THE CONTEMPORARY NORTHWEST COAST INDIAN ART MARKET
By
KAREN ERICA DUFFEK
B.A., The University of British Columbia, 1978
A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF
THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
MASTER OF ARTS
in
THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES
Department of Anthropology and Sociology
We accept this thesis as conforming
to the required standard
THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA
April 1983
©Karen Erica Duffek, 1983 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission.
/
Department of Anthropology and Sociology
The University of British Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3
Date April 11, 1983
)E-6 (3/81) ABSTRACT
In the 1960's a revival of Northwest Coast Indian art began to take place in British Columbia, following several decades of decline in art production that resulted from effects of European contact on traditional native social structure. By the late 1970's the Indian art market had become a several million dollar industry, involving several hundred native artists, and supported by a primarily non-Indian consumer public.
This thesis examines the contemporary Northwest Coast Indian art market in terms of the role and significance of the art within its contemporary social context, focusing on the relationship between the consumers and the art they collect. The history of the Indian art revival, the development of the market, changes that Northwest Coast art has undergone in response to its new purpose for production, and consumer expectations and buying preferences are discussed.
This thesis shows that the revival of Northwest Coast art has involved not only the artists who create the contemporary work, but also the consumers, anthropologists, museums, and dealers, who have participated with the artists in a reconstruction and redefinition of "Indianness" and tradition, and in the development of an audience to support art production.
Surveys of consumers and museum visitors conducted for the thesis suggest that an important and valued quality of contemporary Northwest Coast art is its "otherness" or Indianness. Today, Northwest Coast art traditions are used in a contemporary expression that refers to the value of tradition and heritage not only to the consumers, but to native society as well.
The concept of acculturated arts is used in this study of Northwest
Coast Indian art, providing a comparative context of changing art forms brought about by culture contact, and illustrating the transformation of traditional cultural elements into marketable commodities for non-native tourists and collectors. This thesis is a contribution to the literature
on Northwest Coast Indian art in particular, and acculturated arts in general. - iv -
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
ABSTRACT ii
LIST OF TABLES vii
LIST OF FIGURES ix
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT xi
INTRODUCTION 1
Notes 7
CHAPTER ONE - The Revival of Northwest Coast Indian Art 8
I - ART PRODUCTION ON THE NORTHWEST COAST PRE-1920 8
Art for Sale: Early Collectors on the Northwest Coast 10
II - ART PRODUCTION ON THE NORTHWEST COAST: 1920 to 1960 14 The Traditional Context 15
The Commercial Context 17
III - THE REVIVAL OF NORTHWEST COAST INDIAN ART: 1960 to the Present 27
IV - THE RECONSTRUCTION AND REINVENTION OF TRADITION 37
Use of Museum Collections 39
"Books are our teachers now for all the old things" 46
Memories 54
V - ART AS A VEHICLE FOR CULTURAL REVIVAL 55
Notes 59
CHAPTER TWO - Art for the Marketplace 61
I - ARTS OF ACCULTURATION 61
II - NORTHWEST COAST INDIAN ARTS AND CHANGING TRADITIONS 65
Use and Meaning 65 Materials and Techniques 69 Form and Subject Matter 71
III - TRADITION, INNOVATION, AND AUTHENTICITY 82
Artifakes and Archaism: "Traditional" Arts in a Contemporary Context 92
Notes 96 - v -
CHAPTER THREE - The Marketing of Northwest Coast Indian Art 97
I - THE MARKET NETWORK 97
Market Differentiation 99
II- MARKETING AND PROMOTION 104
Marketing at the Producer Level 105
Marketing at the Retail Level 116
(i) Souvenirs 116 (ii) Arts and Crafts 118 (iii) Fine Arts 120
(iv) Market Strategies: Price, Reputation, and Saleability 124
Notes 133
CHAPTER FOUR - The Audience for Northwest Coast Indian Art: A Museum Visitor Survey 134
I - THE SURVEY 135
II - RESPONSES TO THE EXHIBIT 158
Demographic and Ownership Data 158
Words and Labels: Describing Northwest Coast Indian Arts 163
Responses to the Prints 169 Responses to the Carvings 188 The Context for the Arts: Viewer Responses 207
Summary 222
Notes 225
CHAPTER FIVE - The Consumers of Contemporary Northwest Coast Indian Art: A Questionnaire Survey 226
I - THE QUESTIONNAIRE 226
II - RESPONSES TO THE QUESTIONNAIRE 233
Demographic Data 233 Buying Tendencies and Patterns 237 Knowledge and Perceptions of Northwest Coast Art 251 Aesthetic and Buying Criteria 256 Summary 269
Notes 274
CONCLUSION 275 - vi -
BIBLIOGRAPHY 286
List of Individuals Interviewed 295
APPENDIX I - A Selective Chronology of Events Significant to the Revival of Northwest Coast Indian Art and the Development of the Market 296
APPENDIX II - Vancouver and Victoria Retail Shops Specializing
in Northwest Coast Indian Arts 302
APPENDIX III - Question Guide for Museum Visitor Survey 306
APPENDIX IV - Questionnaire for Consumer Survey 307 - vii -
LIST OF TABLES
Table Page
I DEMOGRAPHIC DATA 159, 160
II OWNERSHIP DATA 161, 162
III WORDS DESCRIBING PRINTS AND CARVINGS 165
IV POSITIVE AND NEGATIVE RESPONSES TO PRINTS 170
V POSITIVE AND NEGATIVE QUALITIES OF PRINTS 172
VI POSITIVE AND NEGATIVE QUALITIES OF INDIVIDUAL
PRINTS 175 - 179
VII POSITIVE AND NEGATIVE QUALITIES OF CARVINGS 190
VIII POSITIVE AND NEGATIVE RESPONSES TO CARVINGS 191
IX POSITIVE AND NEGATIVE QUALITIES OF INDIVIDUAL CARVINGS 194 - 198 X DEFINITION OF "AUTHENTIC" NORTHWEST COAST INDIAN ART 209
XI EFFECT OF THE MARKET ON NORTHWEST COAST INDIAN ART 214
XII MESSAGES PRESENTED THROUGH NORTHWEST COAST
INDIAN ART 219
XIII QUESTIONNAIRE DISTRIBUTION AND RETURN 234
XIV DEMOGRAPHIC DATA 235, 236
XV YEAR OF FIRST PURCHASE OF NORTHWEST COAST INDIAN ART 238 XVI AMOUNT OF MONEY SPENT ON NORTHWEST COAST INDIAN ART 240
XVII NUMBER OF NORTHWEST COAST INDIAN ART FORMS
PURCHASED 241
XVIII TYPE OF STORE AND LOCATION OF PURCHASE 243
IXX REASONS FOR PURCHASE OF CARVINGS AND PRINTS 246, 247 XX PURCHASE OF CONTEMPORARY ARTS (NON-NORTHWEST COAST) 250 - viii -
Table Page
XXI MEANS OF INTRODUCTION TO NORTHWEST COAST INDIAN ARTS 252
XXII WORDS ASSOCIATED WITH CONTEMPORARY NORTHWEST
COAST INDIAN ARTS 253
XXIII FACTORS INFLUENCING PURCHASE DECISIONS 257, 258
XXIV QUALITIES AND SUBJECT MATTER DESIRED IN CARVINGS AND PRINTS 261, 262 - ix -
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure Page
1 "Aah-See-Will, the Greedy Hunter" by Vernon Stephens, 1978. Silkscreen print. 75
2 "Salmon Fighting Upstream to Spawn" by Robert Sebastian,
1980. Silkscreen print. 75
3 "Butterflies" by Robert Davidson, 1977. Silkscreen print. 77
4 "Study" by Doug Cranmer, 1980. Acrylic on cedar. 77
5 "Ka-Ka-win-chealth" by Joe David, 1977. Silkscreen print. 79
6 "Barnacle" by Art Thompson, 1977. Silkscreen print. 81
7 "The Creation of Eve" by Roy Vickers, 1977. Silkscreen
print. 81
8 "Reflections" by Robert Davidson, 1977. Silkscreen print. 126
9 "Memorial Rainbow Drum" by Joe David, 1977. Silkscreen print. 127 10 Exhibit of contemporary Northwest Coast Indian prints and carvings at the UBC Museum of Anthropology: location for the museum visitor survey. 137
11 "Sparrow" by Glen Rabena, 1979. Silkscreen print. 143
12 "Gambler Drum" by Joe David, 1980. Silkscreen print. 143
13 "Raven in the 20th Century" by Don Yeomans, 1979. Silkscreen print. 145 14 "Bent-Box Design" by Robert Davidson, 1978. Silkscreen print. 145
15 "Thunderbird Sisiutl" by Lloyd Wadhams, 1979. Silkscreen print. 146
16 "Welcome Canoe" by Art Thompson, 1978. Silkscreen print. 146
17 "Haida Hawk Design" by Freda Diesing, 1977. Silkscreen print. 148
18 "Spear Fishing" by Vernon Stephens, 1978. Silkscreen print. 148
19 "Chilkat Blackfish" by Roy Vickers, 1978. Silkscreen print. 149 - x -
Figure Page
20 "Kwakiutl Wild Woman Mask" by George Matilpi, 1979. "Bella Coola Portrait Mask" by Beau Dick, 1977. "Owl Man" mask by Glen Rabena, 1978. 151
21 Totem pole by Frank Hanuse, 1979. 153
22 Totem pole by Bill Kuhnley, 1979. 153
23 "Halibut" dish by Glen Harper, 1979. 155
24 "Human/Beaver Dish" by Larry Rosso, 1979. 155
25 "Kwakiutl Sea Monster with Salmon" plaque by Bond Sound,
1979. 156
26 "Kwakiutl Salmon" plaque by George Matilpi, 1979. 157
27 "Salmon" letter opener by Wilf Stevenson, 1980. 157 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to thank all those individuals who encouraged and assisted me in the research and writing of this thesis;
Dr. Michael M. Ames, my advisor during my graduate school career, for originally stimulating my interest in the contemporary Northwest Coast Indian art market, for his supervision and advice regarding this thesis, and for allowing me access to data on the Victoria and Seattle Indian art markets which I collected as his research assistant in 1981/82 (funded by the University of British Columbia's Committee on Humanities and Social Sciences Research Grants). I also wish to thank Dr. Ames for his continued interest in my work, and for offering me many opportunities to develop and apply my knowledge of Northwest Coast art and gain additional academic and practical experience related to my career.
Dr. Marjorie Halpin and Dr. Elvi Whittaker, for their suggestions and comments regarding my thesis, and for their teaching and approaches to anthropology that have influenced and benefited me in my own studies.
The many individuals I interviewed for the purposes of this thesis (see list following bibliography), who contributed greatly to my understanding of the Indian art market. I would especially like to thank Mr. David Young and Mr. G.A. (Bud) Mintz for their assistance, and for their interest in my research. In addition, I thank the dealers and other individuals (listed in Chapters Four and Five) who assisted me with my museum visitor survey and consumer questionnaire survey.
Ms. Susan Davidson, for allowing me access to interviews which she conducted with Haida artists in 1980.
My friends and colleagues in the Department of Anthropology and Sociology and at the Museum of Anthropology. I thank Ms. Diana Hall and Mr. Herb Watson for helping me set up my exhibit for the museum visitor survey, and Dr. Neil Guppy for assisting me with questionnaire design.
The Museum of Anthropology, for. allowing me to conduct my museum visitor survey there.
The University of British Columbia, for two teaching assistantships, the Provincial Government Department of Labour for support through two Y.E.P. grants, and the Museum of Anthropology for support through museum assistantships.
My parents, Ise and Helmut Duffek, for years of support and interest in my studies of anthropology.
My friend David Sheffield, for his support, ideas, criticisms, and for accompanying me to countless galleries, openings, and auctions!
I wish to acknowledge that any mistakes in this thesis are my own. - 1 -
INTRODUCTION
In the 1960's a revival of Northwest Coast Indian art began to take place, following several decades of decline in art production that resulted from the devastating effects of European contact on traditional native social structure. The art that is produced today derives from centuries old artistic traditions, although the primary purpose for its production is to sell to a non-Indian consumer public. This contemporary art has attained new meanings and takes new forms relevant to the changed social context in which it is now located.
The objective of this study is to examine the Northwest Coast Indian art market in terms of the role and significance of the art within its contemporary social context, focusing on the relationship between the consumers and the art they collect. The thesis will examine the history and development of the market, changes that Northwest Coast art has undergone in response to its new purpose, the presentation and marketing of the art, and consumer expectations and buying preferences. From an analysis of these aspects of the Indian art market, it is hoped that a greater understanding can be reached regarding the contemporary use and meaning of Northwest Coast art within the non-native context, and the significance of Northwest Coast traditions for the consumer as well as native societies.
The initial inspiration for this thesis came from Nelson Graburn's studies of contemporary Inuit art and other arts of acculturation''' (Graburn
1969a, 1969b, 1976a, 1976b), in which he explores the forms, functions, and meanings of the arts in their changing sociocultural contexts. Because acculturated arts "are made for appreciation and consumption outside of the society of creation, contrasting with the internal orientations of primitive and folk arts in the past" (ibid. 1976:4), Graburn (1976:1,2) states that - 2 -
"the study of the arts of the Fourth World is different from the study of
'primitive' art, characteristic of most earlier anthropological writings,
for it must take into account more than one symbolic and aesthetic 7:
system. . . In this regard, he suggests that the art of Fourth World
peoples must be analysed in terms of its audience and its function. The
consumer society is thus as valid a subject of study as the creator peoples
have traditionally been. Graburn (1976:3) also comments, "That the object
may have been intended for ... external consumption is itself an
indication of the special relationship that exists between the art-producing
peoples of the Fourth World and the tourists and art consumers of the West."
It is this relationship that both shapes and is reflected in the contemporary
Northwest Coast Indian art market, and will be investigated in the following
chapters.
For the purposes of this study I have gathered information and
obtained ideas on the Northwest Coast Indian art market from a variety of
sources: recent studies of contemporary Northwest Coast Indian art
(published and unpublished books and articles); exhibition reviews; personal interviews with dealers, anthropologists, and artists (see list
following bibliography); an unpublished collection of interviews with
contemporary Haida artists conducted by Susan Davidson; two surveys of viewers and consumers of contemporary Northwest Coast Indian art that I
conducted in 1980; and personal observations of the market that I have made
through a year's part-time work at the Heritage House Gallery of Indian Art
(1980/81), two Youth Employment projects that involved creating a photographic and written record of native arts for sale in Vancouver (1980)
and writing "A Guide to Buying Contemporary Northwest Coast Indian Arts"
(1981/82), and several years of "gallery hopping" and attending exhibit - 3 -
openings and museum events concerned with Northwest Coast art.
Studies of contemporary Northwest Coast Indian art that I have relied upon most heavily include books and articles by Ames (1981), Blackman and
Hall (1978, 1981, 1982), Hall (1979, 1980), Halpin (1979, 1981b), Hawthorn
(1961) , Macnair et al. (1980) , Native Brotherhood of British Columbia (1980) , and Reid (1981). These sources not only provided me with data on the contemporary art forms and the ways in which they are marketed, but equally
important, they comprise some of the first investigations into the social and cultural contexts for contemporary Northwest Coast art production. In addition, studies by Graburn (listed previously) and MacCannell (1976) have described and analysed the wider contexts for the production of acculturated arts, relating this production in part to modern society's "search for authenticity" in the "otherness" of native cultures. The latter studies have provided me with a perspective from which to examine the "otherness" of
Northwest Coast Indian culture as reflected in consumer expectations of
"Indianness" and "authenticity".
The study which follows is presented in five chapters. Chapter One,
"The Revival of Northwest Coast Indian Art", describes the history of the
Indian art revival and the growth of the market in British Columbia and
Seattle. Beginning with a brief summary of the traditional context for the art, the chapter goes on to discuss the effects of European contact on the social structure that traditionally supported art production. The period from 1920 to 1960, in which there was only a limited art market, is described as a prelude to the subsequent Northwest Coast art revival. The section describing the revival seeks to identify the factors that influenced its evolution and stimulated non-Indian support of the art. The reconstruction and reinvention of Northwest Coast tradition is discussed as a process central - 4 -
to much of the revival. The chapter concludes with a brief examination of
the renewed production of Northwest Coast art for the native context, an
attendant development of the production of art for sale.
Chapter Two, "Art for the Marketplace", examines the changes that
Northwest Coast Indian arts have undergone as a response to the new social
and cultural contexts in which they are being created. An introductory
discussion of arts of acculturation is followed by a description of the
changes in the use and meaning, form and subject matter, and materials and
technology of the art. These changes are analysed primarily in terms of
the contextual changes they reflect: the arts have had to become more
accessible to a wider audience, and their sale depends upon their acceptance
by the buying public, which has its own definitions and expectations of
Indian art. Changes in the art are also examined in terms of the influence
of individual artists' experimentations and innovations. The final section
of the chapter considers market perceptions of Northwest Coast Indian art,
focusing on the conceptualizations of "tradition", "innovation", "Indianness",
and "authenticity" that form the basis of the criteria by which the
contemporary arts are generally judged. The section concludes with a
consideration of questions concerning the "relevance" of Northwest Coast art
and traditions in the contemporary context.
In Chapter Three, "The Marketing of Northwest Coast Indian Art",
the marketing practices and strategies which mediate the production and
consumption of contemporary commercial Northwest Coast art are examined.
Participants in the market network are identified, as are the separate
components or differentiations of the market itself. Marketing at both
producer and retail levels is discussed, with a focus on factors that affect
the saleability of the art. Because Northwest Coast arts are presented to - 5
the consumer in the context of the art market, marketing strategies are examined in terms of the influence they may have on art production and
consumption, and the ways in which they reflect consumer expectations and
buying preferences.
Chapters Four and Five describe and present the results of the two
surveys which I conducted in 1980 for the purposes of examining in greater
detail consumer demands and expectations of contemporary Northwest Coast
Indian art. Chapter Four discusses a survey of 100 visitors to the
UBC Museum of Anthropology. The visitors were interviewed about their
responses to a selection of contemporary Northwest Coast silkscreen prints
and wood carvings exhibited for the purposes of this survey. The survey
was an attempt to elicit and define the criteria by which the respondents
judged the art, and to examine how their aesthetic judgements may have been
contextually qualified by, for example, their previously formed expectations
of Indian art. Chapter Five discusses a questionnaire survey of 143
consumers of Northwest Coast Indian art. This survey was designed to
complement the museum visitor survey and provide data for comparison. The
purpose of this survey, in addition to examining aesthetic criteria as above,
was to examine actual buying practices and preferences, and to identify the
factors that influence consumers' decisions when purchasing Northwest Coast
art.
The focus of this thesis - the contemporary Northwest Coast Indian
art market - is one aspect of the totality of Northwest Coast art production
that can be studied. There are important aspects of art production that
are relevant to this topic, but beyond the scope of this thesis. For
instance, while the following study emphasizes the consumer element of the
market, it only touches upon the artistic values of the producers, and the - 6 -
producers' perceptions of market demands. Similarly, the native context for art production, and the impact of the revival of Northwest Coast art and traditions upon Indian people, are subjects needful of further study.
