DOCSLIB.ORG

Justice As Fairness, Utilitarianism, and Mixed Conceptions

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Justice As Fairness, Utilitarianism, and Mixed Conceptions 1 Justice as fairness, utilitarianism, and mixed conceptions David O. Brink It would be hard to overstate the philosophical significance of John Rawls’s TJ.1 It articulates and defends an egalitarian conception of liberalism and distributive justice that consists of two principles of justice: a principle of equal basic liberties and a principle that distributes social and economic goods and opportunities so as to be to the greatest benefit of the least advantaged. Rawls defends this liberal egalitarian conception of justice primarily as an alternative to utilitarianism.2 He situates his defense of this liberal egalitarian conception of justice within the social contract tradition by arguing that his principles of distributive justice would be preferred to utilitarianism and other Thanks to David Estlund, Tim Hinton, Theron Pummer, and Paul Weithman for comments on an earlier draft. I learned much of what I know about the appeal and resources of justice as fairness while I was at MIT in the late 1980s and early 1990s, especially from interactions with John Rawls, Tim Scanlon, Derek Parfit, and my (then) colleague Joshua Cohen. This essay develops ideas in lectures that I gave on justice as fairness during that period, which Tim Hinton attended and discussed with me. 1 Unless otherwise noted, all references to Rawls will be to TJ. The second edition (TJR) was published in 1999. Because the section numbering is the same in the two editions, I will refer to TJ using section numbers as much as possible. Rawls offers a restatement and reinterpret- ation of justice as fairness in JFR. Though JFR corrects TJ in places, its main point is to reinterpret justice as fairness as part of a specifically political conception of liberalism that aims to justify liberal essentials by identifying an overlapping consensus among different comprehensive religious, moral, and political commitments. This political reinterpretation of justice as fairness seems largely orthogonal to my main concern with the contractual argument for justice as fairness in TJ. I will take notice of JFR only insofar as it seems to bear directly on the reasoning within the contractual argument. 2 Rawls also defends justice as fairness against libertarian conceptions of justice. The libertarian conception gives moral significance, as justice as fairness does not, to the morally arbitrary effects of the natural and social lotteries – the distribution of natural talents and of social class and advantage (§§12–13). The argument against libertarian conceptions is an important part of the case for justice as fairness. Nonetheless, Rawls regards utilitarianism as the main rival to justice as fairness, both inside and outside the contractual argument, and the argument against libertarianism is largely a contract-independent argument. So in reconstructing and assessing Rawls’s contractual argument for justice as fairness, I will focus on the contrast with utilitar- ianism, largely ignoring his interesting and important discussion of libertarianism. Justice as Fairness 19 rivals by parties to a social contract in which they were represented fairly, that is, as free and equal moral persons. This explains why Rawls calls his conception justice as fairness and the importance of the hypothetical original position as a way of modeling a fair initial position from which principles of justice might be selected. Rawls thinks not only that justice as fairness would be preferred to utilitarianism in a fair social contract but also that it provides a better reconstruction than utilitarianism of our considered views about individual rights and justice. Though Rawls’s primary focus is on the justice of the basic structure of society, his critique of utilitarianism, his contractu- alist methodology, and his defense of equal basic rights have had much wider philosophical influence, extending to a variety of issues in ethical theory and normative ethics. In this way, the publication of TJ transformed and reinvigorated ethics as well as political philosophy. Any assessment of justice as fairness must address the adequacy of Rawls’s contractual argument for his two principles of justice and against utilitarian rivals. In this context it is worth noting that Rawls has two kinds of ambition. On the one hand, he has the substantial but comparatively modest ambition to defend a more egalitarian alternative to utilitarianism. He would succeed in this ambition insofar as parties in the original position would indeed prefer his two principles of justice to traditional utilitarian rivals. On the other hand, Rawls also has the more ambitious aim of showing his two principles of justice to be uniquely plausible, that is, to be superior to all reasonable alternatives. He would succeed in this ambition insofar as parties in the original position would prefer his two principles of justice to any plausible rival. Basically, the more ambitious claim consists in claiming that Rawls’s two principles are superior to a