Martha Nussbaum's Outcome-Oriented Theory of Justice
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Intercollegiate Political Philosophy Lectures
This handout can be downloaded at www.ucl.ac.uk/~uctyvmd/Handout.pdf Intercollegiate Political Philosophy Lectures Looking Again at Rawls’s Theory of Justice Room 421, Birkbeck Main Building Thursdays 11-12, Weeks 1-5, Autumn Term 2004-2005 Véronique Munoz-Dardé Department of Philosophy, UCL E-mail: [email protected] Office Hours: Mondays 11-12 These lectures will be devoted to Justice as Fairness, Rawls’s conception of justice, as developed in the revised edition of A Theory of Justice (1999, hereafter, in all handouts, TJ) and Justice as Fairness a Restatement (2001, hereafter JFR). The purpose of these lectures is to come to an understanding of the fundamental ideas of Rawls’s approach, and how they fit together: the Original Position, Reflective Equilibrium, the Basic Structure, the Difference Principle, Reasonable Overlapping Consensus, the difference between Political Liberalism and Comprehensive Liberalism, etc… We will do this by going back and forth between TJ and the mature statement of the theory in JFR. In Rawls’s own words in the preface of JFR: In this work I have two aims. One is to rectify the more serious faults in A Theory of Justice that have obscured the main ideas of justice as fairness, as I called the conception of justice presented in that book. Since I still have confidence in those ideas and think the more important difficulties can be met, I have undertaken this reformulation. […] The other aim is to connect into one unified statement the conception of justice presented in Theory and the main ideas in my essays beginning with 1974. -
Feminism for the 99 Percent
- ESTO ;:.iii POLITICS / FEMINISM ",,::: $12.95/ £7.99/ $17.50CAN THIS IS Feminism for AMANIFESTO the 99 Percent FOR THE 99 PERCENT Unaffordable housing, poverty wages, inad equate healthcare, border policing, climate change-these are not what you ordinarily hear feminists talking about. But aren't they the biggest issues for the vast majority of women around the globe? Taking as its inspiration the new wave of fem inist militancy that has erupted globally, this manifesto makes a simple but powerful case: feminism shouldn't start-or stop-with the drive to have women represented at the top of their professions. It must focus on those at the bottom, and fight for the world they deserve. And that means targeting capitalism. Feminism must be anticapitalist, eco-socialist and anti racist. Feminism for the 99 Percent A Manifesto Cinzia Arruzza Tithi Bhattacharya Nancy Fraser VERSO London • New York For the Combahee River Collective, who envisioned the path early on and for the Polish and Argentine feminist strikers, who are breaking new ground today First published by Verso 2019 © Cinzia Arruzza, Tithi Bhattacharya, Nancy Fraser 2019 All rights reserved The moral rights of the authors have been asserted 1 3 5 79 10 8 642 Verso UK: 6 Meard Street, London W1F OEG US: 20 Jay Street, Suite 10lD, Brooklyn, NY 11201 versobooks.com Verso is the imprint of New Left Books ISBN-13: 978·1-78873-442-4 ISBN-13: 978-1-78873-444-8 (UK EBK) ISBN-13: 978-1-78873-445-5 (US EBK) British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book -
An Evaluative Framework for Social Justice in Higher Education Teaching and Learning
An Evaluative Framework for Social Justice in Higher Education Teaching and Learning Vivienne Bozalek and Brenda Leibowitz Colloquium on Hopeful Pedagogies 19 November 2010 Introduction In this presentation/paper we would like to address the following two questions in relation to social justice in higher education teaching and learning: What framework would be useful to make judgements about whether institutional contexts are conducive to student flourishing and wellbeing ? What sorts of practices and considerations would need to be implemented in the South African context in order to achieve student flourishing and wellbeing? The importance of analysing moral frameworks Alert us to what is important in social arrangements in higher education Provide the means to weigh up and make complex moral and political judgements about the adequacy of social arrangements for human well-being Examine taken-for-granted assumptions Examine limitations of conceptions Introduction In this paper/presentation we examine the usefulness of certain normative frameworks relating to social justice and care: The human capabilities approach of Nussbaum and Sen Nancy Fraser’s concept of justice The political ethics of care as developed by theorists such as Tronto and Sevenhuijsen We argue that all of these approaches are useful for developing a framework through which judgements about the adequacy of care, participation and human flourishing can be made regarding teaching and learning in particular higher education contexts Social justice, the ethics of care and difference Social Justice approaches are traditionally concerned with how social resources are distributed in society Partially useful as no accommodation of difference The idea of ‘rational economic man’ who is disembodied, autonomous, independent and equal is the normative ideal of a citizen that John Rawls had in mind. -
The Contribution of Nancy Fraser's Critical Theory to the Philosophical