I have chosen to address an area of research to which, until recently, not much anthropological investigation has been directed: that is, the relationship between the non-Indian consumers and the contemporary
Northwest Coast Indian art produced for sale. In this regard, the two surveys constitute a first attempt to define the criteria consumers use in their judgements and purchases of Indian art. This thesis, therefore, is presented as a contribution to the literature on Northwest Coast Indian art in particular, and acculturated arts in general. - 7 -
Notes
Graburn (1969a, 1976a) uses the terms "arts of acculturation" and "Fourth World arts" to describe the contemporary arts produced by aboriginal or native peoples; these arts have undergone changes in response to culture contact, usually contact with a dominant First, Second, or Third World society. See Chapter Two for further definition and discussion of acculturated and Fourth World arts. - 8 -
CHAPTER ONE - The Revival of Northwest Coast Indian Art
The revival of Northwest Coast Indian art that began in the
1960's has taken place within a changed social and cultural context. Since the first influences of contact with Europeans, many aspects of art production have in turn undergone significant changes in response to the new context. The most important factor in these changes has been the develop• ment of a non-Indian audience, which has almost totally replaced native society as the primary consumer of the art.
This chapter describes the history and process of the revival of
Northwest Coast Indian art by focusing on the changes in context that affected art production and stimulated the revival, the development of a non-Indian consumer public, and the reconstruction and reinvention of Northwest Coast traditions.
I - ART PRODUCTION ON THE NORTHWEST COAST PRE-19.20
Art in the traditional Northwest Coast context was an integral part of the culture, bound to the social structure in its expression of social and ceremonial privileges, and in its manifestation of a structure of beliefs about the relationship of man and his universe. Much of the art was centred around the potlatch.. On the basis of early accounts of native life, oral histories, and ethnographies, anthropologists and art historians have attempted (and are attempting) to reconstruct the ideas and meanings of the traditional arts and their complex interrelationships with the culture within which they were created and used (see Boas 1955,
Gunther 1966). Duff (.1967), for example, describes the art as having two main purposes: - 9 -
One purpose of the art was to make the world of supernatural beings visible and present. A carved shaman's charm was believed not only to identify the spirit from which he received supernatural aid, but to contain some of its power. A masked figure in a Kwakiutl winter dance did not simply symbolize a spirit creature; in a sense it proved that the spirit was actually present. How else was man to visualize what the spirits were like? How else could he feel their presence? Here art was a servant of religion.
A second main purpose of the artists' representations was to make the social system visible by providing emblems to distinguish the different social groups and to symbolize their privileges. These emblems or crests could be shown on any material possession, from a totem pole to a robe. There was no belief that they contained the power of the creature depicted or symbolized its actual presence, they were purely social, not religious symbols ... Here art was the servant of the social system by providing highly visible status symbols.
Regarding the production of art in the traditional context, Boas
(1955:183) distinguishes two "styles" of art: the man's style expressed in the art of wood carving and painting, and the women's style which, found expression in weaving and basketry. Although all men and women were taught to be able to make use of common techniques in the production of utilitarian items, MacDonald (19.77) notes that specialized artists who served long apprenticeships under master carvers or painters were often commissioned by high ranking chiefs to produce masks, poles, and other items.
Traditional art production, and the context in which, it took place, was affected by the European presence on the Northwest Coast almost from the time of first contact in the 1770's (see Appendix I). As discussed by Duff (1964b), Macnair et al. (19.80), Halpin (1981b) and others, the output of Northwest Coast art flourished following the first period of exploration and discovery. The fur trade, beginning in the 1770's, brought sudden increases of wealth to the society, resulting in expanded potlatch activity and an attendant increase in the need for, and production of, - 10 -
totem poles, masks, and other ritual objects:. The increased availability of metal blades further aided this flourishing of the art by allowing carvers greater ease of production. According to Duff (.19.67), "this artistic growth, continued to a climax between 1850 and 1880" for northern groups, although Kwagiutl art continued to evolve "in the period between
1890 and 1920."
As the European presence on the Northwest Coast changed from trade contacts to settlement and colonization (Duff 1964b), the production of art began to lessen. Gunther (1966:2) states that the fact that the art was so intimately bound up with the social structure accounts "for its rapid decline in the 20th century; for when the society became dis• organized through the impact of acculturation to white customs, the art lost all motivation." The disintegration of traditional social structure was brought about by forces including a decline in the fur trade, a drastic decrease in native population through, disease, alcohol, and warfare, and an increasing dependence of Indian people on a wage economy. Furthermore, governmental laws prohibiting the potlatch. in 1884 extended a severe blow to one of the most central Institutions of native society (Macnair et al.
1980:24). While some production of traditional art did continue into the
20th century, the death, of a native culture based on centuries old traditions seemed a complete certainty.
Art for Sale: Early Collectors on the Northwest Coast
Since the first European contact 200 years ago, the arts of the
Northwest Coast Indians have intrigued visitors to the area. Explorers and traders expressed interest in collecting "artificial curiosities" as - 11 -
souvenirs of their contact with, exotic peoples (Macnair et al. 1980:65). Coll•
ecting artifacts, was .-not a specific goal of most of the early expeditions,
although Captain James Cook, for example, gathered ethnographic materials
as part of his fact-finding activities in 1778 (Gunther 1972). By the
beginning of the 19th century, however, artifacts had become Important
items of trade. Initially these artifacts consisted of items originally
made for native use, but by 1820 the demand for curios had created a
"souvenir" industry, where artists produced items directly for sale to the
Europeans (Carpenter 1975:13).
Argillite was an important component of this early- art market for
the Haida, in that argillite carvings were perhaps the first Northwest
Coast art forms produced exclusively for sale to non-Indians. The develop• ment of such an art form that had no function in traditional society was
a creative response to the new context for art production that resulted
from European contact. Studies of argillite carving have shown that
changes in subject matter were both a response to collector demand and an
indicator of changes in traditional Haida social organization (Kaufmann 1969).
Referring to early argillite panel pipes, Macnair et al. (1980:66) note that "It is probable that creatures depicted on commercial articles represent mythical episodes rather than personal crests." The depiction of sacred and ritual subjects in the argillite carvings produced near the turn of the century, however, strongly reflected a loosening of traditional social structure that could allow formerly significant images to be sold as curios.
Curios in silver and wood were also produced by the Haida and by artists in other tribal groups. Silyer bracelets, produced primarily - 12 -
by the Haida but also by the Kwagiutl and Tsimshian from coins obtained
through trade, were sold directly to the outsiders and were used by the
native people themselves. Items In wood included model totem poles and
other models of larger works, replicas of existing pieces that the owners
were not willing to sell or had long since discarded and replaced with
European items, and many other objects such, as bowls and dishes. The
commissioning of models and replicas by collectors adds an interesting
dimension to the collections now stored in museums - commissioned items were
usually made to the specifications of the collector, and tended to be more consciously traditional in form than other items produced at that
time (Carpenter 1975:16).
Most of the early collecting that took place on the Northwest Coast
before 1870 was of minor significance compared to.the collecting that began
in the 1870's and continued at a great rate for the next forty years: (Cole
1978, 1982). Collecting by the 1880's had turned into more than a casual
accumulation of Indian curios - serious, commissioned ethnological collecting
for museums and world fairs had begun (see Appendix I). This emphasis on
the collecting of Northwest Coast Indian artifacts as "specimens" coincided
with the beginning of the great age of museums in the United States.
Commissioned collectors such, as James G. Swan (for the Smithsonian In•
stitution) , Johan Adrian Jacobsen (for Berlin's Royal Ethnological Museum),
Lt. George Thornton Emmons, and CF. Newcombe are responsible for collecting
a significant portion of the 115,000 to 125,000catalogued Northwest Coast
artifacts residing in museums today (Carpenter 1975:16). Their activity
reflected the museums' concerns about salvaging the last vestiges of a dying
Northwest Coast Indian culture to. use "as stones wherewith, to build up the - 13 -
future science" of ethnology (Bastian 1883). Both traditional and new
pieces made for sale were gathered up by these men in a competitive quest
that eventually tapered off by the 1920's.
Much of the art produced for sale before 1880 was made by artists
trained in their classic tribal style, and their work reflects their
understanding of the traditional artforms.. These artists probably produced
items for native use as well as items for sale. By the late 1800's, however,
native manufacture of goods for the curio market was dominated by persons
obviously not trained as artists. Work by these people was an economic
response to the still active demand for native arts by outsiders (Macnair
et al. 1980:65) .
While most artists working in the nineteenth century or earlier remain
anonymous, a small number of artists achieved renown as individuals through
their contacts with ethnologists and museum collectors. Charles Edensaw
(1839-1920) and Gwaytihl (d. 1912?) are two Haida artists who acquired
international reputations. The latter is known for his portrait masks which were articulated and realistic in style, yet not made for use - they were
truly an art made for a new function outside of native tradition. Edensaw
remains one of the most famous and significant Haida artists who was also
recognized and used by anthropologists as an authority on native culture.
His fame "comes mainly from his work in non-traditional media: silver, gold, and argillite ... [and] most of his identified output was produced for sale
to non-Indians. It was in this context that Edensaw established his
reputation? (Macnair et al. 1980:68). Edensaw was a professional artist who was able to devote himself full time to art production. He lived and worked between two worlds - the native and white societies - carrying on - 14 -
and innovating upon Haida traditions while adapting them to a new context
and function. In his role as an artist whose traditional function had
ceased within the native environment, Edensaw served as a last link between
two cultures in a time of change. Although, as noted previously, Kwagiutl
art production for native use continued throughout this time, Edensaw's
death left the remnants of northern Northwest Coast art traditions reduced
only to the production of tourist curios.
II - ART PRODUCTION ON THE NORTHWEST COAST: 1920 to 1960
The years from 1920 to 1960 are generally considered a period of
continuing decline for Northwest Coast Indian art. Describing this period, Hawthorn (1961:69) wrote: "A few carvers work capably, even
imaginatively. Museums provide a replacement for the supports given by the old system, supplying an income and an appreciative audience. Many more carvers work crudely and repetitively, their work separated from the values of their communities and selling on a completely uninformed, external market."
With the disintegration of the social, economic, and political structures that had supported Northwest Coast Indian arts and given the arts meaning, most tribal groups lost the knowledge, skills, and resources needed to sustain a viable, evolving art tradition. The suppression of institutions such as the potlatch significantly aided the decline of the traditional arts for all tribal groups. The four decades between 1920 and
1960 may be interpreted as a continuation of a period of transition that began in the late 1800's, where a new audience and consumer, and a new economic and social support system had not yet developed to an extent where they could replace those of the past and support the same degree, of art - 15 -
production.
Two kinds of markets or contexts for Northwest Coast art production
did exist in this time period, although they were much more constrained in
scope than in preceding and following decades. A small number of artists,
particularly among the Southern Kwagiutl but also among other tribes,
continued to produce works for a traditional context. Possibly a larger
number of artisans produced for the commercial context, which, consisted
primarily of a limited tourist market.
The Traditional Context
Of all Northwest Coast tribal groups, the Southern Kwagiutl were
the most successful in continuing their artistic traditions in the face of
potlatch prohibition. It is often stressed that, in contrast to other
tribal traditions, the Kwagiutl tradition alone has remained uninterrupted
(Macnair 1977:152). However, even Kwagiutl art traditions slumbered,
being carried on in the hands of relatively few practitioners compared to
earlier times. Charlie James, Mungo Martin, and Willie Seaweed are
Southern Kwagiutl artists who managed to maintain a viable and culturally
significant art throughout this period, producing ceremonial objects for
potlatch. use, as well as items for an outside market. While the maintenance
of the potlatch provided employment for these and other Kwagiutl artists,
it was not until the 19.50's that a few young people again became interested
in learning the carving skills and carrying on the work of the older men.
The situation was more serious among the Haida and Tsimshian, where master artists died without passing on their knowledge to younger carvers.
Among the Tsimshian, the classic carving and painting tradition passed - 16 -
from practice about 191Q, although, a few craftsmen continued to carye into the 1940's (Macnair.et al. 1980:93). Reid (1981:4) recalls that on the
Queen Charlotte Islands, "there was some adequate slate carving and a few old men. John Cross, Tom Moody, John Marks, and my grandfather, Charles
Gladstone, were making some quite nice bracelets."
While it is not clear whether art production for the Coast Salish ritual context continued, traditional use of already existing engraved rattles and spirit dancing equipment continued to some extent throughout this time period (Kew 1981).
Regarding Nuu-chah-nulth. (Westcoast/Nootka) art, there Is some disagreement as to whether or not the tradition died out; some sources state that the tradition continued in remote areas, others declare the production of ceremonial art to have ceased altogether by 1950 (Blackman and Hall 1978:11).
Women's arts are often omitted from a discussion of the decline and revival of Northwest Coast Indian arts, although basketry and weaving also responded to the disintegration of traditional social structure, the availability of machine-made wares, and the curio trade. For example, basket-making for native use continued only as long as it remained a useful skill within the household. On the other hand, basketry styles and forms were easily adapted for the tourist market, especially by the Salish. and the Nuu-chah-nulth.
In the period 1920 to I960, the traditional context for Northwest
Coast arts had therefore generally diminished, leaving limited demand for ceremonial goods and a slowly developing commercial market In its place. - 17 -
The Commercial Context
The market for newly produced Northwest Coast art declined during
the late 1920/s and 1930's, probably at least in part because of a
drastic reduction in active commissioned museum collecting, as well as
the economic depression of the 1930's. Knight (1978:43) states that by
the end of the 1930's the market for Haida art had reached its lowest point.
Barbeau (.1957:203) wrote that Andrew Brown, an experienced Haida argillite
carver, was reduced to selling miniature totem poles at the Prince Rupert dockside to tourists for two to three dollars a piece. Collection and purchase of Kwagiutl ethnographic items also declined in the 1920's, and
Kwagiutl artists shifted more to jewellery-making and miniature wood carvings (Knight 1978:44).
Although, the curio or tourist market was limited in size and scope, it provided the primary stimulus and commercial outlet for Northwest
Coast Indian arts produced between 1920 and 1960. Items produced during this period included Cowichan knitting, basketry, some silver jewellery and argillite carving, and of course, wood carving. Some museums commissioned and purchased pieces for their collections, but this occurred on a much smaller scale than before the turn of the century.
Perhaps the .most economically successful area of the Northwest
Coast Indian art market was the growing Cowichan sweater knitting industry, established by the 1880's. Although not a traditional native art form, the products were in high demand by the non-Indian public and came to be recognized as uniquely British Columbian items. Knitters in the 1950's received from fifteen to twenty dollars a sweater, and an average sweater sold on the retail market for twenty to thirty-five dollars (Hawthorn et - 18 -
al. 1958:262). Since Cowichan knitting was an imported (non-Indigenous) craft originally taught to native women by Scottish immigrant women, it did not rely on knowledge of traditional forms or have to adapt itself from a traditional social context to the Indian art market. In fact, the knitted products found a ready market among both, non-native and native people.
By contrast, basketry comprised a small segment of the Northwest
Coast art market, as the craft was; only practised by older women and did not provide adequate financial returns for the amount of labour involved.
Nuu-chah-nulth, Coastal and Interior Salish baskets were the types most commonly available to the consumer.
Silver jewellery production during this period declined greatly in quality and quantity, relative to earlier standards. Only a few artisans attempted well-designed engraved jewellery. Others participated
in mass production of bracelets, where strips of silver were factory-
stamped with a pattern that the native craftsman then finished and polished.
Hawthorn et al. (1958:263) note that "Since the price for most of these products ranges from $10 to $15 including the price of the silver, they would not justify the full care of a silversmith."
The returns to argillite carvers were also not high., despite a relatively strong collector demand for works in this medium. Only very
few carvers continued to create such items as model poles, ashtrays, and brooches, for which, they received one dollar per lineal inch, in the 1930's, and five dollars per inch in the 1950's QBarbeau 1957:9.5; Hawthorn et al.
1958:260). Overall artistic quality of the work was extremely low. in
comparison to works created by experienced Haida carvers in the 18.QQ's. - 19 -
Souvenir model totem poles comprised the hulk of the carved wooden
items available on the tourist market. Ranging in size from a few inches
to two feet, "most represent(ed) the individual styles of carvers of the
southern coast tribes who had little or no traditional background of
totem poles (Duff 19.64b:83).. Hawthorn et al. (1958:259) wrote,
It must not be assumed that the many small carved poles for sale in shops are an index of the vitality of this craft. These small totem poles have no historical significance and have only come into existence as a result of tourist demand for souvenirs ... for the most part they are garish and meaningless little souvenirs, made on commission at low prices per unit or lot.
Other items of wood carved for the market included masks;, plaques, and
single animal figures, although these were not produced on as large a scale
as model poles.
A number of experienced native carvers who continued carving for
native use also produced items for the commercial market. The better
known among them are Southern Kwagiutl artists. Until the late 1930's
Charlie James (c. 1868 - 1938) created hundreds of model poles which he
sold to visitors to his native village. These pieces differed from his
traditional works not only in the context for which they were created, but also in their imprecise workmanship and finish. Macnair et al. (1980:73) note, "He is fondly remembered by his own people as a traditional artist but the impression most others have of him is that he was: a maker of curio items." Southern Kwagiutl artists Mungo Martin and Willie Seaweed also carved non-traditional articles for sale in addition to the items they carved for ceremonial use. Charlie G. Walkus (1907 - 1974) and Charlie
George Jr. (b. 1910) are two Southern Kwagiutl carvers who began their - 20 -
careers by carving model totem poles to sell to non-Indians, and who developed into recognized tribal artists. Walkus carved masks for sale in the 1950's which differed from the masks he made for native use In only a few respects: a lack of rigging (meaning the mask could not be worn), and Walkus' signature inside (Macnair et al. 1980:96).
Even the market for fine contemporary pieces and older heirloom pieces was very limited in British Columbia. In the late 19.40's, according to A. Hawthorn (1975:14), "there were no specialized dealers in Northwest
Coast art and ethnography. The occasional curio shop might buy a mask or two from an Indian, but the prices they paid were extremely unrealistic in terms of the fine workmanship that had gone into the pieces." As will be shown in section III of this chapter, it was not until the late 196Q's that antique items of Northwest Coast Indian art began to be promoted and consider as "art" and priced accordingly on the art market.
Ellen Neel, the granddaughter of Charlie James and carver In her own right, was one of the few native artists who attempted to make a living from her art in the 1940's, at the same time keeping Kwagiutl art alive and increasing public awareness of it. Together with her husband and children she created a family cottage industry, and they carved model totem poles, masks, and other items. Originally, they lived and worked out of a small shop on Powell Street in Vancouver (see Appendix IIa)l, "making whatever she could sell" (A. Hawthorn 1979:259). The lack of interest in native art at that time, however, meant a constant struggle to maintain sales of their work.
A comment by the outspoken Neel, made at a 19_48 Conference on
Native Indian Affairs, provides a good illustration of the context within - 21 -
which, she and other native artists worked:
In my family carving was a means of livelihood. My grandfather was Charlie James, the famous Yakuglas ... Totems were our daily, fare. They bought our clothing and furnished our food. There was no problem of sale, since his work was eagerly sought.
Now the situation is different.
Curio dealers have so cheapened the art in their efforts to satisfy their desire for profit, that I doubt if one could find a single household where the authenticity of the work is important to them. I have striven In all my work to retain the authentic, but I find it difficult to obtain even a portion of the price necessary to do a really fine piece of work. This being so, I do not blame my contemporaries for trying to get enough for their work to live on, even though I believe 'they are cheapening their heritage.