greater number of rivals. Of special interest here is the possibility of rivals to Rawls’s two principles that differ from traditional forms of utilitarianism (whether classical or average) but nonetheless combine elements of utilitarianism with elements of liberal egali- tarianism. Rawls calls these hybrids mixed conceptions (TJ, §21). So one question is whether Rawls’s contractual argument succeeds against mixed conceptions, as well as against traditional utilitarian conceptions. Of course, the more modest claim that justice as fairness is superior to traditional forms of utilitarianism is a very important claim, whether or not Rawls can support his stronger claim that justice as fairness is uniquely plausible among reasonable alternatives. Moreover, the more modest claim would be positively relevant to establishing the stronger claim. But it is worth noticing that Rawls might succeed in the more modest aim without succeeding in the more ambitious claim if there are other rivals that justice as fairness does not 20 David O. Brink defeat. Rawls himself distinguishes between these two ambitions in the second edition of TJ, where he reasserts both ambitions but expresses greater confidence in the more modest comparative claim than in the more ambitious one (TJR, p. xiv).3 It is worth distinguishing these modest and ambitious claims not just to display logical possibilities. In fact, Rawls’s ambitious claim turns out to be much harder to justify than the more modest one, and his main contractual arguments for justice as fairness fail to demonstrate that it is uniquely reasonable, whether or not they succeed against more traditional utilitarian rivals. In section 1.1 I will provide a brief reconstruction of the main elements of justice as fairness. In section 1.2 I will contrast Rawls’s general and special conceptions and ask whether something like the general conception isn’ta more plausible conception than the special conception, even when we restrict our attention to the circumstances that Rawls thinks justify adoption of the special conception. Then in section 1.3 I will reconstruct and assess Rawls’s specifically contractual arguments for his special conception of justice, focusing on the contrast between Rawls’s conception and traditional utilitar- ian principles. In section 1.4 I will focus on the adequacy of Rawls’s argument against a larger range of alternatives, including mixed and other conceptions. I will argue that even if Rawls can defend his more modest claim that justice as fairness is superior to traditional utilitarianism, his more ambitious claim that it is superior to mixed conceptions is problematic. 1.1 Justice as fairness: the two principles One of the most distinctive features of justice as fairness is that Rawls develops an egalitarian conception of social justice that he defends by appeal to a hypothetical social contract, which he claims fits within the social contract tradition of Locke, Rousseau, and Kant. The contractual argument represents the basic structure of society and its provision of liberties, oppor- tunities, and rights as just insofar as it satisfies principles that would be chosen in fair initial conditions in which contracting parties were represented as free and equal moral persons. It is essential to this sort of social contract that the contract be both hypothetical and moralized. The contractual argument 3 Similarly, in Part III of JFR Rawls distinguishes two “fundamental comparisons,” which correspond to the moderate and ambitious claims respectively. Though he still thinks that justice as fairness is superior to both unrestricted average utilitarianism and restricted average utilitarianism, he is more confident about the first comparison than the second. Justice as Fairness 21 requires Rawls to specify (a) fair initial contractual circumstances and (b) the principles that would be chosen in these circumstances. We might begin with a preliminary specification of the principles that Rawls thinks would be chosen in this hypothetical contract. We will discuss issues introduced by Rawls’s distinction between general and special concep- tions of justice later (section 1.2 below). But his primary focus is on the circumstances of justice faced by societies in conditions of moderate scarcity in which there is sufficient economic development and security to make possible a decent minimum standard of living for all (§26). For these condi- tions, Rawls defends what he calls the special conception of justice, which consists of two main principles (§§11, 46): 1 Each person is to have an equal right to the most extensive total system of equal basic liberties compatible with a similar system of liberty for all [equal basic liberties]. 2 Social and economic inequalities are to be arranged so that they are both (a) to the greatest benefit of the least advantaged, consistent with the just savings principle, [the difference principle] and (b) attached to offices and positions open to all under conditions of fair equality of opportunity [fair equality of opportunity]. The currency of distributive justice for utilitarians is utility or well-being.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Transitional Justice As a Path to Distributive Justice: a Jurisprudential and Legal Case for Land Restitution in Kenya