The contribution of Nancy Fraser’s critical theory to the philosophical foundations of Anti-discrimination law * Alberto Coddou Mc Manus (abogado, Universidad de Chile; master en Derecho, LLM, New York University; PhD candidate, University College of London). El presente trabajo es una primera versión de un capítulo que forma parte de mi tesis de doctorado. Se pide a los lectores no difundir ni citar el texto sin mi permiso. Cualquier comentario adicional pueden enviarlo al correo electrónico [email protected] Table of Contents Introduction ......................................................................................................................................................... 1 The Philosophical Attraction of ADL ......................................................................................................... 3 The critical social theory of Nancy Fraser ............................................................................................ 11 Introduction: non-reformist reforms ................................................................................................. 11 Does she have a particular theory of law? ....................................................................................... 15 ADL as an anti-misrecognition device ............................................................................................... 15 Conclusion ......................................................................................................................................................... -
Care, Work, and the Road to Equality: a Commentary on Fineman and Williams
Chicago-Kent Law Review Volume 76 Issue 3 Symposium on the Structures of Care Article 7 Work April 2001 Care, Work, and the Road to Equality: A Commentary on Fineman and Williams Michael Selmi Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.kentlaw.iit.edu/cklawreview Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Michael Selmi, Care, Work, and the Road to Equality: A Commentary on Fineman and Williams, 76 Chi.- Kent L. Rev. 1557 (2001). Available at: https://scholarship.kentlaw.iit.edu/cklawreview/vol76/iss3/7 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarly Commons @ IIT Chicago-Kent College of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Chicago-Kent Law Review by an authorized editor of Scholarly Commons @ IIT Chicago-Kent College of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. CARE, WORK, AND THE ROAD TO EQUALITY: A COMMENTARY ON FINEMAN AND WILLIAMS MICHAEL SELMI* In recent years, an important literature has emerged involving the relation between work and family, and how that relation or intersection affects women and their quest for gender equality. Joan Williams and Martha Fineman have significantly helped shape that literature, both in their prior work and in their contributions to this Symposium. It is indeed a daunting task to respond to the two contributions by Fineman and Williams,' particularly since I agree with much of what they have written. For instance, I strongly support any effort to increase public support for childcare, though not necessarily in the form of subsidies to enable women to stay home with their children beyond a limited period following the birth or adoption of a child, and I likewise agree that the workplace should be restructured to better incorporate the idea that workers have children and other dependents, and will need to spend time caring for those children and dependents. -
Justice As Fairness, Utilitarianism, and Mixed Conceptions
1 Justice as fairness, utilitarianism, and mixed conceptions David O. Brink It would be hard to overstate the philosophical significance of John Rawls’s TJ.1 It articulates and defends an egalitarian conception of liberalism and distributive justice that consists of two principles of justice: a principle of equal basic liberties and a principle that distributes social and economic goods and opportunities so as to be to the greatest benefit of the least advantaged. Rawls defends this liberal egalitarian conception of justice primarily as an alternative to utilitarianism.2 He situates his defense of this liberal egalitarian conception of justice within the social contract tradition by arguing that his principles of distributive justice would be preferred to utilitarianism and other Thanks to David Estlund, Tim Hinton, Theron Pummer, and Paul Weithman for comments on an earlier draft. I learned much of what I know about the appeal and resources of justice as fairness while I was at MIT in the late 1980s and early 1990s, especially from interactions with John Rawls, Tim Scanlon, Derek Parfit, and my (then) colleague Joshua Cohen. This essay develops ideas in lectures that I gave on justice as fairness during that period, which Tim Hinton attended and discussed with me. 1 Unless otherwise noted, all references to Rawls will be to TJ. The second edition (TJR) was published in 1999. Because the section numbering is the same in the two editions, I will refer to TJ using section numbers as much as possible. Rawls offers a restatement and reinterpret- ation of justice as fairness in JFR. -
The Idea of Public Reason Resuscitated