Certainly a great work could be performed amongst the native people if a true appreciation of their work could be instilled into the general public.
Only when there is an adequate response to our efforts to retain the best of our art will it be possible to train the younger generation to appreciate their own cultural achievements ("quoted in Hawthorn 1948).
Neel's latter comment, in particular, points out the importance
of the development of an appreciative non-Indian consumer public to ensure
the survival of Northwest Coast arts. This requirement was reiterated
by Hawthorn et al. (1958:265), who reported that "Public information on
the background of Indian cultures is of first importance. A programme which aims at developing Indian artistic resources must depend ultimately
upon public interest and understanding." Since native society no longer
provided the support system and "market" for the arts, continued art production depended upon the expansion of the commercial market.
The market context between .1920 and 19.60, in which Neel and other
artists attempted to sell their work, was limited and shaped by interrelated - 22 -
social, historic, and economic factors. Briefly summarized, these include:
- The loss of the traditional native context for art production.
Native people had become Involved in the broader industrial economy of
the province, had largely yielded to Christianity, and had experienced
new forms of social and political organization. The potlatch
prohibition law was in effect during most of this period (1884-1951).,
and much ceremonial paraphernalia was either confiscated (e.g. Cranmer
potlatch. raid, 1922; see Inglis 1979) or sold.
- The societal perceptions of Indians. Negative attitudes toward
Indianness were communicated to Northwest Coast people through, the
residential school programs, where students were punished for using
their native language and encouraged to become as "White" as. possible.
These attitudes helped foster a negative self-image among Indians,
including a rejection of the past and of activities or traits that
emphasized a person's Indianness. Addressing the question of why the
younger generation of native people In the 1930's to 1950's did not
have an interest in preserving their cultural traditions, Barbeau
(1957:212) cites the words he often heard repeated:
"We have been taught to be modern, progressive. We don't want to be mistaken for our uncles who wore blankets."
The production of Indian art, which, would express a native identity in
the terms of the past, was not considered positively by this: younger
generation, nor was it reinforced as desirable by the wider society-.
A statement by Audrey and Harry Hawthorn, quoted in the Report of the
Royal Commission on National Development in the Arts, Letters, and
Sciences. (Massey et al, 1951:239).., is, relevant to this point: - 23 -
There is still a widespread ignorance about Indian cultures. The movies and the comics provide the only general knowledge to many people. All Indians are portrayed as living In tipis and wearing feathers, until even some Indians have come to believe this. A vast area of indifference surrounds Imputations of ignorance, laziness or unreliability. Erroneous beliefs are coupled with the sparse facts that Indians made arrow heads ... and that the old women used to trade baskets for old clothes ... and that is the sum total of public knowledge of these peoples.
- Population decline. By 1929 the Indian population in British Columbia
had experienced a decline of about sixty percent to a low point, of 22if605
("from an estimated 70,000 in 1835). It was not until 1939 that the
population again began to increase in all parts of the province, to a
total of 40,800 in 1963 (Duff 19.64b:45).
- North American socio-economic conditions. The 1920's were a time of
rapid change for British Columbia and North. America generally,
characterized by an industrial boom and trends toward urbanization.
In contrast, the 1930's were economically depressed years, curtailing
the existing market for Indian arts. An economic boom and build-up
of industry and technology followed the Second World War, however, and
carried through the 1950's, a time of modernization. In contrast to
the more recent nostalgia for the past, the 1950's were characterized
by a replacement of the old by the new.
- Limited financial support for native arts. Government encouragement
of, and financial support for, Northwest Coast Indian art production was generally lacking prior to 1960. The fact that the potlatch prohibition law was not lifted until 1951 indicates governmental attitudes of the time toward the continuation of such expressions of native culture and identity. Perhaps the most significant instances - 24 -
of financial support for native arts; were several totem pole restora•
tion projects (see below) and a small number of museum exhibitions.
The factors mentioned above comprise elements of the wider context for native art, within which only a limited non-Indian consumer public developed. Some attempts at promoting Northwest Coast Indian arts were, however, made between 19.20 and 1960, although the social milieu, in which, such attempts would be most effective did not emerge until after this period. In 1939 Northwest Coast Indian art was Included in the Golden
Gate International Exposition in San Francisco as part of one of the first exhibitions of American Indian art. In the 1940's, Northwest
Coast art was "discovered" by the Surrealist artists in New York (Including such artists as Max Ernst, Andre Breton, and friends such as Claude
Levi-Strauss), who were attracted to the visual puns in the masterworks they were able to collect. The Surrealists arranged an exhibition entitled "Northwest Coast Indian Painting" at the Betty Parsons Gallery in
New York in 1946 (Carpenter 1975:9, 10). This was a preliminary attempt at removing the objects from the anthropologists' category of "scientific specimen" and reclassifing them as "art." Local exhibitions at the
Vancouver Art Gallery In 19.56 and 1958 (see Appendix I) also served to publicize the art, although, the focus was usually on its traditional ethnographic context.
In Victoria, a non-Indian organization called "The Society for the
Furtherance of B.C. Indian Arts and Crafts" (later changed to the B.C.
Indian Arts and Welfare Society) was set up in 1939. Its purpose was to preserve and stimulate native arts and crafts. The organization held some exhibits of native crafts (including exhibitions of George Clutesi's - 25 -
paintings in 19.44) , made art scholarships available to students,- and attempted to publicize traditional Northwest Coast patterns and designs
(Hawthorn et al. 1958:266). Society founder, Dr. AliceVRavenhill, published a book of Northwest Coast designs entitled "A Cornerstone of
Canadian Culture" in 1944. This was one of the few books on Northwest
Coast art generally available at that time.
A number of individuals, including anthropologists, dealers, and patrons, played a role in promoting the art and encouraging art production. Wilson Duff, Marius Barheau, and Audrey and Harry Hawthorn, among others, contributed as anthropologists to the recognition of
Northwest Coast art through their writings, museum activities, and personal connections to native artists. Only a few retail outlets specializing in Northwest Coast Indian art were established before 1960 (see Appendix
II), but their dealers provided a link between the craftspeople and the tourists and collectors. Major patrons such, as Walter and Marianne
Koerner and H.R. MacMillan collected and assisted in museum purchases of fine Northwest Coast pieces, and encouraged artists and benefactors to preserve and support the art form. The support of these patrons helped museums to spark wider public interest in Northwest Coast art and contri• bute to the body of material from which, young artists could later relearn the art traditions.
The most significant promotion of Northwest Coast Indian art in the period prior to 1960 was the totem pole restoration project at the
UBC Museum of Anthropology. In 1949.-50. Audrey and Harry Hawthorn commissioned Ellen Neel and Mungo Martin to restore totem poles brought to the campus years earlier. As an extension of the project in 1950-51, - 26 -
Martin carved two forty-foot poles of His own family crests (A. Hawthorn
1979:vii). This project established Martin as a full-time carver and informant in residence, first for two years at UBC and subsequently for ten years at the B.C. Provincial Museum with. Wilson Duff (Ames 1981:8).
In Victoria Martin constructed a new version of his traditional community house, and carved and replicated more than two dozen totem poles (Macnair et al. 1980:73). Both projects attracted much, public attention, thereby serving as important stimuli to the development of a larger consumer public and to the revival of Northwest Coast "traditional" art. The projects also "demonstrated publicly that an honourable living could be made by producing high quality carvings for white people and their museums" (Ames 1981:8).
From this point on, the urban centres of Vancouver, Victoria, and
Seattle became the focal areas for the Northwest Coast art revival.
Although much of the commercial art production was. continuing in the more remote native communities, many artists (Including Bill Reid, Tony- Hunt, and later Robert Davidson, Norman Tait, and others), were centering them• selves in the city. The non-Indian consumers, the tourists, and institutions such as museums were also centered in urban areas, meaning that the major markets for Indian art would develop within the three cities.
Museum commissions continued: in 19.57 Bill Reid and Douglas
Cranmer were commissioned by the UBC Museum of Anthropology (with the aid of Canada Council grants) to create a section of a Haida village, which was completed in 1962; and in 1954 Henry Hunt was hired by the B.C.
Provincial Museum as caryer-in-residence, a continuation of the project - 27 -
that began with, the hiring of Martin and which has carried on to the present day. Again, such projects not only helped launch the careers of individual carvers, but attracted enough public attention to indirectly affect the growth of the wider commercial market for Northwest Coast
Indian arts.
Ill - THE REVIVAL OF NORTHWEST COAST INDIAN ART: 19.60. to the Present
What is often termed the "renaissance" (Cocking 1971, Vastokas
1975) or revival"*" of Northwest Coast Indian art began in the 1960's and continues in the present day. Social, economic, and political factors both internal and external to native society contributed to a climate favouring the growth of art production, an emphasis on native traditions, and the development of an appreciative art market. The last two decades have witnessed continuing Indian political activity, a new public interest in ecology and "the people of nature", the attempted creation of a
"Canadian culture and identity", the implementation of government funding for the arts, and increased publicity for Northwest Coast Indian art through books and exhibitions.
Native political movements, in their attempts to achieve a new relationship between the Indian people and the rest of Canadian society, have contributed to a realization of the value of heritage and traditions' for native people. A statement made by native political groups In the
"Citizens Plus" proposal of 1970 (the "Red Paper"), "called for the acceptance of diversity and pluralism in Canada's cultural life, and insisted that children learn Indian history and customs" (Patterson 19.72:
180). In the face of cultural, political, and economic pressures, an emphasis on the traditiona unique to native culture, has been part of the - 28 -
search, for a positive collective Indian identity. The production of
Northwest Coast art based on native traditions is a means of expressing this identity for some contemporary artists, and a new appreciative audience allows the artist to make a living producing such art for sale.
The revival of cultural activities such as potlatching is an attendant development of the contemporary art revival that allows for an expression of native identity within and for the native context.
Wider political activity in the Western world as a whole has also played a role in the Northwest Coast art revival. The 1960's were generally characterized by reactions against the power and authority of the dominant culture, and against technology and its consequences.
Increasing urbanization and modernization prompted a renewed sense of the past, in which many of the younger generation searched for "alternative lifestyles" and a return to the "natural" values which appeared to be fast disappearing from North American/European life. North American Indian cultures, as examples of "closeness to nature", became a source of symbols to represent adherence to the new values - long hair and beads were widely adopted by native as well as non-native youth. For the former, long hair may have additionally served as a symbol of political pan-Indianism. In this way elements of a romanticized native tradition were selected as an opposition to modernity and to the conformity which white American values represented. As a factor in the revival of Northwest Coast Indian art, this 1960's trend served primarily as a means of orienting some sectors of the public toward viewing native culture and traditions in a positive light. The response of the public in turn seems to have been a factor encouraging native artists' expressions of native identity. The - 29 -
overriding message directed at native people was beginning to change
from that of earlier decades. Societal attitudes toward traditional
(though not necessarily contemporary) native culture were shifting from
general disdain to acceptance, and sometimes to admiration. Such a shift
was vital to the development of a milieu in which, native arts, as
expressions of native traditions, could once again flourish.
The growing interest in primitive traditions that Became evident
in the 19.60's is part of a larger phenomenon. Grana (1971:98) has
written that "The destruction of local traditions and the assault upon
'the past' perpetuated by industrialization and world-wide modernization
seem to make large numbers of people susceptible to an appetite for relics
of pre-industrial life." In addition, MacCannell (1976) has noted modern
society's "search for authenticity" in primitive cultures and traditions of the past. As stated previously, when a society's identity is threatened, the people often turn to past customs and values In order to construct a positive sense of identity. Yet Graburn (1976a:28)_ has shown that there is an "almost universal proclivity of modern First, Second, and
Third World nations to collect and display the arts of their present and past minority peoples as symbols of their national identity" (emphasis mine). In Canada, the arts of the Indians and Inuit serve this purpose, and represent Canada to the tourists who take them home as souvenirs.
On the Northwest Coast, it is evident that traditional Northwest Coast
Indian culture has become an element of the identity of not only the native people themselves, but also of the non-Indian people who have made the area their home. The way in which many non-native residents of British
2 Columbia seem to view Northwest Coast culture as "our heritage" may - 30 -
indicate "a way [for people without 'long roots:' in the country] of symbolically bonding to the land in which the traditions have evolved ...
It is a way of creating the meaning of the place for oneself and in one's own experience" (Halpin 1981a: 16)..
The multicultural nature of the Canadian population implies the lack of a definite cultural identity formed out of far-reaching ancestral connections to the country. This lack has been perceived by the federal government as a block in the path, to national unity, and has resulted in policy development that has affected the revival of Northwest Coast Indian arts.
In 1949 a Royal Commission on National Development in the Arts,
Letters and Sciences was set up by the Canadian federal government. The government believed that "it is in the national interest to give encourage• ment to institutions which, express national feeling, promote common understanding and add to the variety and richness of Canadian life"
(Massey et al. 1951:xvii). Recommendations were made in the Commission's
1951 R.eport that a national arts and crafts programme be established as an essential aspect of the development of Indian social and economic welfare. It was suggested as well that a revival of native arts wouid promote common understanding and be a valuable contribution to Canadian culture (1951:242^3). In the I960.'s federal government funding programmes were established as a response both, to these recommendations and to a renewed searching for a national culture and identity. A cultural development department within the Department of Indian and Northern Affairs was formed to promote native art production; the department issued grants to native artists, writers, etc., and. began the D.I.N.A. art collection - 31 -
(Hill 1978:35). The 'Ksan centre., established in 19.66 in the Hazelton area, is an example of an economic and cultural project that received funding from provincial and federal levels of government. 'Ksan, which officially opened in 1970, includes a museum, Interpretation, and recreational centre, as well as the Kitanmax School of Northwest Coast Indian art.
The centre was established with the primary goal of helping to revitalize the economically depressed area; the art training programme was intended to provide graduates with a means of making a livelihood. In addition, the D.I.N.A. established the National Indian Arts and Crafts
Corporation (N.I.A.C.C.) in 1969.., which, was created to represent native artists and craftspeople in meetings with the D.I.N.A., to make decisions on allocations of funds among provincial arts and crafts societies, and to provide a common forum for native artists. One component of the
N.I.A.C.C. was the Canadian Indian Marketing Services (C.I.M.S.), established in the early 1970's as a central wholesale marketing and promotion agency 3 for Canadian native arts and crafts.
Federal policies on art and culture continued to be developed through the 1970's and into the 1980's (see Applebaum et al., Report of the Federal Cultural Policy Review Committee 1982), often haying as one of their objectives "the improvement of the capacity of Canadians to see and to know themselves, to share cultural experiences and thereby to acquire a sense of belonging" (Speaking of our Culture. Federal Cultural
Policy Review Committee Discussion Guide 1980:4). Funding for native arts also continued; important for many native artists in British
Columbia was the formation of the British Columbia Indian Arts and Crafts
Society in 1976, which represents almost 2000 artists and craftspeople, - 32 -
providing them with funding, materials-, and training.
Nineteen sixty-seven was Canada's Centennial year, celebrated
in the international showcase of Expo '67. As Ostry (1978:110) states,
"The whole of the Centennial project, and especially Expo '67, had proved
that investment in culture could be more than justified by the national
awareness ... it generated." Indian artists along with other Canadian
artists were commissioned and subsidized by the federal government to
contribute to the formation of a national culture and image. Expo '67
provided contemporary and traditional Northwest Coast art with some much
needed exposure outside of British Columbia, as did the subsequent
exhibition "Man and his World", which, for two years exhibited a significant
part of the UBC Museum of Anthropology's collections.
Another Centennial project was the Vancouver Art Gallery
exhibition "Arts of the Raven", organized by Doris Shadbolt with, the
assistance of Wilson Duff, Bill Holm, and Bill Reid. On display was a
selection of fine pieces of Northwest Coast Indian art gathered from leading museums and private collections throughout North America. The intent of
the exhibition, as stated in the catalogue, was to make a statement
contributing to "the shift in focus from ethnology to art" for Northwest
Coast Indian art - "this is an exhibition of art, high art, not ethnology"
(Shadbolt 1967). The exhibition has been regarded as; a turning point
for Northwest Coast art appreciation. According to Duff (1975:13),
"Arts of the Raven" was "the threshold over which Northwest Coast art had come into full recognition as 'fine art' as well as 'primitive art'."
Parts of the exhibition included a gallery devoted to the work of master artist Charles Edenshaw, and another gallery focusing on contemporary - 33 -
arts. Both of these sections of the exhibit represented new approaches to the appreciation of Northwest Coast art, the first by distinguishing the native artist as individual, and the second by recognizing the continuation of traditional art styles in new and modern contexts.
Regarding the latter, the catalogue states, "But now these are arts in a different sense. Though, truly enough, of Indian descent, they are now
Canadian art, modern art, fine art" (Duff 1967). The contemporary works included pieces by Northwest Coast Indian artists Doug Cranmer, Bill Reid,
Robert Davidson, Tony Hunt, and Henry Hunt (all from British Columbia); and pieces in the Northwest Coast style by Cherokee artist Don Lelooska
Smith and white artists Bill Holm, Michael- Johnson., and Doris Khyber-
Sruber (weaver of Chilkat blankets), the latter four from the United States.
Whether the organizers' intentions for the exhibition were realized is debatable, as the art's connections, to primitive or tourist/ curio art remain dominant to the present day. This; Is reflected in the general attitudes of art galleries toward collecting or exhibiting native art. Reluctant to accept it, or assess it, simply as contemporary art, they relegate it to its "proper" place, the ethnology museum (see Ames
1981;7). However, "Arts of the Raven", located in the art gallery setting, successfully served to direct public attention to Northwest Coast Indian art and allowed collectors and young artists to realize that contemporary works could be created on a par with, masterpieces of the past. Not insignificantly, the catalogue accompanying the exhibition became an accessible and reliable source of images and information on the art. The catalogue includes concise descriptions of the art's context and design conventions written by experts Holm and Duff. - 34 -
Since the 19.67 "Arts of the. Raven" exhibition, "the four major museums and galleries in British. Columbia (BCPM, Vancouver Art Gallery,
Vancouver Centennial Museum, UBC), occasionally with the assistance of their gift shops, have produced over thirty temporary exhibitions of
Northwest Coast Indian art and opened two major permanent exhibitions
(Provincial Museum and UBC), all of which promoted the aesthetic merit of
Northwest Coast Indian art, and most of which included contemporary examples" (Ames 19.81:8). (See Appendix I for a partial listing of
Northwest Coast art exhibitions held in B.C. and elsewhere.) Like "Arts of the Raven" and "Man and his World", several of these exhibitions had a major impact on the development of both, contemporary Northwest Coast art production and an appreciative audience for the arts. As cited by
Ames (1981), these include the 1971 "Legacy" (an exhibition of contemporary works only), the 1974 "Bill Reid Retrospective", and the series of one-man shows and print exhibits instituted at the UBC Museum of Anthropology in
1977. The more recent "Legacy II" exhibition could also be added to the list. The opening of the new UBC Museum of Anthropology in 1976, which, features Northwest Coast Indian art and displays it as "fine art", was probably the strongest proclamation to date of non-Indian recognition of the value and significance of traditional Northwest Coast Indian art and culture. Almost concurrent openings of permanent Northwest Coast ethnology galleries at the BCPM and National Museum further reflected the degree to which Northwest Coast Indian culture was now considered to be worthy of aesthetic appreciation and financial support. By having "the effect of legitimating both, artist and artifact in the eyes of both, whites and Indians" (Ames. 1981:9).>'.museums and .galleries-have played a vital - 35 -
role in the development of the Northwest Coast Indian art market.