    Transitional Justice as a Path to Distributive Justice: A Jurisprudential and Legal Case for Land Restitution in Kenya Claude Kamau* Abstract Rawls’ theory of distributive justice may serve as a useful model in conceptual- izing a model of the ideal political economy – one that seeks to keep inequalities that have come about as a result of natural accident to a minimum. Moreover, his principles of justice can be used correctively, to address institutional inequalities that have the effect of entrenching social dislocation. Kenya has, over the decades up until now, been riven by injustices relating to land. This has led to the develop- ment of a small cluster of landed elites while the majority of citizens are effectively denied land access rights. This is regardless of the fact that most of the land so acquired by the former was acquired irregularly and with disregard of bona fide title of the original occupants. The concept and process of transitional justice may be viewed as the vehicle toward attaining corrective justice and accountability for offences committed in times of national crisis as a restorative measure. I. Introduction Kenya, being a constitutional democracy,1 is necessarily apt for an analysis of its political economy against the minimum standards imposed by the Consti- tution. The letter of the Constitution (and of the laws that have been legislated under it) is clear. The question this contribution addresses itself to is whether its * The author is a student at Strathmore Law School in Nairobi, Kenya. 1 It is noteworthy that Rawls models his theory against the political constitution of a constitutional democracy.
    [Show full text]
  • John Rawls' Theory of Justice As Fairness
    ANDREAS FOLLESDAL 20121025 John Rawls' Theory of Justice as Fairness Approximately as appears in Guttorm Floistad, ed. Philosophy of Justice, Contemporary Philosophy, Springer 2014, 311-328 When do citizens have a moral duty to obey the government and support the institutions of society?1 This question is central to political philosophy. One of the 20 century's main response was John Rawls' theory of justice, "Justice as fairness", in the book A Theory of Justice, published 1971. The book Justice as Fairness was an improved and shorter presentation of Rawls' theory, published 2001 with editorial support by Erin Kelly, one of his former students. When asked how rights, duties, benefits and burdens should be distributed, the ideals of freedom and equality often conflict with each other. In domestic politics we often see such conflicts between calls for more individual freedoms and schemes for universal, egalitarian welfare arrangements. It is such conflict between liberty and equality that Rawls attempts to reconcile with his theory of justice. There are three main steps in Rawls' theory of justice. He assumes certain features characteristic of free societies, as well as some specific ideas about how society and people should be understood. Rawls believes that even people with different beliefs can agree with some principles to resolve basic conflicts over the distributional effects of social institutions. Secondly, he draws on the contract theory tradition in political philosophy, arguing that consent in some sense is necessary for the legitimate exercise of state power. Based on the requirement of consent, in a third step Rawls presents certain principles for a just society that citizens should be expected to support.
    [Show full text]
  • Rawls' Theroy of Justice
    RAWLS' THEORY OF JUSTICE ThomAS M. SCANLON, JR.t Rawls' book is a comprehensive and systematic presentation of a particular ideal of social life. The aim of the book is to analyze this ideal in a way that allows us to see clearly how it differs from prominent alternatives and on what grounds it may be preferred to them. In carrying out this analysis Rawls presents and draws upon not only a theory of distributive justice and a theory of political rights, but also a theory of value, a theory of obligation and a theory of moral psychology. Contemporary political philosophy has already been altered by Rawls' book, but the leading ideas of his theory are in a number of respects familiar ones. They are familiar within the philosophical community since they have been set forth by Rawls in a series of important and influential articles over the course of the last fifteen years.' Rawls has altered and clarified important points in his argu- ment since these articles first appeared, and the book presents a large amount of new material, but the main thrust of Rawls' theory can be seen in these shorter works. The idea of Rawls' book will also seem familiar to many who have not read his articles, for the ideal of social life he describes is one that lies at the heart of liberal political theory, and the principles and policies which this ideal supports are, in general, ones that liberals have traditionally supported. Finally, the central analytical device in Rawls' argument is a variant of the familiar idea of a social contract.
