduate and post-graduate opened my eyes about the United States in a way I had not thought possible. -
The Politics of the Gilded Age
Unit 3 Class Notes- The Gilded Age The Politics of the Gilded Age The term “Gilded Age” was coined by Mark Twain in 1873 to describe the era in America following the Civil War; an era that from the outside looked to be a fantastic growth of wealth, power, opportunity, and technology. But under its gilded (plated in gold) surface, the second half of the nineteenth century contained a rotten core. In politics, business, labor, technology, agriculture, our continued conflict with Native Americans, immigration, and urbanization, the “Gilded Age” brought out the best and worst of the American experiment. While our nation’s population continued to grow, its civic health did not keep pace. The Civil War and Reconstruction led to waste, extravagance, speculation, and graft. The power of politicians and their political parties grew in direct proportion to their corruption. The Emergence of Political Machines- As cities experienced rapid urbanization, they were hampered by inefficient government. Political parties organized a new power structure to coordinate activities in cities. • *** British historian James Bryce described late nineteenth-century municipal government as “the one conspicuous failure of the United States.” • Political machines were the organized structure that controlled the activities of a political party in a city. o City Boss: § Controlled the political party throughout the city § Controlled access to city jobs and business licenses • Example: Roscoe Conkling, New York City o Built parks, sewer systems, and water works o Provided -
The Boss Tactics of Matthew Stanley Quay
A Practical Politician: The Boss Tactics of Matthew Stanley Quay William Alan Blair The Pennsylvania State University, University Park During the 1880s, the Pennsylvania Republican leadership faced and sur- vived a serious challenge. The decade opened with a national convention that engendered revolt within the Republican machine. Many of the disaffected felt oppressed by the heavy-handed rule of the Camerons. Simmering resentment boiled over in 1880 as the Camerons pushed for the nomination of Ulysses S. Grant to a third term as president.! The next year, a reform movement called the Committee of One Hundred formed in Philadelphia. By 1882, a Democrat became governor in Pennsylvania; two years later, another Democrat gained the White House. In this time of uncertainty, a politician named Matthew Stanley Quay emerged from the shadow of Simon and Don Cameron to restore the state Republican party to power and preserve the machine's dynasty. At the time, Quay also faced an uncertain political future. As secretary of the Commonwealth, he had directed state affairs while Simon Cameron, followed by his sonJ. Donald, sat in the U.S. Senate. By 1884, the fifty-one-year-old Quay had dropped out of state office and lost an election for U.S. Congress. He stood to lose even more. Simon Cameron forsook the 1884 national convention, leaving his voting proxy not with Quay but with Chris Magee, a political boss in Pitts- burgh. Many read this as a sign that Cameron had selected a new lieutenant.2 Quay received the same message. Asked to interpret Cameron's action, Quay replied, "It means a fight for self-protection and self-preservation." 3 Quay's back- ground equipped him well for such a battle. -
Political Paralysis in the Gilded Age ᇻᇾᇻ 1869–1896
23 Political Paralysis in the Gilded Age ᇻᇾᇻ 1869–1896 Grant . had no right to exist. He should have been extinct for ages. That, two thousand years after Alexander the Great and Julius Caesar, a man like Grant should be called—and should actually and truly be— the highest product of the most advanced evolution, made evolution ludicrous. The progress of evolution, from President Washington to President Grant, was alone evidence enough to upset Darwin. Grant . should have lived in a cave and worn skins. HENRY ADAMS, THE EDUCATION OF HENRY ADAMS, 1907 he population of the post–Civil War Republic contin- Tued to vault upward by vigorous leaps, despite the awful bloodletting in both Union and Confederate The “Bloody Shirt” Elects Grant ranks. Census takers reported over 39 million people in 1870, a gain of 26.6 percent over the preceding decade, Wrangling between Congress and President Andrew as the immigrant tide surged again. The United States Johnson had soured the people on professional politicians was now the third-largest nation in the Western world, in the Reconstruction era, and the notion still prevailed ranking behind Russia and France. that a good general would make a good president. But the civic health of the United States did not keep Stubbly-bearded General Grant was by far the most popu- pace with its physical growth. The Civil War and its after- lar Northern hero to emerge from the war. Grateful math spawned waste, extravagance, speculation, and citizens of Philadelphia, Washington, and his hometown graft. Disillusionment ran deep among idealistic of Galena, Illinois, passed the hat around and in each Americans in the postwar era. -