Whites see artifacts displayed in museum contexts as collectibles and investments. Indians discover a new value for their own material heritage (Ames 1981:9).
It is important, at this point, to emphasize the major roles played by Bill Reid and Bill Holm in the revival of Northwest Coast Indian art.
The social, economic, and political factors discussed above were vital in developing a new context for art production. However, Reid and Holm's pioneering analyses and reconstructions of northern Northwest Coast design were also influential in aiding the revival. Their art, studies, and teaching, and in particular Holm's 1965 book Northwest Coast Indian Art:
An Analysis of Form (to be discussed below), have provided the groundwork from which many succeeding artists have gone on to learn and create in the 4 northern style.
Contemporary artists who wish to learn Northwest Coast design can now choose among three basic methods of training: they can learn on their own, using books, photographs, and museum collections as references; they can apprentice to other artists; and they can learn in a formal 5 6 training setting such as 'Ksan or Tony Hunt's workshop. ' Macnair et al.
(1980:98) note that Kwagiutl Tony Hunt is probably the only artist in his age group "to have been trained as a youngster by a master £Mungo Martin3 whose understanding of the art reaches back to when traditional culture was still dominant." For many young artists, Reid and Holm's reconstructions of northern Northwest Coast design have become the established "tradition" to be passed on to current and succeeding generations of artists.
The development of a new context and audience favourable to the - 36 -
production of contemporary Northwest Coast Indian arts stimulated the participation of more and more native artists, craftspeople, agents, and dealers in what had become a several million dollar industry by the late
1970's.7
A study by the Native Brotherhood of British Columbia, entitled
The Development of Native Tourism in British Columbia (1980:3-12), estimates that "In 1979, there were an estimated 2,500 native Indian artists and craftspeople in B.C., of which 1,000 could be considered full- time producers and the balance part-time and incidental." This figure encompasses the entire province; of the total, Northwest Coast Indian producers make up at least 75% (i.e., an estimated 1875 individuals). In contrast to this figure, Macnair et al. (1980:85) have estimated that
"Today at least two hundred Indian men and women are seriously practicing their art in British Columbia.,., This latter estimate includes only those coastal artists who are attempting to learn the old forms of sculpture or two-dimensional design, creating items stemming from Northwest Coast traditions, and selling their work on the art market.
The number of shops specializing in Northwest Coast Indian arts has increased along with the art revival. In Vancouver, approximately thirteen shops were established between the years of 1918 and 1970; from
1970 on, approximately seventeen shops specializing in Northwest Coast art opened. Of the total, approximately seventeen closed In the course of the years, or stopped selling native arts, leaving thirteen still actively in business at the time of writing (see Appendix Ila). In Victoria, which has the second largest concentration of Northwest Coast Indian art shops in British Columbia, five shops were established before 1970, and - 37 -
six opened and two closed or discontinued sales of Indian art since that date (see Appendix lib). Many other retail outlets are located elsewhere in the province (the Reserve Management Ltd. Retail Survey £1978] estimates a total of 162 in British Columbia, including those located in Vancouver and Victoria; the figure includes all shops selling, but not necessarily specializing in, native arts), and several shops were established in
Seattle during the 1970's. Through its questionnaire survey of British
Columbia's retail outlets, the Retail Survey (1978) found that fully 82% of total retail sales of native arts and crafts took place in the urban centres of Vancouver and Victoria.
While the marketing of Northwest Coast Indian arts will be discussed in detail in Chapter Three, the figures cited above give evidence of the phenomenal growth of the Northwest Coast Indian art market that has occurred since the early 1960's. Similar developments have occurred with Woodlands art in Eastern Canada, with Inuit art
(although the government-promoted market for the latter was already booming in the 1950's), and with the arts of other indigenous peoples around the world (see Graburn 1976a). As a result of unprecedented collector demand, these arts have emerged in a new social context, reflecting the significance of cultural traditions to both producer and consumer.
IV - THE RECONSTRUCTION AND REINVENTION OF TRADITION
The revival of Northwest Coast Indian arts has depended largely on a process of reconstruction, reinvention, and reinterpretation of traditions that had, for most tribal groups, died out or at least remained dormant for several decades. Northwest Coast Indian art styles, forms, - 38 -
meanings, and even contexts were (and are being) reconstructed from a 8
number of sources: memories, cultural continuities, museum collections,
photographs, ethnographies, and books. Since the early 1970's, many of
the artists who were producing art in a general Northwest Coast style
(usually based on northern art) have, through their researches,
reconstructed and redefined styles more particular to their own village
or regional groups. The process of reconstruction is an integral part
of the artists' attempts at reviving and expanding upon Northwest Coast
Indian art styles. It is also a part of the conceptualizations of
"traditional", "authentic", and "Indian" that have emerged among experts,
consumers, and artists, and by which the contemporary arts are often
evaluated.
Except for the artifacts themselves, the sources of information
on traditional Northwest Coast Indian art have two main characteristics
in common: all are themselves reconstructions of traditions, and all are
by necessity selective. For example, anthropologists have attempted to
reconstruct the traditional culture of the Northwest Coast people by
using key informants (elders and marginal individuals). At the time
when many of these ethnographers were conducting their fieldwork, traditional
lifeways had already been altered through such, factors as participation
in a wage economy (see Knight 1978). Certain aspects of Northwest Coast
Indian culture were selected for inclusion into the ethnographies, and
other aspects were omitted. Similarly, private and museum collectors
could only gather a selection of the total repertory of Northwest Coast
material culture. Although this selection consisted of thousands of
artifacts that are primary cultural data themselves, the extent to which. - 39 -
the resulting museum collections are representative of Northwest Coast material culture generally may be questioned. Selectivity applies as well to the tribal traditions that have been handed down through the
generations and continue to the present day. Parts of the Southern
Kwagiutl potlatch, for instance, have been altered, expanded, or left out
entirely as the context and role of the potlatch changed (see Holm 1977).
Memories of the "old ways" have similarly undergone a process of
selection and reconstruction, and are not infrequently influenced by
anthropologists' interpretations of the way things used to be.
The process of the reconstruction and reinvention of Northwest
Coast tradition through the use of museum collections, books, and memories will be examined respectively in the following sections.
Use of Museum Collections
In the 1960's when Bill Holm of the University of Washington and
the Thomas Burke Memorial Washington State Museum was attempting to
reconstruct the rules upon which northern Northwest Coast design principles were based, he found that he had only the old pieces of Northwest Coast
art to turn to. He states (1965:vii), concerning his reconstruction, that,
Ideally, a study of this sort should lean heavily on information from Indian artists trained in the tradition that fostered the art. Unfortunately, I was unable to locate a qualified informant from the area covered, i.e., the coastal region from Bella Coola to Yakutat Bay ... (C)ontemporary work seen from the area reveals a lack of understanding by Indian craftsmen of the principles that are the subject of this study.
Thus Holm conducted an analysis of the art by referring to many artifacts
in American and Canadian museums and private collections, coding the - 40 -
characteristics of 392 of the pieces on Keysort cards, and recording the
incidence of specific design characteristics. He also had spent many
years, since the 1940's, making masks and ceremonial paraphernalia in
Northwest Coast styles, and learning from this experience "the system of
principles that governed certain aspects of Northwest Coast Indian art"
(1965:v). To this end, Holm also referred to museum specimens as
sources of inspiration. Holm published his reconstruction of Northwest
Coast design in 1965. The book, Northwest Coast Indian Art: An Analysis
of Form has since become the standard text studied by both anthropologists
and Indian artists alike (Ames 1981:5).
Haida artist Bill Reid was working at the same time as Holm but
independently from him in attempting a reconstruction of Haida art
traditions. Commenting on his own and Holm's work, Reid (1976:34) states
that,
Those were the first attempts to get back to the origins of the process. Everything else that was going on was a result of people imitating people who were imitating other people who were imitating the great people of the past. It was sort of the diminishing stream. So we skipped all that and went back to the origins - in museums and books - and discovered what we thought were the basic rules governing at least the northern style of the art.
Because the majority of portable artifacts, had long ago left the Queen
Charlotte Islands, Reid's rediscovery of Haida art had to take place far
from his mother's village of Skidegate, in public and private collections
(Macnair et al. 1980:87-8). Thus Reid had to study museum pieces in order to discover and learn the principles of Haida form and composition.
His learning process is illustrated by his remark that, - 41 -
I built up an unrepayable debt to the late Charles Edenshaw, whose creations I studied, and in many cases shamelessly copied, and through those works I began to learn something of the underlying dynamics of Haida art which later permitted me to design more original pieces while still staying within the tradition (Bill Reid - A Retrospective Exhibition 1974).
Copying or working from extant pieces was a traditional way of learning Northwest Coast design, and remains an important learning method today. Museum commissions have often provided a situation for such learning - one example is the UBC Totem Park project carried out by Bill
Reid and Doug Cranmer. While the poles are not exact reproductions of the older pieces they nevertheless were closely derived in design from extant
Haida poles. The B.C. Provincial Museum has also, since 1952, employed
Indian carvers to carve in residence, both to copy museum pieces and to experiment on their own (Ames 1981:12).
Haida artist Robert Davidson began to learn directly from Bill
Reid in the 1960's, and was able to use Reid's and Holm's work as a basis from which to build his own understanding of Haida art. Museum collections were still, however, an important source of knowledge and inspiration for him. Davidson (1978:10,11) acknowledges their importance in the following statements:
The Northwest Coast Indian art and artifacts preserved in museum collections have made possible much of the reawakening of the artistic part of our culture ... I became very aware of my cultural background ... by visiting museums and by talking with people who had knowledge of my ancestry. The more I started learning, the more I started seeing. The time spent in museums made me realise that the Haida carved more than just totem poles.
There was, and to an extent still is, a viewpoint shared by many artists and other people on the coast that the collection of Indian art and artifacts was wrong - another example of - 42 -
exploitation. My feeling about that is the opposite; if it wasn't for the museums and if it wasn't for anthropologists, I feel the art form would have died completely if nothing had been collected and saved.
When it comes to artistic innovation, [contemporary] artists must have a certain knowledge of how things worked in the past. Museum collections that chart that progression can offer knowledge and insights into innovation to the Haida artists of today. For my own development, museums helped my creativity and now, as a teacher, I am sharing my knowledge, and learning a lot through that sharing ... The only way to understand the art is to study the old and new Haida pieces, to talk about them, and to share ideas: to be totally aware of the past and the present.
Numerous other contemporary Northwest Coast Indian artists have turned to museum collections of old Northwest Coast Indian pieces to learn about their art styles and to derive initial inspiration for the creation of new pieces in all media. This process was particularly important for artists of Haida, Tsimshian, Nuu-chah-nulth, Bella Coola, and (recently)
Salish descent, since their artistic traditions were no longer viable, nor were many older pieces being used or accessible in native villages.
Among the Southern Kwagiutl, as mentioned earlier, ceremonial life remained relatively continuous and provided an impetus for artistic production. Nevertheless, contemporary Kwagiutl artists have also made use of museum collections as sources of information and inspiration.
The importance and influence of museum collections on the production of contemporary Northwest Coast Indian arts has recently been shown in several "after-effects" of the Salish art exhibition "Visions of Power,
Symbols of Wealth: Central Coast Salish Sculpture and Engraving" at the
UBC Museum of Anthropology (October .1980 to April 1981). The exhibition made accessible to contemporary Salish artists for the first time many - 43 -
traditional Salish caryings that had previously been stored in American, eastern Canadian, and European museums. The exhibit soon stimulated some replication, and Salish artist Rod Modeste was inspired to reinterpret the carvings on a large wooden sculpture as a silver bracelet design
(Kew 1981).
When considering the significance of Northwest Coast design reconstructions that are based on museum collections, it is important to note that "the vast bulk of Northwest Coast art work existing in museum collections today was produced in the period from 1850 to the first decade of the present century" (Holm 1965:19). The Northwest Coast artifacts
that are now referred to as "traditional" and as a standard by which contemporary Northwest Coast artists' work is judged were thus generally created after contact with white man. Hawthorn (1961:70), commenting on the role of museums in determining the directions of the contemporary
Kwagiutl art in the 1960's, stated that,
The outcome of many deliberations was to direct the carvers to return to the style of the first phase of contact, using steel tools but painting sparingly. These directions grew acceptable to the carvers, and the phase of the art used as the standard for the museum revival has come to appeal to them as the peak of its achievement.
This "standard" is thus derived from post-contact forms of the art,
since post-contact Northwest Coast Indian art is the earliest and most
traditional art we have records and examples of in any significant amount.
Hawthorn (1961:70) went on to point out that,
A return to the pre-contact style and technique would have been interesting but much more difficult on many counts: slow manufacture, few models, and long separation from the surviving traditions. - 44 -
An issue emerges as to how traditional the art that is exhibited in museums and referred to by artists and others as "traditional" actually is. Much scholarly debate has been fostered by the fact that our knowledge of the antiquity of Northwest Coast art extends only as far as the early explorers' records and archaeological finds will reveal. For instance, some scholars (e.g. Marius Barbeau 1950) have questioned whether or not
totem poles were present two hundred years ago when the first European
explorers arrived. However other anthropologists (see Duff 1964a) have
argued that Northwest Coast art as we know it originated and developed in
the coastal area and existed well before contact. A careful reading of
the explorers' journals and expedition artists' drawings has, according
to Halpin (1981b:24), shown that "There is no longer any question that the
free-standing and frontal poles were observed by the first European
visitors to Haida and Tlingit villages."
Smaller artifacts that were collected by the first Europeans on
the Northwest Coast also provide evidence of a continuity in art
traditions from pre-contact times. Holm (1965:3-5) mentions several
examples of such pieces, including a carved wooden bowl collected by
Captain George Dixon on the Queen Charlotte Islands in 1787 (the bowl is
now in the collection of the British Museum) and a headdress plaque
collected by Captain Malaspina between 1790 and 1795 (now in the Museo
Arqueologico in Madrid). Both pieces "are designed and carved exactly
according to the conventions of classic northern work of the mid-nineteenth
century" (1965:3). Retreating even further into the past (up to 3000
years ago), some Northwest Coast stone and bone artifacts also exhibit
elements of form and design suggestive of the classic Northwest Coast styles - 45 -
of the nineteenth century (see Duff 1975).
Holm (1965:5) notes that the changes that took place in Northwest
Coast Indian arts from the late eighteenth to the late nineteenth century due to European contact "were of degree rather than substance"; Hawthorn (1961:
69) also notes that "The major direction of the resulting, changes [after the introduction of iron and the fur trade] appears to have been in keeping with the traditional styles and occasions of the art." "Traditional"
Northwest Coast Indian art styles and conventions thus seem to be exhibited not only by the late nineteenth and early twentieth century museum pieces contemporary artists now look to as sources of information, but also by some prehistoric Northwest Coast Indian art.
The above discussion shows that despite the apparent antiquity of classic northern Northwest Coast design principles, the "continuity of tradition" is an active, or evolving, process. The art styles did not remain static over time, but changed through, individual artists' innovations and influences, as well as through external influences. These changes gen• erally occurred within the framework of Northwest Coast design conventions.
Southern Kwagiutl carving provides an example of the process of evolving tradition. Hawthorn (1961:64-5), in discussing the work of
Southern Kwagiutl carver Charlie James, states that "It is of interest that Kwakiutl massive carving was new when Yakuglas [James] began [late
1800's, early 1900's]; that he developed the distinctive regional style that is now the most widely known of the styles of massive carving on the
Northwest Coast." Mungo Martin (1881-1962), who was trained by James, in turn achieved recognition among his people and anthropologists alike, as an outstanding Southern Kwagiutl carver. While his early work is - 46 -
difficult to distinguish from James' (Macnair et al» 1980:73), he later became an innovator in Southern Kwagiutl style, and through his training of Henry Hunt, Tony Hunt, and Doug Cranmer, has directly or indirectly
influenced many contemporary Northwest Coast Indian artists. Southern
Kwagiutl sculpture evolved to what can be considered its classic form in the late nineteenth century (Macnair et al. 1980:51) , and Martin played a major role in further defining the Southern Kwagiutl art tradition in the twentieth century. His works remain in museum and private collections and public places for contemporary artists to refer to as examples of
"traditional" Southern Kwagiutl art.
9
"Books are our teachers- now for all the old things"
Ethnographies and other books written by anthropologists and other writers are a second major source of information from which artists can reconstruct Northwest Coast traditions.and derive inspiration for their art. Where knowledge of the traditions is not part of artists' personal memories, ethnographic works on Northwest Coast art and culture serve as threads connecting the contemporary artists to at least those aspects of their culture that have been recorded.
Contemporary native artists have consistently referred to books for recountings of myths, descriptions of traditional culture, and discussions and illustrations of traditional arts. Bill Reid, for example, when he began to explore the structure of Haida art in the 1950's, referred to books that were just then becoming available: Alice Ravenhill's "A
Cornerstone of Canadian Culture" (1944) and books by Robert Inverarity and
Marius Barbeau. Reid (1981:5) states, "None of these publications was - 47 -
a great example of scholarship, but they did provide a sufficiently wide selection of photographs of Northwest Coast art, which I and a few others could pour over by the hour, and attempt to reproduce, so that eventually we could unlock the secrets of the ovoids, formlines, etc."
A number of books published before .1955 have played a particularly significant role in the contemporary revival of Northwest Coast Indian arts by serving as important sources of information for artists. These books include: John R. Swanton's "Contributions to the Ethnology of the Haida"
(especially Chapter X), published in 1905; Chapter 6 of Franz Boas'
Primitive Art (1927 {[republished 19553); Marius Barbeau's two volumes of
"Totem Poles" (1950) and his "Haida Myths Illustrated in Argillite
Carvings" (1953); and Robert Bruce Inverarity's Art of the Northwest Coast
Indians (1950). Bill Holm's Northwest Coast Indian Art: An Analysis of
Form, which, as previously noted, has also played an important role, was published in 1965. These books can be singled out because they are the original published investigations of the principles of representation and design in Northwest Coast art and of the purposes and meanings of the art in Northwest Coast Indian culture. Each of the books contains illustrations and/or photographs, which have inspired and been copied by contemporary artists.
Swanton's "Contributions to the Ethnology of the Haida", one of few informative studies of these people, focuses principally upon the social organization of the Haida. A large segment of the book is taken up by abstracts of stories, both a Skidegate and a Masset series. (These stories are taken from his two larger collections of texts, which were published in 1905 and 1908, and are in turn valuable sources of - 48 -
ethnographic and linguistic data.) Chapter X of the book, entitled
"The Representation of the Crest and of Myth, in Art", is an investigation of the manner in which Haida social organization was reflected in their art.