    [Show full text]
  • Rawlsian Reflective Equilibrium
    T.V. Cunningham draft of 02.13.2014 – please do not quote w/o permission Rawslian Reflective Equilibrium Rawlsian Reflective Equilibrium Abstract: This paper proposes a Rawlsian conception of moral justification as a social activity. Through a close reading, Rawls’ view of ethical justification is shown to be significantly more dialogical and deliberative than is commonly appreciated. The result is a view that emphasizes the social nature of ethical justification and identifies information sharing between persons as the crux of justification in metaethics, in contrast to normative ethics. I call it Rawlsian reflective equilibrium to distinguish it from other varieties. Keywords: reflective equilibrium, moral justification, deliberation, Rawls Word Count: 3,327 1. Reflective Equilibrium and its Discontents Reflective equilibrium (RE) is a popular1 procedural account of moral and ethical justification.2 RE requires that an agent (i) begins in a state with certain initial moral judgments; (ii) proceeds to prune these based on her logico-empirical standards, resulting in a set of considered moral judgments; (iii) adduces moral principles that explicate those judgments; (iv) brings the set of judgments and principles into coherence by selecting among the members of the united set, according to the criterion of maximal consistency; and, (v) brings this latter set into maximal coherence with other relevant background theories (following DePaul 1993, 16-23). Despite its popularity, RE has received ample criticism. The general issue lies with the method’s apparent circularity: RE appears to rest entirely upon the judgments and principles adopted by the agent instantiating it, so whatever judgments, principles, or intuitions she begins with biases the composition of the “justified” set at equilibrium (e.g., Haslett 1987, 307).
    [Show full text]
  • Justice As Fairness, Legitimacy, and the Question of Judicial Review: a Comment
    Fordham Law Review Volume 72 Issue 5 Article 4 2004 Justice as Fairness, Legitimacy, and the Question of Judicial Review: A Comment Frank I. Michelman Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/flr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Frank I. Michelman, Justice as Fairness, Legitimacy, and the Question of Judicial Review: A Comment, 72 Fordham L. Rev. 1407 (2004). Available at: https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/flr/vol72/iss5/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by FLASH: The Fordham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. It has been accepted for inclusion in Fordham Law Review by an authorized editor of FLASH: The Fordham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE CONSTITUTIONAL ESSENTIALS OF POLITICAL LIBERALISM JUSTICE AS FAIRNESS, LEGITIMACY, AND THE QUESTION OF JUDICIAL REVIEW: A COMMENT Frank L Michelman* INTRODUCTION My aims in this Comment are modest and primarily exegetical: to assemble what John Rawls says about the question of judicial review, and to resolve two apparent puzzles posed by his remarks bearing on this question. The remarks I have in mind are all found in Rawls's book Political Liberalism,' mainly in Sections 52 and 63 ("The Idea of Constitutional Essentials" and "The Supreme Court as Exemplar of Public Reason") of Lecture VI ("The Idea of Public Reason").4 It is chiefly in these pages that Rawls reflects on whether and how judicial review may comport with a certain political conception of justice,' namely, the one he calls6 "justice as fairness" and commends as morally apt for our society.