Grade 11 Student Workbook
Student Workbook Name: Period: Model Lesson 1 Responses to Urban Political Machines Standard 11.2.4 1 2 Student Handout 1 Quick Write Directions: Answer the question that is written on the board. In your answer be sure to include three supporting details to help prove your point. _____________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________ 3 4 Document 1 Political Machines Directions: Read the information below. As you read, complete the items on Student Handout 2. Immigration and Migration During the last half of the nineteenth century millions of people moved to America’s cities. Immigrants from Europe, farmers, and African Americans from the south moved to cities. The growth of cities such as New York and Chicago led to new challenges for city governments as new demands were placed on city services such as fire, police, sewage, transportation, and water. In order to expand services, cities increased taxes and set up new offices to provide help. In this context, political machines arose. Control of Party Politics Political machines were groups that were designed -
Introduction
INTRODUCTION Government corruption is common in many new democracies in the developing and post-Soviet worlds and is not unknown in older, established democracies, including the United States. Government corruption is blamed for slowing economic growth and exacerbating inequality by inflating taxes and extra- legal exactions, distorting private markets, and preventing governments from providing public goods efficiently and in sufficient quantity.1 Corruption in democracies is often embedded in patronage based political institutions — large, hierarchical political parties, organized in many cases along ethnic or clan lines, in which political support is bought with material rewards such as access to government jobs and services. Today such political institutions exist in polities as diverse as the national governments of India, Japan, Mexico, and Italy and the city governments of Istanbul and Moscow, and are still active in sub- national U.S. governments, including the “outer boroughs” of New York City: Queens, Brooklyn and the Bronx (Newfield and Barrett 1988). A patronage based political party, in American parlance a “political machine,” is apparently able to insulate corrupt elected officials from voter ire by buying votes — granting favors to and making individual deals with a winning coalition of voters. Understanding the structure and impact of government corruption in democracies depends on understanding the political machine. American city government at the turn of the twentieth century provides an unparalleled opportunity to study how the ability to buy votes relaxes the constraints that voters otherwise impose on their government. At the beginning of the twentieth century, city governments in many, but not all, cities in the U.S. -
Political Bosses in Urban America: Corruption Or Contribution? Dennis L
Bridgewater Review Volume 2 | Issue 1 Article 6 Oct-1983 Political Bosses In Urban America: Corruption or Contribution? Dennis L. Lythgoe Bridgewater State College Recommended Citation Lythgoe, Dennis L. (1983). Political Bosses In Urban America: Corruption or Contribution?. Bridgewater Review, 2(1), 12-16. Available at: http://vc.bridgew.edu/br_rev/vol2/iss1/6 This item is available as part of Virtual Commons, the open-access institutional repository of Bridgewater State University, Bridgewater, Massachusetts. Political Bosses In Urban America Corruption or Contribution? by Dennis L. Lythgoe n the years following the Civil War, York both emerged from saloons. Sullivan Ise bosses were heavy contributors America's cities grew dramatically, not was nicknamed "Dry Dollar" because he W to Catholic parochial schools or I only because of the Industrial Revolu never laid a customer's change down until Jewish charities. Sometimes pastors even tion, but because of the influx of immigrants. he had carefully dried the bar top with his urged their parishioners to vote for machine The result was political chaos, and the part towel. Murphy increased his clientele by politicians. Bosses did favors for small time politician couldn't handle the change. serving a free bowl of soup with a five-cent businessmen, especially storekeepers. From this disorganization, the political boss, beer. George Cox of Cincinnati was the Restaurants, saloons, and delicatessens a distinctive breed, emerged. Even though owner of a saloon called "Dead Man's found the friendship of the boss invaluable in many bosses were involved in graft and Corner," where numerous killings had securing health department approval. -
Politics and Culture in Spain