The chapter includes many illustrations and accompanying explanations of totem poles, two-dimensional screen and box designs, houses, carved spoons, tattoo designs, blanket border and hat designs, masks, and other carvings and two-dimensional designs. These designs and the myths have served as a major reference source for contemporary Northwest Coast Indian artists learning the Haida style. Concerning the myths recounted by Swanton, part-time Haida artist Michael Nicoll (1980) states that "I've made a point
[of] learning stories about the different crests, so when I do something,
I can think about the story and the implications of the story." He goes on to say that he learns these stories "from Swanton and relatives" (1980).
The chapter entitled "Art of the North Pacific Coast of North
America" in Boas' Primitive Art,^ is one of the first and most influential analyses of the principles of representation in Northwest Coast design. Boas describes stylization in the art, the symbolic characterization of animals, splitting and dislocation of parts, and the design elements
(e.g. "eye forms") of Northwest Coast style. The chapter also includes a large number of fine and detailed illustrations;.
Helen Codere (1966:xxi), in her introduction to Boas' Kwakiutl
Ethnography, remarked that "There seems to be no reason why thorough mastery of the details of Boas.' analysis, with, a requisite technical skill in painting or carving, should not make it possible to produce authentic new Northwest Coast art. Such a generative test would ... demonstrate the adequacy of the descriptive analysis." Using Boas' work In this - 49 -
way has, in fact, become an important part of the learning process for contemporary Northwest Coast Indian artists, who have referred to the book both as a source of designs and as a source of design analysis.
With regard to the importance of Boas' work, it is interesting to note that he has been criticized for a lack of knowledge about Northwest
Coast art. Referring to Boas' analysis of a distributive design painted on a bent bowl,^ Macnair et al. (19.80:68) state, "It is evident that, while
Boas was struggling to comprehend the art at its greatest intellectual abstraction, he was unable to elicit clear information on meaning because he had not fully mastered an understanding of form.!' Aspects of northern two-dimensional Northwest Coast design not adequately covered by Boas have now been redressed by Holm (1965).
The two volumes of "Totem Poles" published by anthropologist Marius
Barbeau in 1950 comprise an extensive survey of Northwest Coast Indian totem poles, including many photographs and descriptions. These volumes, together with Barbeau's "Haida Myths Illustrated in Argillite Carvings", have served as sources of design ideas for Haida argillite carvers in particular. The latter book contains a number of Haida myths and 300 accompanying illustrations of works in argillite carved since the turn of the century. Drew and Wilson (1980:113) quote Claude Davidson, a
Masset argillite carver: "I got a copy of Haida Myths ... from my dad.
I started looking at the designs in that book, and started to go by it."
Blackman and Hall (.1982:32) note that "For Davidson and many other argillite carvers, old pieces collected in books represented both, the variety of old designs and a standard for achievement. In addition,
Haida Myths quickly became a standard reference catalog for argillite - 50 -
collectors who commissioned of modern [contemporary] carvers works just like those shown in Barbeau."
Important criticisms of Barbeau's interpretations have been made by such anthropologists as Wilson Duff (1964a), who points to a careless handling of historical material, misleading interpretations, and facile explanations. The inaccuracy of Barbeau's work may be more significant when the books are used as sources of ethnographic data, but may be less significant for artists who are using the books' photographs for design ideas.
Art of the Northwest Coast Indians by R.B. Inverarity is the first major catalogue of Northwest Coast Indian carvings, textiles, and other objects that presents these works as "art". Inverarity discusses some characteristics of Northwest Coast design, including distortion or overemphasis, outlining, splitting, "horror vacui", and the symbols by~ which totemic animals can be recognized. He describes the art in a framework of Northwest Coast social life, material culture, and religion,
"because the art cannot be adequately understood and appreciated without some understanding of its origins" (1950:xii). Like the books mentioned thus far, Art of the Northwest Coast Indians contains many photographs which continue to be used as sources of information and ideas by contemporary artists. (For example, a silver Eagle brooch made by Bill Reid in 1953-4 was adapted from an early blanket design featured in Inverarity [see Bill
Reid - A Retrospective Exhibition 1974], and Robert Davidson produced a silkscreen print entitled "Sea Bear" in 1968, adapted from a Haida dance shirt design pictured in the same book [see Halpin 1979:4,53.) Art of the
Northwest Coast Indians is a significant book in the revival of Northwest - 51 -
Coast art because it was one of the few accessible and authoritative books
containing photographs to appear in the early years of the revival.
The single most influential book on Northwest Coast Indian art
(some artists jokingly refer to it as "the Bible"), is Bill Holm's
Northwest Coast Indian Art: An Analysis: of Form. Like Boas, Holm
played a leading role in the codification of the elements or principles
of Northwest Coast design (Ames 1981:4,5). Holm, however, went beyond
Boas' type of analysis of two-dimensional design. He notes (1965:8) that
the northern Northwest Coast artists "had a highly developed system of art
principles that guided their creative activity and went far beyond the
system of conventional animal representation described in the literature, most notably in the works of Franz Boas." Holm's analysis, therefore,
focuses on principles of composition, design organization, and form, "those
stylistic characteristics of Northwest Coast Indian art which have heretofore
escaped analysis" (1965:13).
A primary feature of Northwest Coast Indian Art: An Analysis of
Form is that Holm introduces the language or vocabulary of terms by which,
the art and its elements have since been described. Such terms as "ovoid"
and "formline", first applied by Holm, are now commonly used by artists
and others in discussing Northwest Coast Indian art. Complimenting this
feature are many diagrams and template-like examples of design elements,
variations of forms, and compositions. These can be studied and copied
by artists in their own attempts at learning and reconstructing Northwest
Coast design.
Ames (198.1:4) notes that "The codification of design elements [_as
found in Boas' and Holm's books] has encouraged a standardization or - 52 -
rationalization of design and technique. The consequences are comparable to those that occur when customary law is transformed into written law: a general stereotyping of form and content." Northwest Coast Indian Art:
An Analysis of Form has been used as a textbook in all Northwest Coast art training programs and as a "how-to-do-it" book by many individual artists, although, this is not what the author intended (Holm 1981) . Such use of the book has increased its impact on the contemporary Northwest Coast art revival and emphasized the consequences of codifying Northwest Coast design. Furthermore, "The codifications produced by Boas and Holm provide the primary criteria by which the Northwest Coast artist is judged"
(Ames 1981:6) in the contemporary market as well as by other Northwest
Coast artists.
An additional and unintended consequence of Holm's book derives from its focus on northern Northwest Coast design and its omission of an analysis of the styles of the Kwagiutl and their southern neighbours.
While the limits of this focus are clearly stated in the introduction to the book, a net effect has been to set apart the northern style as
"true Northwest Coast" and superior to the southern style, which is often 12 looked upon as a lesser derivation of the former.
Other books have, of course, played a role in contemporary artists' reconstructions of traditions and in inspiring the creations of new works.
Since the publication of the above six books at least three dozen books and exhibition catalogues dealing specifically with Northwest Coast Indian art have been published. Hilary Stewart's Looking at Indian Art of the
Northwest Coast (1979), for example, is an introduction to Northwest Coast design elements, regional styles, and traditional motifs that is referred to by artists as well as collectors. Moreover, chapters and - 53 -
articles on Northwest Coast art are included in many more books, journals, and magazines dealing generally with North American Indian art and other subjects. These books and articles can serve as additional sources of design ideas and ethnographic information, and their photographs of museum collections from around the world make a greater number of Northwest Coast art works visually accessible to contemporary artists.
Unpublished photographs must also be mentioned as a reference source of traditional works for contemporary Northwest Coast artists.
Slide collections of Northwest Coast art objects from North American and
European museums are useful to artists: who would otherwise find it impossible to see such a collection of widely dispersed works. Bill
Holm's large collection of slides is one example of such a resource, that is much-used by British Columbia and Seattle artists.
The importance of museum collections and books in the contemporary reconstruction and reinvention of Northwest Coast traditions reflects the changed context in which the contemporary artist works, as compared to his traditional counterpart. To a large extent, these new reference source's are a major means of access to the traditional cultural context that no longer exists. The books and exhibitions provide the ethnographic background an artist may desire in order to create a certain piece, as well as the visual access to traditional objects that are no longer an integral part of the contemporary artist's culture.
Using the selection of Northwest Coast art objects visible in books and museum collections as the primary sources from which to reconstruct
Northwest Coast art traditions has both disadvantages and advantages. As. - 54 -
Blackman and Hall (1982:36,37) point out, museum exhibitions and images in books present pieces as works of "art", emphasizing surface qualities and separating the objects from the activity and context in which they were originally located. A mask in a museum display case cannot be seen in the same way that it would be were it used in a dance by firelight, and
"The photograph of a mask does not tell the carver of its thinness, of how it feels when worn in the dance, of accommodations made on its inner surface for the wearer." Blackman and Hall (1982:37,38) also note, however, that,
On the other hand, contemporary artists consulting photographs and [[museum collections of 3 ... Northwest Coast art have an advantage over their forebearers. The eighteenth and nineteenth century Northwest Coast artist may have travelled widely and seen many finely carved pieces used in public ceremonies or permanently displayed as totem poles, housefront paintings, house screens and posts, but the Haida who saw a totem pole in Tsimshian territory could only carry its image in his mind, and possibly return at a later date to view it again ... Modern Northwest Coast artists, by contrast, have at their fingertips visual images from all areas of the Northwest Coast to which they can return again and again. Thus, not only can an artist repeatedly study a particular piece, but there exists the possibility for the cross-fertilization of tribal styles unparalleled in traditional times.
Memories
The extent to which memories of traditional culture survive among native people today is impossible to measure, as is the degree to which aspects of traditional Northwest Coast culture have remained continuous through the years. Moreover, people's knowledge of "the old ways" has often been influenced, or learnt from, the writings of anthropologists, when the information obtained from such, sources is incorporated into tribal
"tradition". While cultural continuities in art and ceremony are - 55 -
probably strongest among the Southern Kwagiutl, the contemporary revival of Northwest Coast art has affected most tribal groups by reviving memories of "the old ways". To quote George Yeltatzie (1980), a Masset artist,
... the ones that you have to please first are your people before anyone else, and ... that's the hardest thing to do because everyone is very very particular about what they see, what went on at that time, because they all begin to remember as the carvings come alive again ...
The production of masks and other items for a revived and sometimes reinvented ceremonial context has created a source of knowledge for contemporary
Northwest Coast artists who are too young to have their own memories of traditional times. In 1969, for example, Robert Davidson carved a totem pole to raise in Masset. Halpin (.1979:4) comments, "The ritual presentation of the totem pole in 1969 called forth the songs, the speeches, the stories, the dances, of the old culture - the formal collective memory of the past ... [Davidson] created an artistic channel for the 'transfer of knowledge from the old people to the young.' Haida art was probably always such, a channel." The "handing down" of elders' memories has in this way re-emerged as a significant part of the contemporary process of reconstructing traditions. To quote Davidson, "The survival'of the society is based on this handing down of tradition; one then has to innovate upon it" (Appelbe 19.79:10).
V - ART AS A VEHICLE FOR CULTURAL REVIVAL
Robert Davidson's pole raising in 1969 represented a new development in the revival of Northwest Coast Indian art. The success of producing art for a non-Indian consumer within the market context has led - 56 -
to an investigation by some artists into the traditional functions and
meanings of the art, and is being accompanied by a revival of art
production for the native context. Davidson's pole was the first to be
raised on the Queen Charlotte Islands in almost ninety years, and the
attendant ceremony required the production of button blankets and other
regalia to replace those that had long since left the village. It also
required a relearning and re-creation of the songs, dances, and ceremonial
procedure that were an integral part of a pole raising.
Other pole raisings and ceremonies have since taken place on the
Queen Charlottes. A housefront pole was erected by Bill Reid at the
new Skidegate Band Council Administration building in 1978, and a
cultural celebration, "A Tribute to the Living Haida", was given by
Davidson in 1980. Art has also become a vehicle for cultural revival
in 'Ksan, and among the Nuu-chah-nulth people. In 1970-71 Kwagiutl
artists Henry and Tony Hunt carved a pole as a memorial to Mungo Martin.
The pole was the first to be raised in many years in the Alert Bay
graveyard, and required an attendant potlatch, which in turn "sparked the
revival of a slumbering tradition" (Macnair et al. 1980:183).
Vastokas (1975:12) says that the new poles "are no longer being
raised solely as retrieval or restoration projects by government and
educational institutions, but by the native peoples themselves as symbols
of their new optimism." It is interesting to note, however, that the
funding for the above-mentioned events was still derived in part from
government, museums, and corporations. Davidson's 1969 pole, for example,
was funded in part by the British. Columbia Cultural Fund; the Hunt's pole was funded totally by the B.C. Provincial Museum. In fact, the tacit - 57 -
support of non-Indian society has probably played a significant role in encouraging such "cultural revival" - Davidson's 19.69 pole raising was perhaps equally a reflection of newly positive outside attitudes toward native traditions as attitudes internal to native society.
The B.C. Provincial Museum has become actively involved in promoting the production of art for native cultural use, in effect stimulating the growth of a native market for contemporary Northwest Coast
Indian arts. Ethnology curator Peter Macnair has "paid his carvers to produce pieces for Indian potlatches, and he has loaned items from the museum's collection and donated newly carved pieces to sponsors of potlatches" (Ames 1981:12). Producing pieces for the use of native people is seen by Macnair and such artists as Davidson and Joe David as giving the art "meaning" and making the art "authentic". The amount of work that is now produced for personal, spiritual, community, and potlatch purposes, often for little or no economic benefit, is a tribute to the importance such production has attained for some contemporary artists.
Use of the term "cultural revival" perhaps exaggerates the social significance of revived native traditions. It is not the entire traditional culture that is being restored to life, but mostly selected elements of ceremonial traditions in which art production can play a role,
Similarly, only a relatively small segment of native society is directly affected, and the "revival" has not improved the conditions of life for most native people. It is worth noting that "many of the most prominent persons involved with the religious and ceremonial revival are the artists themselves" (Warner 1980:30), and that the involvement of these artists with other aspects of the native community is often limited. Some people, - 58 -
such as Bill Reid, question current efforts to "reinvent the old Indian culture" (Iglauer 1982:13), feeling that the road to improved social conditions for native people does not lead "through the dust-covered pathways of the past" (Reid 1981:16). On the other hand, Halpin (1982:28) states that "some native artists are becoming cultural leaders and expressing a new vision of what is possible . . . fjperhaps] we are witnessing the beginnings of a cultural movement that will restore health and economic vitality to native communities-."
The contemporary revival of Northwest Coast Indian art should not be examined and understood only in terms of how successful it is in re• creating the past, but more importantly, in terms of how it is creating a new understanding of Northwest Coast Indian culture for native and non- native people alike. The relationship between Northwest Coast arts and the non-Indian consumer will be considered in the following chapters. The impact of the revival of Northwest Coast art and traditions upon Indian peoples is, however, a subject requiring further study. - 59 -
Notes
1 Graburn's definition of "revival" is applicable to the Northwest Coast case: "Revival" refers to the attempted re-creation of an art form that has fallen into disuse ... it may involve slight modification of the form and probably does not re-create the context of the original manufacture" (1976a:20). 2 See Halpin 1981a:16; also Macfarlane and Perkins 1977:46. I have also noted this tendency. 3 The C.I.M.S. declared bankruptcy in 1979, primarily because of organizational problems resulting from its too-centralized operating structure (Native Brotherhood of B.C. 1980:3-4).
4 . Artists working in the Kwagiutl, Westcoast (Nuu-chah-nulth), and Salish styles have also been able to utilize Reid and Holm's work, but have had to learn or rediscover their own tribal styles from other sources.
^ Tony Hunt, in his "Raven Arts" workshop in Victoria, instructs beginning and intermediate woodcarving and design. This teaching programme is sponsored by the B.C. Indian Arts and Crafts Society.
6 Several artists have supplemented their training with formal studies of Western art: for example, Bill Reid studied jewellery design at the Ryerson Institute of Technology in Toronto, and Robert Davidson and others have taken art courses at the Vancouver School of Art (now the Emily Carr College of Art).
7 One survey conducted in 1978 (a questionnaire and interview survey of 162 British Columbia retail shops known to handle native produced goods) estimates total retail sales of Indian arts in B.C. at $3.5 million. Approximately 70 percent of this total is derived from the sale of arts produced by B.C. artists and artisans. The remaining 30 percent is derived from Indian arts imported from other provinces. Thus the total retail sales of B.C.-produced Indian arts could be estimated at $2.5 million (Reserve Management Ltd., Retail Survey, 1978).
The Native Brotherhood of B.C. (1980:3-12), using as its data base the above survey (1978) and the records of the B.C. Indian Arts and Crafts Society, calculates that "Gross value of production at the producer level of native made items was estimated to lie in the range of $4 to $6 Million in 1978. The associated value of retail sales of goods produced by native artists was estimated to be on the order of $7 to $10.5 Million ... 74 percent of total retail sales are generated by B.C. producers. The balance of 26 percent was imported from [other! provinces."
3 By "cultural continuities" I refer to aspects of the culture that have remained continuous through the years: for example, clan/crest affiliation, some ceremonials, or the language. - 60 -
Quote by Henry White (1980) , Haida carver.
The chapter (pp. 183-290) is a revised edition of Boas" essay, "The Decorative Art of the Indians of the North Pacific Coast of America", Bulletin of the American Museum of Natural History, New York, Vol. IX, 1897 (pp. 123-176).
t See Boas 1955:275-277.
The general emphasis on northern Northwest Coast art in the majority of books on Northwest Coast Indian art has contributed to this consequence as well. - 61 -
CHAPTER TWO - Art for the Marketplace
The changed social and cultural contexts for the production of
Northwest Coast Indian arts have had an effect on the arts themselves. The
arts have undergone significant changes in use, meaning, form, subject matter, materials, and technology. Whether the arts have been produced for native use or for sale, similar processes of change have occurred.
Stylistic and other changes are an inevitable aspect of the history
of any art form, and individual creativity plays an important role in such
changes. However, the development of a non-Indian public as the primary
consumer of Northwest Coast Indian arts has probably been the single most
important factor to affect native art production since the initial effects
of white contact, that led first to a flourishing and then to a near death
of the traditional arts. This chapter includes a brief look at accultura-
ted arts, followed by an examination of the contemporary Northwest Coast
arts produced for sale as "arts of acculturation" reflecting contextual
change. The last section addresses questions of "authenticity" that have
arisen with regard to the re-creation of Northwest Coast Indian art
traditions in the contemporary commercial context.
I - ARTS OF ACCULTURATION
The transformation of traditional cultural elements into marketable
commodities for tourists and collectors is a phenomenon taking place the
world over. Such art production by contemporary aboriginal peoples has
been discussed in the literature as "arts of acculturation" or "Fourth
World arts." Acculturation itself has been defined by Redfield, Linton,
and Herskovits (1936:149) as "those phenomena which result from groups of - 62 -
individuals having differing cultures coming into first-hand contact, with subsequent changes in the original culture of either or both groups."
Graburn (1969a:457) has gone on to define the arts of acculturation as
"art production, which differs significantly from, traditional expressions in form, content, function, and often medium, which also differs from the various forms of art production indigenous to ever-growing 'civilization'."
Graburn uses the additional concept of "Fourth World arts" to describe the contemporary arts of those people formerly called "primitive." The
Fourth World includes "all aboriginal or native peoples whose lands fall within the national boundaries and techno-bureaucratic administrations of the countries of the First, Second, and Third Worlds"(Graburn 1976a:1).
