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A Preliminary Report on Fieldwork in the Northern Tuli Game Reserve, Northeastern Botswana

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A Preliminary Report on Fieldwork in the Northern Tuli Game Reserve, Northeastern Botswana South African Archaeological Bulletin 68 (197): 63–71, 2013 63 Field and Technical Report A PRELIMINARY REPORT ON FIELDWORK IN THE NORTHERN TULI GAME RESERVE, NORTHEASTERN BOTSWANA TIM FORSSMAN St. Hugh’s College, University of Oxford, OX2 6LE, United Kingdom E-mail: [email protected] (Received July 2012. Revised February 2013) INTRODUCTION There has been a great deal of archaeological research conducted on the Greater Mapungubwe Landscape, an area which includes northern South Africa, northeastern Botswana and southwestern Zimbabwe (Fig. 1). Most of this research has been conducted on the South African side of the border (Fouché 1937; Hanisch 1980, 1981a; Eastwood & Cnoops 1999; Calabrese 2000a,b; Hall & Smith 2000; Huffman 2000, 2007, 2008, 2009; Wood 2000; Kuman et al. 2005; Van Doornum 2005, 2007, 2008; Eastwood & Eastwood 2006; Schoeman 2006; Kempson 2007; Forssman 2010). Immediately to the north of the Limpopo River, in Botswana and Zimbabwe, little work has been conducted even though a number of sites have been identified (see Huffman 2008). Zimbabwe has seen some studies focusing on the agricultural sequence (e.g. Robinson 1966; Garlake 1967; Manyanga et al. 2000; Manyanga 2006) and excavations have been performed at a small number of FIG. 1. The Greater Mapungubwe Landscape and sites mentioned in the text. LSA sites (e.g. Robinson 1964; Cooke & Simons 1969; Walker & Thorp 1997; Thorp 2010). The least studied part of this land- scape is in Botswana where only a few excavations at agricul- turalist homesteads (Van Waarden 1979, 1980; Voigt & Plug 1981; Kinahan et al. 1998; Kinahan 2000; Mosothwane 2011) and a single LSA excavation (Walker 1994) have been reported. The Greater Mapungubwe Landscape witnessed significant cultural changes between AD 900 and 1300 leading to the apparent disappearance of the indigenous foraging culture (Van Doornum 2005: 196) and the formation of complex agro-pastoral state societies (Huffman 2000). In this paper recent findings from a large project in the Northern Tuli Game Reserve, Botswana (Fig. 2) are presented in order to demonstrate the rich archaeology of the region and contribute to our under- standing of the local prehistory. BACKGROUND LOCAL ENVIRONMENT FIG. 2. Location of Northern Tuli. Northern Tuli is a 72 000 ha game reserve most of which is located between the Motloutse and Shashe Rivers in northeastern tree (Xanthecercis zambesiaca) and vachellia. The area is charac- Botswana. Its southern and northeastern boundaries are teristically hot and dry with an average maximum temperature the international borders with South Africa and Zimbabwe, of around 32°C in summer and 22°C during winter (Hanisch respectively. The area is composed primarily of undulating 1981b) and an average rainfall of between 320 and 350 mm per basalt ridges except along the Limpopo and Motloutse Rivers annum (Huffman 2008). where shear deformation along the Limpopo Mobile Belt (Mc- Carthy & Rubridge 2005: 37) has exposed the underlying PREVIOUS ARCHAEOLOGICAL RESEARCH Clarens Sandstone Complex and formed koppies and sand- There have been a number of surveys conducted in Northern stone ridges (Le Baron et al. 2010). Dense stands of Mopane tree Tuli, but most of these findings remain unpublished. The bulk (Colophospermum mopane) dominate the local vegetation with of the surveying was performed by Grant Hall during his vachellia (previously known as acacia) shrubland in flood- employment at the Mashatu Game Reserve. From his work he plains and on disturbed land (Alexander 1984). The northern produced an unpublished report (G. Hall 2003) in which he basalt zone is only broken by the Pitsani, Njaswe and Mojale discusses the Mmamagwa complex, 46 agriculturalist home- Rivers along which fertile floodplains can be found in certain steads that he was able to identify which include Zhizo, K2, areas. Along the river networks are riverine forests comprising Mapungubwe, Khami and Venda period sites (Table 1), and a mostly Croton spp., apple-leaf (Lonchocarpus capassa), nyala glass bead assemblage collected from the Mmamagwa complex 64 South African Archaeological Bulletin 68 (197): 63–71, 2013 TABLE 1. Chronology of major ceramic facies found in the area. as the artefact’s size and colour (Banning et al. 2006). This has led some researchers to question the quality of data produced Ceramic facies Date (AD) Reference by archaeological surveys (Cowgill 1989) and ask what in fact these finds actually represent (Wandsnider & Camilli 1992). Happy Rest 350–600 Hanisch 1981a Zhizo 750–1050 Calabrese 2000a Most researchers, however, do agree that many of the issues Leokwe 1050–1220 Calabrese 2000a surrounding an archaeological survey can be overcome by a Toutswe 1050–1300 Huffman 2007: 151 well-structured survey technique (Sampson 1985) and there K2 1000–1200 