William & Mary Bill of Rights Journal Volume 10 (2001-2002) Issue 3 Article 5 April 2002 The Idea of Public Reason Resuscitated James P. Madigan Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmborj Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, and the First Amendment Commons Repository Citation James P. Madigan, The Idea of Public Reason Resuscitated, 10 Wm. & Mary Bill Rts. J. 719 (2002), https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmborj/vol10/iss3/5 Copyright c 2002 by the authors. This article is brought to you by the William & Mary Law School Scholarship Repository. https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmborj THE IDEA OF PUBLIC REASON RESUSCITATED James P. Madigan In this Article, James Madigan examines the role ofpublic reason in a democratic government, including what views shouldplay a role in determining public reason. Madigan criticizesJohn Rawls for including comprehensive views in constitutionaldebates, and argues that only reasonsgrounded in politicalvalues should be used when debatingconstitutional issues and fundamental rights. I standfor the separation of church and state, and the reason that I standfor that is the same reason that I believe ourforefathers did. It is not there to protect religionfrom the grasp of government, but to protect our governmentfrom the grasp of religiousfanaticism. I may be an atheist, but that does not mean I do not go to church. I do go to church. The church Igo to is the one that emancipated the slaves. It gave women the right to vote. It gave us every freedom that we hold dear. My church is this very chapel of democracy that we sit in together, and I do not need God to tell me what are my moral absolutes. -
Beyond Hegemonic Economic Man
BEYOND HEGEMONIC ECONOMIC MAN: ECONOMIC CRISIS, FEMINIST ECONOMICS, AND THE SOLIDARITY ECONOMY Julie Matthaei Professor of Economics Wellesley College Co-Founder and Boardmember U.S. Solidarity Economy Network [email protected] March 15, 2012 2 BEYOND HEGEMONIC ECONOMIC MAN: ECONOMIC CRISIS, FEMINIST ECONOMICS, AND THE SOLIDARITY ECONOMY1 At a panel celebrating the 15th anniversary of Feminist Economics at the 2009 Boston IAFFE meetings, Lourdes Beneria asked: “What does it mean to build an economy that moves beyond economic man?”2 This is a key question for feminist economists, especially in the current economic crisis, and one which I will try to answer here. I write here as a long-term researcher and teacher of feminist economics, and charter member of IAFFE – and as a solidarity economy organizer and researcher, who co-founded the US Solidarity Economy Network in 2007, currently serves on its board, and coordinates its research and policy working group. FEMINIST ECONOMICS AND THE LIMITS OF WOMEN’S LIBERATION WITHIN CAPITALISM In the US and most “developed countries,” feminist movement and feminist economists have focused on empowering women within the existing global capitalist system. This has involved conceptualizing and documenting sex discrimination; advocating for equal rights and opportunities for women; analyzing and emphasizing the economic value of unpaid care work and informal work, and advocating its inclusion in macroeconomic analysis; analyzing the conflicts 1 This article is based on a paper presented at the 2009 IAFFE Meetings in Boston, Massachusetts. I want to thank Barbara Brandt, Madeleine Brumley, Dick Westra, Prue Hyman, Nancy Folbre, Julie Nelson, Lourdes Beneria, Sudya Reddy, Mike Menser, Mike Lewis, Ann Ferguson, Sumitra Shah, Deirdre McCloskey, Gunseli Berik, the associate editor, and the three anonymous reviewers for their insightful and constructive comments and encouragement. -
Tucker, Ericka. “Feminist Political Theory,” in Michael Gibbons (Ed.) the Encyclopedia of Political Thought
Tucker, Ericka. “Feminist Political Theory,” in Michael Gibbons (ed.) The Encyclopedia of Political Thought. New York: Wiley Blackwell, 2011: 1033- 1036 Feminist Political Theory Ericka Tucker Cal Poly Pomona University [email protected] 7269 Feminist Political Theory Born out of the struggles of the feminist movements of the 20th century, feminist political theory is characterized by its commitment to expanding the boundaries of the political. Feminism, as a political movement, works to fight inequality and the social, cultural, economic, and political subordination of women. The goal of feminist politics is to end the domination of women through critiquing and transforming institutions and theories that support women’s subordination. Feminist political theory is a field within both feminist theory and within political theory that takes a feminist approach to traditional questions within political philosophy, contemporary and historical. In this entry, I will explore the nature of feminist political theory by asking two questions: what is feminist about feminist political theory, and what is specifically political about feminist political theory. What is ‘feminist’ about feminist political theory? What surprises many who are unfamiliar with feminist political theory is that it’s not just about women or gender. There are no strict necessary and sufficient conditions for being ‘feminist’, due both to the nature of categories and to the myriad developments, orientations and approaches within feminism. Certainly, understanding and analyzing the political effects of gendered contexts is an important field of feminist political theory; however, feminist theory, and hence feminist political theory, is about more than gender. Feminist political theorists are found throughout the academy Tucker, Ericka. -