Fourth World arts generally combine aspects of the society's own symbolic and aesthetic systems with those of the dominant society, for whom the arts are usually created. While art is never a static system, the kinds of changes referred to here are the direct result of prolonged contact between a Fourth World and a First, Second, or Third World society.
Northwest Coast Indian arts produced in the past 150 years or so can generally be described as "arts of acculturation" or "Fourth World arts" because many of the changes the arts have undergone in that time period resulted from the influences of contact with, and producing art for, the dominant non-Indian society. Using the concept of acculturated arts helps us to see Northwest Coast Indian arts in the broader comparative context of changing art forms brought about by culture contact.
Fourth World arts can be divided into two major types, determined by the context for which they are produced: - 63 -
(1) Those arts, termed "inwardly directed arts" by Graburn (I976a:4),
that are made for and used by the producer's own society. These objects
are made for utilitarian or traditional ceremonial purposes, although
they may incorporate some changes in form, style, materials, and even
symbols that resulted from outside influences. On the Northwest Coast,
for example, a mask produced for a winter dance, or a silkscreen print produced as a potlatch gift, would constitute art produced for a "tradi•
tional" or "native" context in contemporary times. The "traditional
context" may have changed in format, but these changes have not completely
altered its traditional purpose. Since there may be an economic aspect
to the production of art for native use, the market that absorbs inwardly
directed arts can be termed the "native market for contemporary arts."
(2) Those "outwardly directed arts" produced for sale to consumers who
are not part of the producers' cultures - primarily the Western art market.
As Richter (1980:10) points out, however, the consumers may also include members of the producers' own culture who are not using the art in a
traditional context, but display it in their homes. Nevertheless, the majority of consumers of contemporary Northwest Coast Indian arts do not
belong to the producer culture, and the arts are channeled to the con•
sumers through the commercial art market. These arts can be broadly
categorized according to the market sectors for which they are produced
and the degree to which they incorporate outside Influences (see Graburn
19.69b:3-6; 1976a:5-7) :
(a) Commercial fine arts - These are produced to satisfy their
creators and other members of the artist's society, but must also appeal - 64 -
to the consumers in the art market. Although these arts are made with,
eventual sale in mind, they retain the culturally defined aesthetic and
formal standards of the creator's society. Commercial fine arts may stem
from traditional art production, or they may be new forms generated for
commercial purposes. The artists attempt to adhere to a high standard of
quality in workmanship and design.
(b) Souvenir arts or tourist arts - These arts, which, may bear little more than a superficial relation to the traditional arts of the creator culture, tend to be simplified, stereotypical products that do not adhere
to the creator's cultural aesthetic and formal standards. The cultural
standards and traditions may be subordinated to the speed of production, quantity of output, and saleability of the inexpensive product. It is
important to note, however, that the pressure of mass production is not necessarily the only factor responsible for poor tourist art; it may also be a lack of knowledge and artistic skill on the part of the producer, a strict profit motive for production, and the existence of a market for the resultant low quality and inexpensive work. Souvenirs may conform more closely to the consumers' preconceptions of the producer's culture than to an accurate expression of the culture.
The categorizations of contemporary Fourth. World arts into inwardly and outwardly directed arts, and the latter into commercial fine arts and souvenir arts, are not mutually exclusive in the sense that certain types of arts may be classified in more than one category. For example,
Northwest Coast Indian silkscreen prints, which are produced for the souvenir and fine art markets as well as for native use, could - 65 -
conceivably belong to all these categories.
Graburn (1976a:14) has pointed out that "sources of change
incorporated into commercial arts come from both, without and within, according to the tastes of the buyers and the efforts of the producers."
He adds that "the market itself is the most powerful source of formal and aesthetic innovation" (1976a:15), often leading to changes in size, materials,
forms, functions, and meaning. That these processes of change appear in many different cultures is primarily due to the fact that the production of
saleable native art objects for a Western market "may be based on aesthetic
criteria, functional categories, and value-based tastes other than those
deriving from the producers' culture" (Dawson et al. 1974 : 23). The sale
of the arts, and thus the livelihood of the producer, depends upon their
acceptance by the buying public, which has its own preconceived expectations
of acceptable native arts.
II - NORTHWEST COAST INDIAN ARTS AND CHANGING TRADITIONS
Contemporary Northwest Coast Indian arts produced for the commercial market include wood carvings, silkscreen prints (serigraphs), silver and
gold jewellery and other items, argillite carvings, basketry, and weaving.
Items less commonly made for sale include drums, button blankets, ivory and
bone carvings, paintings, and drawings. This section will examine
acculturative processes of change in relation to the contemporary Northwest
Coast Indian art forms commonly produced for sale today.
Use and Meaning
The most obvious changes in Northwest Coast art that have resulted - 66 -
from the new context for art production are in the use and meaning of the
art for the new consumers. The functions of art objects in traditional
native culture were outlined in Chapter One. Today, the art that is made
for sale primarily to consumers outside of native society assumes a new
role relevant to the consumers' lifestyle, notions about "art", aesthetic
criteria, and relationship to Northwest Coast Indian culture.
The uses to which contemporary Northwest Coast arts are put by
the consumer may range from personal adornment (e.g. wearing a bracelet as
jewellery), to investment, to display as art. Common to these different uses is the contemplation of the object as "art object" and the fact that
these objects are now produced as "art by destination.""'' Even where dis• putes may arise as to whether a mask or a basket can be considered a work
2 of art, the object is now produced for and purchased in the art market, and
is viewed and displayed by the consumer as one would view and display "art", that is, as an object with primary visual/aesthetic use (this is in addition to its other uses, such as souvenir or investment).
The changes in the traditional role of the arts in native society, to their present role as "art objects" to be displayed in the modern living room, raise the question of whether differences exist between traditional 3 native aesthetic criteria and the criteria applied by contemporary con• sumers to Northwest Coast arts. In a discussion of native aesthetic criteria,
Hawthorn (.19.61:67) notes the responses of Kwagiutl visitors to objects in the UBC Museum of Anthropology's collection, stating that "the aesthetic qualities of the object were not always distinguished from its social and economic importance." He suggests that, - 67 -
Although, most [contemporary] Indian visitors, to the Museum have separated the social and aesthetic values, traditional society probably contained many who did not. They would have been interested primarily in communication of the social facts: the validating myths, the historic and supernatural figures and incidents, and distinctions of rank. Other people, presumably the majority, responded also to qualities of originality, forcefulness and beauty, and the carving was judged as a work of art to the degree that it succeeded or failed in supplying these qualities (1961:68).
Hawthorn's statement gives an indication of how aesthetic judge•
ments may be qualified by viewers' perceptions of the use and meaning of the
object, by culturally-specific notions of artistic quality, and by previously
formed expectations about the object, in addition to factors such as personal
taste. This applies to contemporary non-native consumers of Northwest
Coast Indian art as well as to the native viewers Hawthorn referred to.
(See Chapters Four and Five for surveys and discussions of non-Indian viewer
and consumer aesthetic judgements of contemporary Northwest Coast Indian
arts.)
The relationship of the viewer to the art object (and to the producer's
culture through the medium of the object) is an important factor in his
expectations of the art, and of the meaning of the art to him. Since the meaning of an object is not intrinsic to the object, but is determined by context, the meaning of Northwest Coast Indian art to a tourist, an art investor, a collector of fine arts, or to the artist himself could differ greatly according to the use each person has for the art. Today the Images and forms of Northwest Coast art are separated from their traditional context and are recontextualized, emerging as the elements of a new system of meaning for the contemporary consumer. The traditional function of a Northwest Coast object is no longer relevant for the consumer, but the object can assume a - 68 -
new function so that it is regarded as useful and meaningful from the con•
sumer's point of view. In this way, an object may still incorporate a
crest design, but it will no longer serve to identify the owner of the object
as a member of that particular lineage - it may be regarded simply as a
decorative object, or it may well serve as a statement of another kind of
identity: perhaps that of British Columbia resident, or Northwest Coast art
connoisseur.
The 1969 raising of Robert Davidson's totem pole in Masset
(mentioned in Chapter One), provides an Illustration of the contrast between
the traditional and the contemporary use and meaning of totem poles, even
though Davidson's pole was produced for the native context. The primary
traditional function of totem poles was to display family history, identity,
and wealth through crest symbols. Totem poles were usually raised at potlatches, where the stories behind the crests were told to the people witnessing the event. While Davidson's pole also consisted of crest figures
carved in the traditional style, it was raised primarily as a symbol of Haida
identity generally, and an affirmation of the continuing importance of Haida
culture. The pole was raised on community ground before a church, as opposed
to the traditional placement of a pole before the family's house. In
addition, the contemporary pole was both, carved and sponsored by Davidson
(with, the assistance of the British Columbia Cultural Fund), an artist who was not living on the Queen Charlotte Islands, and who until that time had
derived much of his knowledge away from the Queen Charlottes in Vancouver and
Victoria, in museums, books, and from personal contacts with artists and
academics. Davidson's pole, as an expression of Haida tradition, was an
old form with, a new use and meaning reflecting changed social and cultural - 69 -
contexts.
Materials and Techniques
The early effects of metal tools on art production, and the
incorporation of new materials such, as silver and argillite into Northwest
Coast Indian arts have been noted in Chapter One. More recent changes in
carving technique include such adaptations as the use of power tools when
practical. In the field of silver jewellery, Bill Reid's formal training
in European jewellery making has significantly influenced the work of younger
artists. As Reid (19.81:8). notes, "the techniques I had learned, particularly
for engraving, eventually drifted back to the villages and are now almost
universally used. The old techniques, used by Edenshaw, Cross, and my
grandfather, for instance, have entirely disappeared, and now it's accepted
as traditional to do things the way I used to."
The most obvious change in materials to occur in the revival of
Northwest Coast Indian art is the adoption of the silkscreen print medium
(serigraphy). This change has become both artistically and economically
significant to the production of art for the contemporary market. Not only
have silkscreen prints become the medium in which artists are the most free
to innovate, but, since the late 1960's, the relative popularity of prints
on the market has made printmaking a primary means of economic support for 4
many artists. "In just over a decade, more than 100 native Northwest
Coast artists: have created nearly 10.00 designs reproduced as silk screen
prints" (Blackman and Hall 1981:55).
Northwest Coast serigraphy developed as a product of the commercial
market for native arts. Blackman and Hall (1981:55) note that.early
designing on paper b_y- Northwest Coast artists- occurred "with, turn-of-the- - 70 -
century anthropologists who commissioned drawings of traditional crest and
other decorative designs. Designing on paper received some later re•
inforcement in the native residential schools, although the artistic results were often strikingly nontraditional." Ellen Neel screened Northwest Coast
designs onto scarves in the late 1940's, and in the late 1950's, to early
1960's, Tony Hunt, Doug Cranmer, and Chief Henry Speck produced some silk•
screen designs for sale on the tourist market. In 1968 Robert Davidson
began printmaking; "Davidson's designs were also retailed in "Vancouver and
Victoria gift shops, but he early attracted the interest of collectors of both
Northwest Coast art and fine graphic art In general" (Blackman and Hall 1978:2).
Responding to growing public interest, more and more artists began to produce
designs for this medium. Northwest Coast two-dimensional art traditions
were easily transferred from painted and carved designs on wood to silkscreen
prints, which are familiar to Western consumers as an "art" medium and
suitable for display in the home.
Early prints were considered posters, and were screened on low quality
paper in large or unlimited editions. Some dealers and artists endeavoured
to bring Northwest Coast printmaking Into the larger realm of Canadian art,
however, which necessitated limiting editions, having the prints signed and
numbered by the artist, and using high-quality rag papers. Most collectors
now frame the works with "conservation framing" or carefully store their
"investments" in protective folders. Museums are collecting Northwest Coast
serigraphs as well, and have included the works in several recent exhibitions
and one-man shows. It should be noted, however, that contemporary silkscreen
prints, like other commercial arts, vary widely in the quality of their
design and execution, and are still sold within the souvenir as well as the - 71 -
fine art markets.
Some Northwest Coast designs have been produced as silkscreen prints for use in the native context. They are given out as potlatch gifts, and are used to mark important ceremonial or personal events. Within both the commercial and the native contexts, Northwest Coast silkscreen prints have emerged as a new medium illustrating both, continuity and change in native traditions.
Form and Subject Matter
The new context for contemporary Northwest Coast Indian art has influenced (and continues to influence) form and subject matter in several ways. Changes in these aspects: of art production are closely connected to changes in the use and meaning of the contemporary arts. For Instance, changes in form may include stylistic changes, as well as the adaptation of
Northwest Coast art to such non-traditional forms as wall plaques and silk• screen prints.
Tourist arts, as mentioned previously, provide an obvious example of changes in traditional form and meaning that occur as a response to tourist demand for souvenirs of another culture. Souvenir arts are characterized by a reduction and distortion of the producer's belief and symbolic system that is determined In part by the tourist buyers' preconceived notions of what is representative of the producer's culture, and by the producer's perception of the tourists' preferences. Ben-Amos (1973:9) has observed that "Tourist art...operates as a minimal system which must make meanings as accessible as possible across visual boundary lines...[it involves a] reduction in semantic level of traditional forms, expansion of neo- traditional secular motifs, and utilization of adjunct communicative systems [i.e., ways of conveying the souvenir's "message", through form, colour, etc., that are utilized and understood by producer and consumerQ."
Souvenir arts can thus be seen as "an obvious visual cross-cultural code"
(Graburn 1976a :17), conveying enough of the expected exoticism and "otherness to the consumer without being unreadable. In this way successful souvenir production results in a product that corresponds to the expectations of the buyers and expresses symbolically their consciousness and conceptualization of the producer culture.
Model totem poles provide an example of a popular souvenir that has become a widely recognized symbol of British. Columbia and Northwest Coast
Indians. The production of model poles was already flourishing In the late
1800's as a response to tourist demand for a portable souvenir of this region
Many contemporary model poles are made by fine carvers and are good examples of the art form. Others merely present a stereotypical view of totem poles; they are carved in a style that barely resembles any traditional totem pole style on the Northwest Coast, yet they sell widely and serve as a representa• tion of Northwest Coast Indian art to the buyer.
Regarding contemporary Northwest Coast Indian commercial fine arts,
Halpin (1981b:30) has noted that "Both simplification and realism facilitate cross-cultural communication... In order to communicate with the new- consumers, the artists are creating forms which, are more naturalistic, more universal. These forms contain fewer cultural messages, and their appreciation is less dependent upon mastering a complex and unfamiliar style.
As an example of the greater accessibility of the contemporary forms to the wider audience, Halpin (1981b;30j notes that "the forms of contemporary sculpture are simplified and more realistic than the old carvings. There - 73 -
are more single figures now and few monstrous combinations of more than one life form in a single image." Such changes in form generally reflect "a
shift in meaning from the totemic to the mythological content of native culture. Whereas totemic forms derive meaning from their local social context - that of clan and tribe - mythological themes reflect more universal dimensions of human experience" (1981b:28). The forms: remain
"Northwest Coast art", although they are created within and for a changed cultural context.
The development of a "new" style of Northwest Coast design at 'Ksan
is a clear illustration of changes: in form and subject matter, and of the utilization of simplification and realism. Instructors from various tribal groups (Kwagiutl artists Tony Hunt and Doug Cranmer, Haida artist Robert
Davidson, and white artist Duane Pasco) were brought in to the Kitanmax
School of Northwest Coast Indian art to provide training in northern North• west Coast design (specifically Tsimshian). Although all instructors were accomplished artists, none of them was proficient in traditional Tsimshian art forms. The instructors introduced images and forms from a number of different tribal art traditions in their teaching of northern design, and
the personal styles of Duane Pasco and one of the first graduates of the
school, Vernon Stephens (who also became an instructor), greatly influenced the directions the 'Ksan style has since taken.
The 'Ksan style can he described as utilizing a thin, somewhat angular formline and resultant angular ovoids, depending heavily on templates (which, tends to make the forms in many designs somewhat repetitive), and attempting
"innovation" (i.e., a departure from traditional form and style) in almost every piece. A major innovation that characterizes many 'Ksan graphics, is - 74 -
the incorporation of perspective, portrayal of the environment, and a
comparatively non-abstract or "literal" view of the subject matter ( e.g.
Stephens' "Aah-See-Will, the Greedy Hunter", figure 1) - the effect is the
localization of the image in time and space, which contrasts sharply with
the "timeless" portrayal and meaning of traditional northern Northwest
Coast images. Stewart (1979a: 10.0) describes the means by which, this effect,
is achieved in the 'Ksan graphic style:
Human figures are rendered in lifelike appearance, often in action or conveying some emotion, and are frequently interrelated with animals or inanimate objects. The elements of the art are traditional, but segments of U forms and split U forms are elongated or abbreviated to provide the artist with additional shapes to serve his requirements. A distinguishing characteristic among some of the 'Ksan artists is the use of these linear elements detached, or nearly so, from the main body of the design. The appearance of vigorous movement is often enhanced by such, lines, which give a feeling of vibrancy.
Certain 'Ksan graphics that portray single figures in a very naturalistic,
illustrative way (though still drawing upon Northwest Coast style) are most popular with consumers unfamiliar with or unresponsive to more traditional
Northwest Coast design. Such portrayal allows for readily identifiable
subject matter, and the use of enough. "Indian" characteristics makes the design obviously "Northwest Coast" (e.g. Robert Sebastian's "Salmon Fighting
Upstream to Spawn", figure 2).
A tendency in Northwest Coast print designs toward the creation of more naturalistic forms, more single figures, and less combinations of more than one creature occupying a single space, means that such Northwest Coast designs become more universally recognizable, hence more easily understandable.
Most silkscreen print images to date depict single, representational animal
forms and mythical beings like the Bu-quis, and Tsonoqua (Hall et al. 1981:561, Figure 1. "Aah-See-Will, the Greedy Hunter" Figure 2. "Salmon Fighting Upstream to Spawn" by Vernon Stephens, 1978. Silkscreen print. by Robert Sebastian, 1980. Silkscreen print. - 76 -
centered in the middle of a white field. This method of depicting a
Northwest Coast design on the open design field of a sheet of paper is actually a departure from the traditional application of a two-dimensional design, which was adapted to the shape of the object it decorated. In the area of jewellery engraving, most designs consist of an animal figure adapted to the shape of the item, although Macnair et al. (1980:92) also note a growing tendency among contemporary artists to apply a single profile design rather than the more traditional bilaterally symmetrical design. The
Northwest Coast tradition of splitting up and abstracting a figure, so that the figure occupies the total space, Is attempted by some contemporary artists in silkscreen prints and carvings (e.g. Robert Davidson's print,
"Butterflies", figure 3). The creation of successful designs of this type
(see Halpin 1979:7-9) requires a greater understanding of organizing principles in northern Northwest Coast two-dimensional design than do the more standard single representational forms.