    [Show full text]
  • The Communitarian Critique of Liberalism Author(S): Michael Walzer Reviewed Work(S): Source: Political Theory, Vol
    The Communitarian Critique of Liberalism Author(s): Michael Walzer Reviewed work(s): Source: Political Theory, Vol. 18, No. 1 (Feb., 1990), pp. 6-23 Published by: Sage Publications, Inc. Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/191477 . Accessed: 24/08/2012 12:14 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Sage Publications, Inc. is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Political Theory. http://www.jstor.org THE COMMUNITARIAN CRITIQUE OF LIBERALISM MICHAEL WALZER Institutefor A dvanced Study 1. Intellectualfashions are notoriously short-lived, very much like fashions in popularmusic, art, or dress.But thereare certainfashions that seem regularlyto reappear. Like pleated trousers or short skirts, they are inconstant featuresof a largerand more steadily prevailing phenomenon - in this case, a certainway of dressing. They have brief but recurrent lives; we knowtheir transienceand excepttheir return. Needless to say,there is no afterlifein whichtrousers will be permanentlypleated or skirtsforever short. Recur- renceis all. Althoughit operatesat a muchhigher level (an infinitelyhigher level?) of culturalsignificance, the communitarian critique of liberalismis likethe pleatingof trousers:transient but certainto return.It is a consistently intermittentfeature of liberalpolitics and social organization.No liberal successwill make it permanently unattractive.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 DISTRIBUTIVE JUSTICE and the LAW of PEOPLES Samuel
    DISTRIBUTIVE JUSTICE AND THE LAW OF PEOPLES Samuel Freeman, University of Pennsylvania Part I: Background A Theory of Justice says that the distribution of income and wealth within a society is just when laws and economic institutions are designed so as to maximally benefit the least advantaged members of that same society. This standard for domestic distributive justice is to apply worldwide, to determine just distributions in every society in the world. In this regard Rawls has an account of global distributive justice. But he does not have, and he does not endorse, a global distribution principle. The difference principle applies globally, within each society, but it is not global in reach. Neither Political Liberalism nor The Law of Peoples retracts or alters this position. The primary focus of political liberalism is not ideal justice, but liberal legitimacy. It implies that laws regulating distributions in a democratic society can be legitimate, hence worthy of respect, even if they are not wholly just.1 Unlike the basic liberties and their priority, the difference principle is not required by liberal legitimacy; for legitimacy it suffices that a liberal society provide an adequate social minimum (adequate to free and equal persons’ realizing the moral powers and effectively exercising the equal basic liberties). The difference principle is one among several standards that pass the legitimacy test, all of which meet the criterion of reciprocity and the requirements of public reason. A society which protects the basic liberties and their priority, and affords equal opportunities and an adequate social minimum is 1 For Rawls’s distinction between the aims of TJ and PL, Cf.
    [Show full text]
  • Explain and Assess Rawls' Theory of Justice
    Explain and assess Rawls’ theory of justice by Christopher Evans I shall seek to place John Rawls’ theory of justice in the context of contract theory, where Rawls places it, and other theories with which he contrasts it. I shall consider key arguments for and against his approach. I shall focus primarily on distributive justice, though his theory also applies to issues of liberty and governance such as tolerance and intolerance1. I shall argue that Rawls’ approach provides a persuasive method of evaluating political propositions, even though the nature and priority of his proposed values (“primary goods”) and principles of justice can be challenged. Rawls’ aims, approach and context In A Theory of Justice, Rawls describes justice as “the first virtue of social institutions”, and as a matter of “fairness”. He sets out his aim for a theory building on the social contract idea, as a viable alternative to classical utilitarian and intuitionist conceptions of justice2. In seeking an alternative to utilitarianism, Rawls argues against what he regards as the prevailing dominant theory3. He comments that in the utilitarian view of justice “it does not matter, except indirectly, how [the] sum of satisfactions is distributed among individuals”4. In other words, “utilitarianism does not take seriously the distinction between persons.”5 In this respect, one could say that it pays insufficient regard either to liberty or equality. On intuitionism, defined by Rawls as “the doctrine that there is an irreducible family of first principles which have to be weighed against one another by asking ourselves which….is the most just”6, Rawls himself occasionally appeals to intuition to support his arguments - referring for instance to “our intuitive conviction of the primacy of justice”7.
    [Show full text]
  • Intercollegiate Political Philosophy Lectures
    This handout can be downloaded at www.ucl.ac.uk/~uctyvmd/Handout.pdf Intercollegiate Political Philosophy Lectures Looking Again at Rawls’s Theory of Justice Room 421, Birkbeck Main Building Thursdays 11-12, Weeks 1-5, Autumn Term 2004-2005 Véronique Munoz-Dardé Department of Philosophy, UCL E-mail: [email protected] Office Hours: Mondays 11-12 These lectures will be devoted to Justice as Fairness, Rawls’s conception of justice, as developed in the revised edition of A Theory of Justice (1999, hereafter, in all handouts, TJ) and Justice as Fairness a Restatement (2001, hereafter JFR). The purpose of these lectures is to come to an understanding of the fundamental ideas of Rawls’s approach, and how they fit together: the Original Position, Reflective Equilibrium, the Basic Structure, the Difference Principle, Reasonable Overlapping Consensus, the difference between Political Liberalism and Comprehensive Liberalism, etc… We will do this by going back and forth between TJ and the mature statement of the theory in JFR. In Rawls’s own words in the preface of JFR: In this work I have two aims. One is to rectify the more serious faults in A Theory of Justice that have obscured the main ideas of justice as fairness, as I called the conception of justice presented in that book. Since I still have confidence in those ideas and think the more important difficulties can be met, I have undertaken this reformulation. […] The other aim is to connect into one unified statement the conception of justice presented in Theory and the main ideas in my essays beginning with 1974.