Huffman 2007: 279 are a number of techniques that a surveyor can choose from. Transitional K2 1200–1250 Huffman 2007: 279 Mapungubwe 1250–1300 Calabrese 2000b Google Earth has been used to plot stone-walled settlements Icon 1350–1400 Huffman 2010 and to identify their different architectural styles (Sadr & Khami 1400–1800 Huffman 2012 Rodier 2012) as well as aerial photography to identify agricul- Venda (Letaba) 1600 until present Loubser 1991 turalist homesteads (Denbow 1984). Chemical analysis of soils such as phosphate testing (Wells et al. 2000) is also a useful and analysed by Marilee Wood (2005). There have been two technique as is the use of test pits (Nance & Ball 1986) to identify additional surveys conducted by Ed Eastwood along the areas of human activity that are not visible on the surface. How- Motloutse River and by Cynthia Mooketsi (2009) in the western ever, foot surveying is argued as the best technique for any portion of Mashatu near to the Mmamagwa complex. archaeological survey (Foley 1981; Reid & Segobye 2000). There In addition to the surveys there have been a few excava- are a number of ways that a foot survey can be undertaken and tions. The earliest of these was Van Waarden’s (1979, 1980) includes surveying vegetation or geological zones (Sampson excavations at Leeukop as part of a project sponsored by Trent 1985; Lane 1996), specific features of the landscape such as University. The site is about 1.6 km northwest of Mmamagwa koppies (Forssman 2010) or walking in transects (Bintliff & and was occupied by agriculturalists during the 19th century Snodgrass 1988). with a possible early 17th century component and may have been used as a rain-control site. Over 40 pole and daga struc- SURVEY METHOD tures were found along with several middens and a large as- Two survey techniques were used in this project: foot and semblage of ceramics, beads and a number of human burials. vehicle surveys. Not all of Northern Tuli was surveyed due to Commando Kop, which is situated approximately 22 km north- its size and the project’s time constraints. Only Tuli Safari east of Leeukop and along the Pitsani River, was excavated as Lodge (2143 ha) and Uitspan South (794 ha) were surveyed part of the same project (Voigt & Plug 1981). The site has a completely on foot with the northern portion of Tuli surveyed primary Zhizo occupation with 11 associated human burials in a vehicle. The Mashatu Game Reserve (25 018 ha) was also but also has Leopard Kopje ceramics. During the Second Anglo- surveyed but not in its entirety. Mashatu was divided up into Boer War the site was used as a canon station (Huffman 2012) 1 × 1 minute squares using a 1:50 000 topographic map (Fig. 3). because of its elevated position on Pitsani Hill overlooking In each square terrain ruggedness (as indicated by the total Bryce’s store 2 km south along the river where an intense battle length of contour lines), hill ranges, the dominant geology and occurred in 1899 (Hickman 1972). Fortunately, the temporary soil type, the number of koppies, known sites and possible sites war-time use of Pitsani Hill did not damage the site signifi- were recorded. Based on the presence, absence and combina- cantly (Voigt & Plug 1981). tion of these attributes certain squares were selected for foot More recently Nick Walker (1994) excavated Tuli Lodge and surveying. The intention was to cover not only areas where Morongwa Mosothwane (2011) Cut Line Rock, both near the sites were known or expected to occur but also a representative Limpopo River. Mosothwane’s (2011) excavation in 2008 was sample of the different ecological zones. The area around limited to the removal of a naturally mummified human body Mmamagwa was completely surveyed in order to gain a better later found to be a male between the ages of 40 and 60 years. understanding of site distribution around this important The remains were removed from a homestead that contains farmer site and to test whether there is a greater density of Khami ceramics and was likely occupied between AD 1400 forager sites from within the last 2000 years around the and 1800. At Tuli Lodge Nick Walker (1994) excavated two 1 × Mmamagwa settlement (see Reid & Segobye 2000). Figure 4 1 m squares to a depth of 30 cm and recovered 14 379 lithics presents a map of the foot and vehicle surveys. which include 4912 chips (34.16%) and 441 formal tools (4.66%). He noted a decline of backed pieces relative to scrapers in upper levels. The assemblage also included Bambata sherds and what Walker (1994) calls Mapungubwe/Zimbabwe ware as well as large amounts of copper slag. ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY Surveying for archaeological sites is the primary phase of any archaeological work (Tartaron 2003), and the inspection and identification of sites is an integral step before any excava- tion (Wandsnider & Camilli 1992). Some scholars have even suggested that surveying is more important than excavating (Alcock & Cherry 2004) but it is not without its limitations (Lewarch & O’Brien 1981; Sullivan et al.
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