Macnair et al. (1980:85-6) have stated that "Contemporary Indian artists are less restricted in their use of material, and their exploration of subject and form, than were their precursors." Several leading contemporary artists have undertaken to experiment with the limits of Northwest Coast design: three examples could include Southern Kwagiutl artist Doug Cranmer, Haida artist Robert Davidson, and Nuu-chah-nulth artist Joe David. While certainly not all experiments or innovations in contemporary Northwest Coast
Indian design are successful, artists such as the three named above have influenced the directions contemporary native art has taken. Their art has influenced other artists following them, setting standards by which many collectors and artists view and judge Northwest Coast Indian art. Figure 4. "Study" by Doug Cranmer, 1980. Acrylic on cedar. - 78 -
Experimentation in design can involve sometimes subtly innovative uses of form, space, organizing principles, or subject matter, as well as attempts to incorporate or work in a tribal style other than the artists's own. Successful experimentation depends upon the artist's mastery of North• west Coast design and upon a receptive market. One example of contemporary experimentation that has influenced the work of other artists is Doug
Cramer's experimentation with form in abstract paintings. In these designs an attempt is made to produce a completely abstract design using the Northwest
Coast design elements (figure 4), and some designs incorporate such inno• vations as the overlapping of colours and the overlapping of lines to represent perspective. Robert Davidson's experiments are attempts at extending the art within the absolute limits of Haida two-dimensional design, innovating upon the use of space (figure 3), and often departing from symmetry. Serigraphy and silver jewellery are Davidson's primary media for experimentation.- Joe David has played a leading role in the rediscovery and reinterpretation of Westcoast (Nuu-chah-nulth) design, and as such has helped define the contemporary Westcoast style in his work. The develop• ment of a personal style, a "fluid" or "liquid" flowing version of the formline (e.g. "Ka-Ka-win-chealth", figure 5), the use of traditional motifs, and the influence of northern two-dimensional design in his prints have combined in an innovative redefinition of the traditional art.
The subject matter of Northwest Coast art ranges from the traditional to the very modern. Many carvings, jewellery items, argillite pieces, and serigraphs depict "traditional" subject matter, such as animal and mythical images, even though an innovative design approach or interpretation may be taken. Hall et al. (19.81:56) note that "Mythical beings like the - 79 -
Figure 5. "Ka-Ka-win-chealth" by Joe David, 1977. Silkscreen print. - 80 -
'Bu-quis', or wild man...existed in the past only as. masks or dances, but now they have been translated Into two-dimensional design." The traditional
Northwest Coast beliefs in the ability of humans and animals to transform themselves from one form into another, and in the continuity between the natural and supernatural worlds, are also represented in contemporary silkscreen print designs (e.g. "Ka-Ka-win-chealth", figure 5, in which. David depicts the transformation of supernatural white wolf into killer whale).
Some artists create designs to mark personal experiences, dreams, births, and marriages (e.g. Robert Davidson's 1969 marriage announcement). Subjects native to the Northwest Coast environment but not traditional to the art are represented as well. For example, Art Thompson's "Barnacle" design (figure
6) and Roy Vickers' "Swans" exemplify the illustrative rather than totemic nature of many contemporary designs. At the same time the barnacle in
Thompson's print is shown with Its; being inside, a traditional Northwest
Coast means of portraying creatures and their spirits. Haida artist Don
Yeomans (1980) has stated that "Deliberately I suppose I've gotten Into unconventional things simply because I'm more interested in communicating on
the universal level things that people can relate to." One of his 1981 prints depicts the "Phoenix", a symbol, of immortality originating in
Egyptian mythology. Another print, "Raven in the 20th Century" (see Chapter
Four), incorporates an automobile in the design of a raven. Vickers has
incorporated images from Christianity in many of his silkscreen prints
(e.g. "The Creation of Eve", figure 7), an innovation that "has; received
criticism both from Christians who believe a 'heathen' art form inappropriate
for representations of the Saviour and from fellow native artists who view
the work as a desecration of Northwest Coast art" (Blackman and Hall 1981:60). Figure 6 "Barnacle" by Art Thompson, Figure 7. "The Creation of Eve" by 1977. Silkscreen print. Roy Vickers, 1977. Silkscreen print. - 82 -
Although viewer response to contemporary Northwest Coast design and subject matter will be discussed in detail in Chapters Four and Five, it should be noted here that contemporary Northwest Coast Indian arts which, have departed either subtly or dramatically from traditional forms have generated both positive and negative responses from artists, experts, and the buying public. It appears, however, that the less obvious departures from traditional form and subject matter, or at least from viewers' expectations of Indian art, allow the contemporary arts to remain immediately recognizable as Northwest Coast art, a seemingly necessary condition from the point of view of many participants in the contemporary revival.
Ill - TRADITION, INNOVATION, AND AUTHENTICITY
In almost any discussion of contemporary Northwest Coast Indian art the terms "tradition" and "innovation" are applied to the work. These terms usually refer to the degree to which the arts still adhere to the use, meaning, materials, techniques, form, and subject matter of the "traditional" arts of the nineteenth century. Books, articles, and museum exhibits tend to present the contemporary art either as a continuation of older traditions (with some modifications resulting from acculturation), or the older traditions are lumped into a single category of "traditional Indian art" from which, the contemporary art has grown.
"Traditional" culture and "traditional" art were never closed or static systems. A general definition of "tradition" as "anything which is trans• mitted or handed down from the past to the present" (Shils 19.81:12) implies the possibility of modification and change as part of the transmission process.
As shown In the preceding section, traditions; change as the contexts to which - 83 -
they refer change, and as influences from both, within and without the culture are incorporated. In this way, "tradition" in Northwest Coast
Indian art can be seen as a handing down of knowledge relating to the production of art objects, and an incorporation of change into this knowledge.
"Innovations" are not isolated compartments separated from tradition; rather, they innovate upon tradition. Innovations use the traditional as a base from which to respond to, ot reinterpret, the knowledge being passed down. The artists are the agents of innovation in art production, although the sources of change may include the consumers and other influential factors.
As shown in Chapter One, a process of reconstruction, reinvention, and reinterpretation of traditional Northwest Coast art styles has been an integral aspect of the contemporary revival, and of the formation of definitions of "traditional" and "authentic" Northwest Coast Indian art.
Today's consumer public for the art has its own definitions of genuine, authentic Northwest Coast Indian art, which, are constructed out of notions about what constitutes "the real thing." This "real thing" generally refers to the traditional art. Delange Fry (1971/72:96) has; observed that,
What most occidentals still seem to seek in the "primitive" arts is a set of qualities that correspond to their idea of traditional "primitive" life. The objects are considered valid or authentic only if they have served in religious, magic or even political functions, but the very notions of these functions lack roots In reality. Any object that does not fit the standard notions is rejected as inauthentic.
Where contemporary native art productions are evaluated in terms of their re-creation of the past, a departure from the traditional is often interpreted as a degeneration of the art. It can perhaps be said that the "otherness" of native culture, as presented through, the arts, is manifested in its. - 84 -
traditional form. It is this "otherness" that is considered authentic and imperative to preserve.
A statement by General (1978:32-3) also comments on the notion of
"authentic" as "traditional":
The incognizance of the art buying public has led to the development of preconceived ideas of what Indian art is and should be. There is a tendency to restrict the Indian artistic expression to the tradi• tional art forms which undermine the credibility of Indian art as contemporary art and reinforce the stigma of Indian art as curios or as an ethnographic extension of cultural heritage.
He'adds, however, that "There is no denying that many contemporary Indian artists have chosen to work In the traditional art forms" (1978:33). , While, as discussed in Chapter One, museums and museum anthropologists have played an important role in defining and setting the standards for Northwest Coast
Indian art (and their influence has been almost totally conservative by their emphasis on the traditional), it is also true that many contemporary artists place an emphasis on learning and adhering to traditional form and subject matter.
The structure of Northwest Coast Indian art, particularly northern two-dimensional design, is based on a system of formal design principles.
Because of this characteristic of the art, viewers often judge design quality on the basis of Its adherence to convention. In fact, experts and accomplished Northwest Coast Indian artists continually stress the importance of achieving a full understanding of the formal principles of the art before successful innovation can occur. Bill Reid, for example, feels that "The formline is the basis of all the art. It is the essential element that sets the art from the north coast apart from any art in the world. If you don't conform to It you're doing something else [I.e., something other than - 85 -
Northwest Coast Indian art]" (Legacy Dialogue 1982). Robert Davidson
(1978:11-12) has expressed his recognition of the Importance of traditional
form by stating that "I became aware of the great level that the Haida
artists reached in the 1850's, and I felt that once I had attained that level,
I could go on to my own directions - to innovate." He has also said that
"I am not content to 'recycle ideas.' I recognize the need for continued
growth and now feel I must go beyond the accepted limits of the art set by masters of the past. I want to expand my ideas and create boundaries that
are my own" (Stewart 1979b :113). Reid has remarked that "When I felt
impelled to do something radically different I went outside the Northwest
Coast field altogether" (Legacy Dialogue 1982).
The emphasis placed on the traditional as process by Davidson and
other artists differs from the emphasis on tradition found among some experts
and consumers, that seeks to restrict native artistic expression to a
particular historic phase or static form of that tradition. Consumer
expectations of "authentic" and "traditional" (which will be further
examined in Chapters Four and Five) are generally reflected in the marketplace.
Gustafson (1980:115) notes, regarding the sale of Salish. weavings, that
"Until recently, there has been little market for any weaving that did not
'look Indian.' For example, the traditional Plain style of blanket did not
appeal to most customers." Stewart (,1979b:69) recalls that a 1973 print by
Davidson was originally titled "Abstract", but "evidently such a modern art
term was not acceptable for a work of Haida art, which, is renowned for
classic traditionalism." Since there were few buyers of the print,
Davidson renamed it "Killer Whale Fin" and raised the price, and the edition
of 165 sold out. The restriction of contemporary art forms to suit - 86 -
constructed models of "authentic" and "traditional" arts in this way
appears to reaffirm similarly constructed models of "Indianness" and
authentic Indian culture, even though these models may be far from accurate.
The general lack of recognition of Northwest Coast Indian art as
"art" in the Western "fine art" sense of the word has been noted in Chapter
One. As General (1978:32) states, "Despite ... £the] supportive interest
and patronage [of non-Indian people], there still exists an ambivalent
attitude towards Indian art. The artworld is more than willing to accept
art created by Indians as 'Indian art' but are very reluctant to accept it
as contemporary art. This is evident In the apathetic gestures of major
contemporary art institutions in Canada and throughout the world." This
situation reflects the apparent contradiction of two sets of artistic values:
on the one hand is an emphasis on creating Northwest Coast art within
traditional conventions of form and composition, and on the other is a
Western academic avant garde tradition. Contemporary Northwest Coast Indian
fine art has emerged in the commercial art market as a synthesis of these values - it is created as "art by destination" (Maquet 1979:9) for galleries, museums, and private collectors, at the same time that it derives from and expresses centuries old native traditions. That these values are viewed by
some art institutions and individuals as contradictory brings into focus the criteria by which viewers define contemporary Northwest Coast Indian art.
"Adherence to tradition" as a defining quality of authentic Indian art is, as shown in the above discussion, an ambiguous criterion, since it is based on differing expectations of what the "traditional" actually constitutes. Two additional (and contentious) criteria of authentic
Northwest Coast Indian art, which, will be discussed below, include the - 87 -
ethnicity or "Indianness" of the artist, and the purpose for which the item was produced (i.e., for sale to non-Indians or for native use).
Probably the most important and seemingly obvious criterion of authentic native art for many buyers, viewers, and artists is that the object must be created by an Indian. But there are a number of non-Indian artists, perhaps twenty, creating and selling Northwest Coast style work.^
Of these, several have established reputations as being among the best contemporary Northwest Coast artists - two examples are John Livingston of
Victoria, and Duane Pasco of Seattle. Bill Holm is not only the foremost expert on Northwest Coast art but is also a top ranking artist. Sensitive to his position as a non-Indian, however, he does not sell his work.
While the marketing of non-Indian made Northwest Coast style art will be discussed in Chapter Three, the Issues surrounding the question of whether the authenticity of Indian art should rest on the ethnicity of the artist will be discussed here. This ethnic criterion In turn raises two primary questions: first, how should the Indianness or authenticity of the artist himself be defined and determined; and second, what kind of Indian is the
"right" kind? With regard to the first question, who qualifies as, a legitimate Indian artist: a status Indian, a non-status Indian, someone who is half Indian over someone who is; one-sixteenth? Other definitions may include a requirement that the artist have a good knowledge about Northwest
Coast art and culture. In discussing this question, one Vancouver dealer of Northwest Coast art stated that "Three-quarters of the artists don't understand the cultural traditions behind the art. John Livingston knows more about Kwagiutl culture than most Kwagiutl carvers do" (Mintz 19.82). - 88 -
Duane Pasco (.1982) has stated that "Some non-Indians are more culturally involved than Indians are. I feel more Indian than non-Indian - I'm an assimilated white." Pasco, like Livingston, Steve Brown, and several other non-Indian artists, participates in dancing and other native cultural activity when invited to do so. As mentioned earlier in this; chapter, he has played a major role as a teacher of Northwest Coast Indian art at 'Ksan, and he continues to teach carving and design In Seattle and Alaska.
Despite such contributions, however, the expertise and experience in Indian culture for non-native artists is restricted primarily to interpreting the artistic traditions of a culture to which, they do not have ancestral connections, and does not extend to the contemporary experience of being
Indian within North American society. Some native artists, on the other hand, may not possess the same degree of expertise in traditional Northwest
Coast art that Pasco or Livingston have, but feel that the right to create
Northwest Coast art should belong only to those whose heritage the art represents.
A further issue is raised by the second question, which, concerns the more specific ethnic identity of the artist. That the authenticity of a
Kwagiutl mask by Cree carver Gene Brabant or Cherokee carver Lelooska is questioned by some experts, artists, and collectors illustrates a concern as to whether the Indian person who created the piece was the "right" kind of
Indian.
Whether the authenticity of Indian art should rest on the ethnicity of the artist remains an irresolvable question. Arguments tend to fall into two camps. The first argument, used by many artists and consumers, calls for the protection of an industry and a tradition that should remain - 89 -
uniquely Indian. White "Imposters" are seen as "taking something of the culture away" and deriving economic benefit from an artistic tradition that is not their own. The second argument is applied more specifically to the
Northwest Coast fine art market, and is used by some collectors, gallery owners, and a number of recognized artists. This view holds: that people should be buying art that appeals to them aesthetically, regardless of the ethnic origins of the artist. One Vancouver dealer adds that it may make sense to protect the crafts market ("the buyer has the right to buy for romantic or racist reasons"), but that such protection of Indian art as
"Indian" only serves to restrict the recognition of Northwest Coast art as
"fine art" within the wider art market (Mintz 1982).
Museums have generally shied away from the purchase of Northwest
Coast art made by non-Indians. Taking into account the considerable influence museums have In defining authentic and collectible Indian art
(Ames 1981) , there seems to be an uncertainty as to the implications of museum "legitimation" of non-Indian Northwest Coast artists. The ethnic cri• terion of authenticity prevalent in the marketplace appears evident in museum collecting practices as well. A recent example is provided by the
Field Museum of Natural History in Chicago. Coinciding with, the museum's opening of a new permanent exhibit in April 1982, "Maritime Peoples of the
Arctic and Northwest Coast", was a month-long show^and-sale of contemporary
Northwest Coast and Inuit art, organized by and held in the museum. The work of eighteen native artists (including Bill Reid, Tony Hunt, Joe David, and others), and five non-Indian artists (including Duane Pasco, John
Livingston, Steve Brown, Cheryl Samuel, and Katie Pasco), was featured in the show-and-sale. The brochure accompanying the sale stated that all of - 90 -
the artists were selected "in recognition of their commitment to excellence in traditional continuity and innovative creativity" (Field Museum of Natural
History 1982). It is interesting to note, however, that work by Reid,
Davidson, David, and other contemporary native artists is also included in the permanent exhibit, but the work of the non-Indian artists was included in the sale only, and was not purchased for permanent display.
It is evident that an important, if not the most important, quality of contemporary native art for many participants in the Northwest Coast
Indian art market, is its ethnicity. Native art, from souvenir products to fine art, is rarely considered apart from its connection to native culture
(usually traditional culture). For the artist and dealer, the ethnicity of the art can be its most saleable quality (see Chapters Three to Five).
For the tourist, a souvenir made by an Indian, that incorporates recognizably
"Indian" qualities, provides an unmistakable connection to "place" b.y representing the unique heritage of British Columbia, and by serving as a marker of the tourist's experience there. Even the fine art is: souvenir-like in the way it is viewed and promoted as "Indian" - the connection between the art and the culture of the producer remains primary. This way of viewing the art suggests that a Northwest Coast-style item created by a non-
Indian artist is considered to lack an essential element of authenticity, that connects the art to the culture from which the traditions stem.
The purpose for Northwest Coast art production is an additional criterion by which the authenticity of the contemporary art is judged. For some viewers, the fact that most of the contemporary art is made for sale to people outside of native culture rather than for native use makes the - 91 -
art less authentic. By implication, the art produced for native personal and ceremonial use is more authentic, since that is the context for which the traditional art was created and from which it derived its meaning.
This position reflects ideas referred to by Delange Fry in an earlier quote, that suggest a restrictive correlation between authenticity and the traditional context for art production. A comment by a newspaper art critic illustrates a similar perception: ". . .the question that arises from Reid and Davidson's prints is whether or not the soul, or the spiritual essence of the work, still carries into the mass-produced editions of silkscreened prints that enter an almost exclusively non-native market" (Perry 19J79_:D-1)_.
This notion seems to be specifically applied to the native art; the critic does not question the existence of the "soul" of contemporary Western art, which is almost totally produced for the commercial market. While it is acknowledged that the production of Northwest Coast Indian art for sale has been an important element influencing change in the art, it appears that such production is in itself often considered to lead to "cultural loss" and, therefore, a loss of authenticity.
In summary, this examination of the three major criteria by which authenticity is defined in the market context - adherence to tradition, the ethnicity of the artist, and the purpose for production - suggests that the
"Indianness" of the art is Its defining quality. It is the successful presentation of this Indianness, according to the criteria of the viewer, rather than the aesthetic qualities of the work alone, that forms: the basis for judgements of the quality and. authenticity of most contemporary Northwest
Coast Indian art. - 92 -
Artifakes and Archaism: "Traditional" Arts in a Contemporary Context
A commonly held perception of contemporary Northwest Coast Indian art among specialists, consumers, and critics is that the art functions to preserve a traditional culture that would otherwise be lost. In this sense the art may be viewed as a mere copy or reminder of the genuine, and evaluated as ethnographic art. This contrasts with a perception of the art as a means of transforming the past cultural tradition into a living one, in which contemporary expressions and innovations build on traditions of the past, and the art may be evaluated aesthetically as fine art within its new cultural context.
In the catalogue accompanying the 1974 "Vancouver Art Gallery show
"Bill Reid: A Retrospective Exhibition", Duff expressed the dilemma felt by
Reid and some other artists concerning their re-creation of old Northwest
Coast forms in a contemporary context. Duff (1974) said, regarding Reid's work,
It is fine art. It bears a fresh, imprint of life. And yet...And yet...Why is it that Bill won't stop talking about "artifakery"? What is the unfinished business? Where is the haunting doubt in this birth of a new art from an old style, this birth of new melodies from old rhythms? ... nobody can express more eloquently than Bill, when he turns to the medium of words, the tragedy in the truth that the life has gone out of the Haida shell, and he has not been able to put it all back in.