Considerations of Social Justice: Primary Goods & Functional
Considerations of Social Justice: Primary Goods & Functional Capabilities Considerations of social justice within liberal frameworks are often bound up with the notion of equality of opportunity. Equality of opportunity within liberal theory is generally discussed as requiring the determination of principles, or procedures to be used in distributing general “means-goods” such as income and wealth in the society. These may be called “means-goods” because they have no intrinsic value. They are means to realising various ends, and they are “general” insofar as they can be used to realise a wide range of possible ends. John Rawls exemplified this by treating the question of distributive justice principally in terms of the distribution of “primary social goods” such as income and wealth. This understanding of the problem of social justice is theoretically adequate, but too narrow in practice. In theory, Rawls posited that citizens would have developed moral powers (a sense of justice and a capacity to form conception of the good), would view each other as similarly free and equal, and be normal co-operating members of society. In practice, these assumptions regarding citizen capacities are too strong; and have the effect of conflating poverty with disadvantage. Building on the work of Amartya Sen and Martha Nussbaum, I argue that prior to, and in addition to questions of general means-goods, the problem of social justice requires attention to the development and maintenance of basic human functional capabilities. The reason for this is that “primary social goods” define a person’s advantage in terms of being “well-off”, rather in terms of “well-being”. -
Department of English IQAC Ppt 2017-18
Department Audit AQAR, 2017-18 DEPARTMENT OF ENGLISH COMPILED DATA S. No Query Response 1 Number of members who did Refresher/ Orientation course 3 2 Number of participation and/or publication at International/National /State level Conferences/ 6 Symposia 3 Number of publications in International/National journals or e-journals 6 4 Details of any major/minor research project or any other research fund: whether completed, 0 ongoing or submitted along with the sanctioned grant amount with the name of the funding agency 5 No. of books published or Chapters edited with or without ISBN no 4 6 No. of Conferences/Seminars organised by the department with the name of the sponsoring 1 agency 7 No. of faculty served as experts, chairpersons or resource persons 6 8 No. of research awards/recognitions received by faculty 0 9 No. of faculty who are Ph. D guides and students registered under them 0 1. PARTICIPATION IN REFRESHER / ORIENTATION PROGRAMMES S. Faculty Name Detail Venue Duration No 1 Dr. Sharon Refresher Course (Interdisciplinary) in Women's UGC-HRD, JNU 9 Oct- 3 Nov, 2017 Pillai Studies A Grade 2 Aneesha Puri Faculty Development Programme titled "Teaching Department of English at Atma 16th October 2017 Crime Fiction: Texts and Methodologies" Ram Sanatan Dharama College, University of Delhi Faculty Development Programme on "Literature Department of English at Kalindi 16th February 2018 and Cinema" College, University of Delhi Faculty Development Programme on "Emerging Research Jesus and Mary College, DU 3-4 May, 2018 Methodologies in Social Sciences" (CONTINUED) S. Faculty Name Detail Venue Duration No 3 Sameera Faculty Development Programme on "Literature Department of English at Kalindi 16th February 2018 Mehta and Cinema" College, University of Delhi 2. -
Nancy Fraser on Redistribution and Recognition
Contemporary Pragmatism Editions Rodopi Vol. 2, No. 2 (December 2005), 127–144 © 2005 From Folk Psychology to Deontology: Nancy Fraser on Redistribution and Recognition Mitchell Aboulafia Nancy Fraser has challenged the view that issues of identity are more central to political and social reform than attention to economic disparities. Fraser proposes a status model of recognition that treats recognition as a question of justice, rather than as a question of self- realization. In addition to appealing to the deontological, she also draws on folk paradigms and addresses them in a manner that reflects a sympathy with pragmatism. This article highlights difficulties that Fraser faces by incorporating the deontological in a model that has affinities to pragmatism. According to Nancy Fraser, identity theorists have expanded our idea of what justice entails, but they have done so at a price. Commitments to economic justice, which have traditionally informed critical theory and leftist politics, have been replaced by concerns about recognition and difference. To the delight of neo-liberals and neo-conservatives, this has led to questions of redistribution being left by the wayside. In her article, “Rethinking Recognition,” Fraser frames the problem this way. Claims for the recognition of difference now drive many of the world’s social conflicts.... Why today, after the demise of Soviet-style communism and the acceleration of globalization, do so many conflicts take this form? Why do so many movements couch their claims in the idiom of recognition? To pose this question is also to note the relative decline in claims for egalitarian redistribution. Once the hegemonic grammar of political contestation, the language of distribution is less salient today...