5424 POLITICS AND CULTURE IN SPAIN Richard Gunther Ohio State University Ann Arbor: Center for Political Studies Institute for Social Research University of Michigan 1988 PREFACE Political Analysis: Cultural Dimensions U.S. Department of State Contract 1724-520100 Politics and Culture in Spain is the fifth monograph to be completed in the Politics and Culture Series series on the analysis of culture and politics in a variety of national settings. The Series Editor series is designed to further understanding of how culture helps shape political Samuel H. Barnes systems and behavior in selected countries. The monographs should be useful to analysts, diplomats, and others with extensive knowledge of the particular country 1. flarlr n Mfthpr Pnliiics and Culture in Thailand. as well as to those seeking an introduction. 2. Thomas M. Callaghy, politics and CilllUie in Zaire. 3. John P. Entelis, Politics and Culture in Morocco. 4. S. Victor Papacosma, Pjiliiicj ajid C^lrnrc in Greece. The Department of State selected the countries to be included in the series. 5. Richard Gunther. Politics and Culture in Spain. As series editor, I chose the authors of individual monographs and prepared a set of 6. Lars Schoultz. Politics and Culture in Argentina. guidelines developed in two conferences organized by the Office of Long-Range 7. William yimmprmnn, Eolitjgp and Culture in Yugoslavia. Assessments and Research at State and attended by government and academic specialists. The guidelines reflect my perspective on "Culture and Politics" as presented in a monograph with that title prepared as part of the project. That general work is available to those seeking more background on the topic. -
West Indians in New Jersey's Political Offic
BLACK, FOREIGN BORN AND ELECTED: WEST INDIANS IN NEW JERSEY’S POLITICAL OFFICES By HYACINTH MILLER A Thesis submitted to the Graduate School-Newark Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey in partial fulfillment of requirements For the degree of Master of Arts Graduate Program in Political Science Written under the direction of Professor Mara S. Sidney And approved by __________________ __________________ ____________________ Newark, New Jersey October 2014 ABSTRACT OF THE THESIS Black, Foreign-Born and Elected: West Indians in New Jersey’s Political Offices By Hyacinth Miller Thesis director: Dr. Mara S. Sidney This is the first research project in New Jersey to focus on West Indian elected officials. The primary goals were to gain an understanding of how they campaigned for office, whether and how they have maintained ties to their ethnic communities and how they self-identify. After exploring various facets of their lives including their immigration to the U.S., education, employment, desire to run for office and the political structure of New Jersey, I find that the typical West Indian elected official is a well- educated, oftentimes entrepreneurial, middle-aged community activist who shares strong ethnic ties in the States and back home. More often than not, they gain the confidence and support of key local political actors who help them to successfully secure office in both majority white and majority co-ethnic communities. ii Acknowledgements Without the guidance and insight from Caribbean-born elected officials in New York City and New Jersey, this project would not have been possible. Particularly, I would like to thank the elected officials with whom I have worked, former New York City Council Members Dr. -
On the Absence of Economic Populism in Colombia
This PDF is a selection from an out-of-print volume from the National Bureau of Economic Research Volume Title: The Macroeconomics of Populism in Latin America Volume Author/Editor: Rudiger Dornbusch and Sebastian Edwards, editors Volume Publisher: University of Chicago Press Volume ISBN: 0-226-15843-8 Volume URL: http://www.nber.org/books/dorn91-1 Conference Date: May 18-19, 1990 Publication Date: January 1991 Chapter Title: On the Absence of Economic Populism in Colombia Chapter Author: Miguel Urrutia Chapter URL: http://www.nber.org/chapters/c8305 Chapter pages in book: (p. 369 - 391) 11 On the Absence of Economic Populism in Colombia Miguel Urrutia 11.1 Introduction When I first discussed the organization of this volume with Rudiger Dorn- busch and Sebastian Edwards, I pointed out that populist macroeconomic pol- icies had not been the norm in all of South America and supported that point of view by stating that in Colombia such policies had never been tried. The result of the discussion was that I was asked to write a paper showing the absence of populist macroeconomics in Colombia, and to explain that phe- nomenon. In the first part of this paper I try to show the absence of populist economics in Colombia, and in the second part I present some hypotheses of how this may have come about. Colombia is an atypical Latin American country in many ways. Carlos Diaz Alejandro (1985, p. vii) wrote that “Social Scientists have had a difficult time fitting Colombian development experience of the last thirty years into fashion- able categories such as monetarism, structuralism, bureaucratic-authoritarian- ism, and such.” Indeed, except for two short periods of military government, it has been a democracy for over 160 years.