    [Show full text]
  • Is John Rawls' Difference Principle Just Another Form of Supply Side
    Economics and Jurisprudence: Is John Rawls’ difference principle just another form of supply side economics and can it be applied effectively in modern society? Darya Kraynaya Abstract The article discusses the possibility of supply side economics as an extension or recreation of John Rawls’ difference principle. One of the key arguments of the difference principle is to permit economic disparity in a society as long as the least advantaged are benefitted in the best way possible. Through scrutinising the differences, similarities and results of applying each of these two theories, the author submits that the two cannot possibly be one and the same as on application vast disparity is revealed. The article makes this argument by highlighting examples of the application of a supply side economic theory in American history. Special attention is given to the United States as some economists have tried to use Rawls’ reasoning behind the difference principle to justify the gap between the top 1% and the rest of the population. I. Introduction At first, it may appear that John Rawls’ difference principle and the theory of economics are fairly similar, so much so that one could be said to be just one form of the other. Despite the fact that in recent years, particularly in the United States, some economists have tried to justify the growing gap between the rich and the poor by using the difference principle, on application, and once analysed in depth, these theories are rather different. To question whether these two ideas really have resemblance, this essay will take the reader on a journey, first addressing the basics of the difference principle and its criticisms, and then turning to the basic claims of supply-side economics and how they have been criticised.
    [Show full text]
  • Quong-Left-Libertarianism.Pdf
    The Journal of Political Philosophy: Volume 19, Number 1, 2011, pp. 64–89 Symposium: Ownership and Self-ownership Left-Libertarianism: Rawlsian Not Luck Egalitarian Jonathan Quong Politics, University of Manchester HAT should a theory of justice look like? Any successful answer to this Wquestion must find a way of incorporating and reconciling two moral ideas. The first is a particular conception of individual freedom: because we are agents with plans and projects, we should be accorded a sphere of liberty to protect us from being used as mere means for others’ ends. The second moral idea is that of equality: we are moral equals and as such justice requires either that we receive equal shares of something—of whatever it is that should be used as the metric of distributive justice—or else requires that unequal distributions can be justified in a manner that is consistent with the moral equality of persons. These twin ideas—liberty and equality—are things which no sound conception of justice can properly ignore. Thus, like most political philosophers, I take it as given that the correct conception of justice will be some form of liberal egalitarianism. A deep and difficult challenge for all liberal egalitarians is to determine how the twin values of freedom and equality can be reconciled within a single theory of distributive justice. Of the many attempts to achieve this reconciliation, left-libertarianism is one of the most attractive and compelling. By combining the libertarian commitment to full (or nearly full) self-ownership with an egalitarian principle for the ownership of natural resources, left- libertarians offer an account of justice that appears firmly committed both to individual liberty, and to an egalitarian view of how opportunities or advantages must be distributed.
    [Show full text]
  • Nine Lives of Neoliberalism
    A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Plehwe, Dieter (Ed.); Slobodian, Quinn (Ed.); Mirowski, Philip (Ed.) Book — Published Version Nine Lives of Neoliberalism Provided in Cooperation with: WZB Berlin Social Science Center Suggested Citation: Plehwe, Dieter (Ed.); Slobodian, Quinn (Ed.); Mirowski, Philip (Ed.) (2020) : Nine Lives of Neoliberalism, ISBN 978-1-78873-255-0, Verso, London, New York, NY, https://www.versobooks.com/books/3075-nine-lives-of-neoliberalism This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/215796 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative
    [Show full text]