To quote Reid (19.81:11) himself, /
Is it as Wilson Duff used to say, an art form in search of a reason for its own existence? A medium without a message? Is it all form and freedom and very little substance? ... I feel that too much, the artists are feeding on themselves, losing touch with old forms. And on a deeper level, losing touch with the animals and monsters who inspired these old forms. - 93 -
Criticism of contemporary Northwest Coast Indian art as a nostalgic art, and as an art that has lost its original "soul" and purpose, appears frequently in media reviews of exhibitions (e.g. Perry 1980:D-1) and in other discussions of current art production (as above). To quote Mertens
(1974:6A), "In Canada, the Indian artist has been viewed - and so has come to view himself - as a cultural enhalmer, preserving in his work values that have altered, lifestyles that are outdated." Observers declare that the traditional native spirituality to which, many of the images originally referred is no longer relevant to contemporary artists, and so the art now functions only as "anthro-decoration" for "an anxious audience of speculating collectors and anthro-fetishists" (Perry 1979:D-1). At the same time, critics comment that contemporary Northwest Coast Indian art, by perpetuating an archaic tradition, does not concern itself with, contemporary issues and does not serve as an expression of the current position and problems of native people in North American society. For instance, Laurence (1982:9), in a review of
"The Legacy" exhibit at the UBC Museum of Anthropology, writes that,
Although an urgent native need to establish social boundaries and promote cultural distinctions is well met in the revival of archaic art traditions, that archaism is somewhat unsettling. The art of "The Legacy" is nostalgic art, rendering visible the marvellous experience of myth-age ancestors. Its principal innovations are stylistic, not thematic. While streamlining and abstracting within formal traditions, this art makes no acknowledgement of the plastic, urban, atheist intrusions of our age. One third of the contemporary artists in the exhibition live In Vancouver or Victoria, yet their art continues to be serenely otherworldly, developing images of hawk and wolf and sea otter, creatures many of them may never have seen.
Individual native artists, explaining what they want to express and achieve through their art, show the different means by which they are
"putting the life back in" the contemporary art. For Nuu-chah-nulth. artist - 94 -
Joe David and several other artists, to achieve an understanding of the spiritual dimension of Northwest Coast art Is a responsibility; David
(1978) states that "It is each artist's task to interpret £the] supernatural and natural laws, to train himself and strive for perfection in these interpretations." Northwest Coast art for David is a language with which he can "speak of sacred beliefs" and communicate his understanding of "the spirituality of Indian culture" (1978), Robert Davidson comments that
"A lot of my art doesn't represent the past. The creatures emerge from the work and then I connect them with, a legend. The figures come up through, my head. I am beginning to see Northwest Coast art as a personal expression" (Appelbe 1979:11)_. In this regard, Bill Reid states that "the future of contemporary native art lies in the ever increasing improvement and expansion of technique which would assure a living, rather than an archaic, vocabulary of expression" (Vastokas 1975:19).
On a general level, the contemporary production of Northwest Coast
Indian art may be considered to be "relevant" to the present in several ways.
Halpin (1982:28) states that "the past is relevant to the extent that it serves and enriches the present." In this sense, an emphasis on native traditions unique to Northwest Coast Indians is important in establishing a particular cultural identity for native people, that is integral to much, current political and social activity. The favourable presentation of an
Indian identity to non-Indian society in a form that the latter admires - the medium of art - means that the contemporary arts may serve as a means of both, economic and cultural communication between the two societies.
Reid (19.76:37), for instance, has stated that contemporary Northwest Coast art production "providers] a means of dialogue between the two communities, - 95 -
the Indian and the white. That the Indians can say quite clearly and definitely that we are not extinct and we have something to say and we have our own particular kind of excellence which, compares in every way with yours and we can trade this back and forth." The non-Indian can respond by noticing, admiring, and purchasing the arts. The contemporary revival of Northwest Coast Indian art reflects, according to artist Ron
Hamilton, "a strong desire in the Indian people to announce to the world that we're going to try and get some more Indian things happening and not so much getting into this white world" (Cocking 1971:18).
Thus, while most of the production of Northwest Coast Indian art
is taking place for the non-Indian market, and is stemming from revived and reconstructed traditional forms and subject matter, it is for many artists a means of individual and cultural expression, that is serving to provide a redefinition of Indianness within the contemporary context. - 96 -
Notes
Maquet (1979:9) distinguishes two categories of art objects in contemporary societies: (1) "art by destination" includes art objects produced as "art"; (2) "art by metamorphosis" includes objects originally produced, for example, for a ritual purpose, but which are later reclassified as "art". 2 "Art market" as used here includes the market for crafts and souvenirs, as well as fine art. 3 By "aesthetic criteria" I refer to the criteria by which viewers make judgements as to the quality or appeal of an art object. 4 Sales of prints began to decline around 1980. Based on personal interviews with dealers in 1981-1983 (see list following bibliography), I would attribute this decline primarily to the combined effects of a flooding of the Northwest Coast serigraph market and a general economic recession. The latter contributed largely to a downturn in the markets for other contemporary Northwest Coast art forms as well as non-Indian art (see Chapter Three). 5 Some of the better known non-Indian artists who sell their work include Jim Bender, Steve Brown, Harry Calkins, Jean Ferrier, Dave Franklin, Jay Haavik, Barry Herem, John Livingston, Duane Pasco, Tom Speer, and Robin Wright.
John Livingston participated with Tony Hunt and Calvin Hunt in the contruction of a replica of a Kwagiutl house and in the painting of a dance screen for the exhibit. - 97 -
CHAPTER THREE - The Marketing of Northwest Coast Indian Art
Marketing practices and strategies, employed by artists and dealers, but influenced by consumers, museums, and other participants in the art market, mediate the production and consumption of contemporary commercial
Northwest Coast Indian art. The processes by which the art is marketed, both on a producer level and a retail level, comprise an influential force affecting the art itself, since producers to varying degrees must take market demands into consideration when creating their work, and market strategies reflect consumer expectations of the art. This chapter will continue the examination of Northwest Coast art in its contemporary market context, focusing on the market network and the marketing and promotion of the art.
Such an analysis can make clearer the relationship between non-Indian consumers and the native art they collect.
I - THE MARKET NETWORK
Mediating between the production and consumption of contemporary
Northwest Coast Indian art is the art market, a network of relations and processes involving not only the artists and individual consumers themselves, but also dealers and distributors, museums and academics, art critics, and writers. The dealers, distributors, and many artists/producers are directly involved in the marketing of the art to the consumers. The other participants, however, are generally indirectly involved, creating standards of quality and acceptability that influence "value", promoting the art through exhibitions, books, and other writings, and influencing the ways in which the art is viewed and judged.
Whether their involvement with marketing is direct or indirect, - 98 -
the participants are necessarily dependent upon one another within the network. Artists rely on dealers for promotion, for carrying out the
"dirty work" of attempting to sell the work and of dealing with customers, and for giving the artist feedback on consumer demands and market trends
(not all producers use dealers, as will be discussed below). Artists rely on the consumers for the income derived from sales of their work, for recognition and acceptance, and, in the cases of some artists, for the development of a "following" of admiring collectors. Artists rely on museums for the recognition and authentication that accompany museum purchases and exhibitions of their work, for the exposure generated by exhibit openings and other museum events, and for access to traditional artifacts held in museum collections. Similarly, the writings of academics, other authors, and critics can serve both as a source of information for artists, and as promotion of an artist and verification of his importance. Many artists in addition rely on fellow artists for feedback on their work, for support, and for ideas. The dealer, of course, depends on the consumer for sales, and on the artist for the supply of goods whose sale provides him with an income. The dealer is also dependent to a large extent on the promotion given to artists by museums and writers, since such promotion gives official sanction to the dealer who represents the artist, and can thus help boost sales of the art. The dealer does, however, play an important tastemaker role himself, as he is the first to exhibit an artist's work, bring it to the public's attention, and promote it. The consumer relies on the dealer as his primary means of gaining access to the contemporary art, for information about the specific object and artist, and often for information - 99 -
on Northwest Coast art generally. The consumer may also look to the dealer
for buying advice, and for advice on such matters as investment. Some consumers rely on the museum (a non-commercial institution) and its experts
for verification of an artist's collectibility, for interpretation of native art and culture, for the language and terms with which to speak of the art, and for guidelines in determining the authenticity of contemporary work.
Events arranged by museums, such as openings, give consumers a chance to meet artists and other collectors.
Museums themselves are not dependent on elements of the Indian art market for their existence as institutions, but as noted above and in preceding chapters, they have become irrevocably involved as influential forces (patrons, authenticators, and tastemakers) in the marketplace.
Halpin (1978:53) notes that "Although we [curators and connoisseurs] undoubtedly contribute to the inflation of that market, on the one hand, we have professional obligations to study, exhibit and write about Northwest Coast art, on the other."
Finally, it is necessary to note that beyond the interdependency of the participants in the contemporary Northwest Coast Indian art market, the market as a whole is affected by, and its survival is dependent on, general societal economic conditions over which it has no control. Changes in economic conditions can affect changes in market trends, broad cultural values concerning art in society, governmental support, and many other elements of the wider context for the Indian art market.
Market Differentiation
Although the artists, dealers, and consumers are discussed above in - 100 -
terms of broad categories, the Northwest Coast Indian art market is actually made up of differentiated market segments, each characterized by particular marketing networks and kinds of arts. In Chapter Two, two broad classific• ations of contemporary commercial arts were presented: commercial fine arts, and souvenir or tourist arts. These classifications were made on the basis of the degree to which the arts incorporated outside influences or retained the culturally defined aesthetic and formal standards of the creator's society. For marketing purposes, contemporary Northwest Coast
Indian arts are often classified in terms of three types of products: souvenirs, handicrafts, and fine art. An example of the latter means of classification is provided by the now defunct Canadian Indian Marketing
Services, which identified three target market sectors and attached coloured tags to each product to designate its category: mass volume souvenirs, intermediate quality crafts, and one-of-a-kind art forms such as wood carvings and silver jewellery.
The Native Brotherhood of British Columbia's 1980 study of the
British Columbia Indian arts and crafts industry presents data collected by Reserve Management Ltd., through a 1978 questionnaire and interview survey of 162 retail stores known to handle native produced goods. The data shows that;
In general souvenir and handicraft items such as lower priced wood products, leatherwork and prints comprise the majority of retail inventory and are demanded primarily by tourists and by domestic residents for home use. In contrast, higher priced items, including wood, limited edition prints, argellite and silver and gold carvings are sought by more serious collectors, comprising the consumer art and investment portions of the market. The institutional art demand is met primarily by well known artists selling either directly or through agents to art galleries, museums, and corporate buyers located in the province and throughout Canada, particularly in Ontario (Native Brotherhood of B.C. 1980:3-21). - 101 -
The survey conducted by Reserve Management Ltd. (1978) also shows that "The
majority (45%) of retail sales in B.C. occur in art and hand crafts stores
in urban centres. Art galleries, souvenir and gift shops, and museums also
account for significant percentages of sales" (14%, 15%, and 8% respectively;
reserve locations account for 7% of sales, and department stores for 3%).
The identification of the different market sectors is, therefore, achieved
not only by noting the object types found in each sector, but also by
examining where and how the objects are marketed, and the kinds of audiences
which they are directed. The differences in the marketing of Northwest
Coast Indian arts will be discussed in section II below.
Market differentiation also occurs on a regional level. As was
mentioned in Chapter One, the Reserve Management Ltd. Retail Survey (1978)
found that fully 82% of total British Columbia retail sales of native arts
and crafts took place in the urban centres of Vancouver and Victoria.
Including figures for Hazelton and Nanaimo accounts for 90.5% of total
sales. Not included in the Retail Survey, which covers the Northwest
Coast Indian art market in British Columbia only, is Seattle, Washington,
an additional market centre. Seattle has approximately seven retail
outlets for Northwest Coast art, of which one is a specialized gallery (no
figures of total sales are available). Contemporary Northwest Coast Indian
art is also marketed on a more limited basis to individuals and on a wholesale or consignment basis to shops throughout Canada and the United
States by several British Columbia dealers and distributors. Attempts are being made to establish a market for Northwest Coast art in Europe and - 102 -
Japan. Nevertheless, as the figures cited for Vancouver and Victoria
indicate, the focus of the current market remains regionally limited to the north Pacific coast area.
Although Vancouver, Victoria, and Seattle comprise the centre of the market for contemporary Northwest Coast Indian art, each city can be viewed as a market segment with characteristics differentiating it from the others.''' Vancouver, British Columbia's largest city, has a significant business and corporate sector, and attracts many tourists. The Indian cultures of the coast are emphasized as the heritage of the province, and their artistic traditions are displayed in outdoor sculptures, museum exhibits, advertisements, and in many galleries, shops, department stores, and other outlets. These factors have helped shape a market supported by tourist business, local purchases of the art as gifts or for personal use, purchases of Northwest Coast art (particularly prints) as investments, and institutional (e.g. museum) and corporate purchases.
Seattle shares many of Vancouver's characteristics in terms of its business sector, large population, and tourist industry, but as noted in
Chapter Two, the Northwest Coast art market that developed there is supplied primarily by white artists (approximately twenty), and only a small number of accomplished native artists (approximately ten). In the words of one Seattle dealer, "There is not enough native-produced work here in Seattle to support a gallery" (Franklin 1981b). This aspect of Seattle's
Indian art market is connected to several factors: Northwest Coast Indian cultures are associated primarily with British Columbia, and are not as strongly associated with Seattle; the local Salish artistic tradition has not experienced a revival, and perhaps would not be as marketable as the - 103 -
Kwagiutl, Nuu-chah-nulth, and northern styles of the Northest Coast; and
the teaching of Bill Holm and white artist Duane Pasco (both of whom have
established reputations as being among the best contemporary Northwest
Coast artists) stimulated much interest among potential artists (most of
them non-Indian) in producing Northwest Coast art even before many British
Columbia native people now producing art for the market became interested
in reviving Northwest Coast art traditions. The souvenir market in
Seattle is supplied primarily by native producers, but many of these are
Plateau and Plains Indians who have settled in Seattle and are producing
items in their own tribal styles. The market for higher quality Northwest
Coast carvings, prints, and jewellery is supplemented by the work of
Indian artists from British Columbia. An additional difference noted
by dealers is that the degree of investment in contemporary Northwest
Coast art, particularly prints, that had been reached in Vancouver by 1980
was never reached in Seattle, and prints do not attain the resale value in
Seattle that they do in Vancouver. Finally, a factor that may have been
significant in shaping the Seattle market is the lack of museum exhibits,
collecting, and therefore promotion, of contemporary Northwest Coast
Indian arts by Seattle-area museums, as compared with the history of
exhibits held in Vancouver and Victoria (see Chapter One and Appendix I).
Victoria has a smaller population than Vancouver, a smaller
business sector, and lacks a corporate sector, all factors which limit the
extent of the local and investment market. However, as a tourism centre
of British Columbia, the demand for souvenirs has resulted in a thriving
industry for items representing Northwest Coast Indian cultures. While northern Northwest Coast arts and non-traditional Salish carvings dominate - 104 -
the fine art and souvenir sectors of the Vancouver market respectively,
Victoria's shops tend to specialize in arts by native people of Vancouver
Island: Cowichan sweaters, Kwagiutl carvings, prints, and jewellery, and
Nuu-cha-nulth carvings and prints, as well as a large range of Salish and non-native produced souvenir products. Business from local residents is limited primarily to gift buying and purchase of Cowichan sweaters for personal use. Business from tourists, who generally desire items in the lower price ranges (under $250), has led to a preponderance of tourist oriented shops and only a few galleries. The latter, however, must also orient themselves at least partially to the tourist market. The local
British Columbia Provincial Museum, containing an important permanent exhibition on the Indian cultures of.the Northwest Coast, is a major tourist attraction in Victoria. While it may serve to stimulate greater interest among tourists in native cultures, its presumed effect of creating more informed consumers is not necessarily evidenced in the marketplace.
II - MARKETING AND PROMOTION
The contemporary Northwest Coast Indian arts produced for the marketplace are moved through the network from producer to consumer by different processes, determined primarily by the intentions of the artist and the target market sector for the art. This section will examine marketing at both producer and retail levels, focusing on the variables that marketing strategies take into consideration. - 105 -
Marketing at the Producer Level
The Native Brotherhood of B.C.'s market study notes that while the amount of Indian art production in British Columbia has increased in the last decade, this
... has not resulted in a concurrent increase in management, marketing and production techniques. Although in the 1970's there has been improvement, the market system can still be considered as unorganized and the supply system erratic. These problems basically stem from the different ways that Indian producers perceive their involvement in the industry and, indeed, what the arts and crafts industry is. Given the extreme heterogeniety of individual producers and items produced, it is no wonder that the industry is still suffering from "growing pains", even after almost two decades of activity (1980:3-2,3).
The study goes on to explain that "Participation in the industry by many persons is incidental, and is viewed as a form of income subsidy. Only a small percentage of all practising craftsmen depend entirely on the industry for their livelihood" (1980:3-17). This description shows that for many producers, the contemporary market for Indian arts has the characteristics of a cottage industry, in which individuals work in their homes and make use of locally available resources, producing items whose sale provides a supplementary income.
Most producers of Northwest Coast Indian arts, whether they are creating for direct sale to customers or for sale to shops, work on their own and use relatively unsophisticated marketing techniques. The comments of a sampling of Masset Haida artists gives an insight into their preferred methods of marketing:
[it is] better to deal directly with collectors. I enjoy meeting them and looking at their collections. Most of them are very interested in the art, so it's nice to talk to them ... There are a few honest dealers and shops, but not really that - 106 -
many; it takes a lot out of the artist when you work that hard and they mark it up 100% or more (Henry White 1980).
I want to meet the people that are going to buy my stuff. I would use an agent to handle the commercial stuff (e.g. prints), but I would rather sell individual pieces myself if I can. If I need an agent to handle all the bullshit that's all I'll get an agent for, because I don't want to get into the bullshit (Jim Hart 1980).
I usually sell my own. You always have to have some connection too. Like I sold a lot to Bud Mintz. He helps me in selling because he knows all the people, the artists, the buyers, the collectors. aAt first I didn't know anybody, but now that I know the collectors myself through him, I can do without him sometimes. I [rather sell directly to my client], because the middle man, he makes the money too if you do it that way. It's nice to meet the people that buy your work, makes it better (Earl Jones 1980).
I get people dropping in from all over island. I sell directly to clients, only rarely to shops and only a few to off-island people ... I would use someone else to do marketing for me if I had a mass production, like prints or castings, then I would do it but single pieces, I don't think so (Sharon Hitchcock 1980).
Other artists take a different approach to the marketing of their work, preferring to associate themselves with agents or dealers. Some of their views contrast sharply with the views sampled above:
When I first started carving I wasn't satisfied with dealing with stores, and I haven't dealt with stores for a long time. It's the bottom of the ladder, selling around to shops ... Most of my work is going through an agent right now. I don't have to contact people. It .takes- away a lot of that running around connected with selling. I still do private orders; on the other hand, I enjoy the actual contact with people. So I don't know what I'm really satisfied with. Both of them have advantages and disadvantages (Gerry Marks 1980).
I don't like to work with dealers, they don't know enough about Northwest Coast art. I worked with a Vancouver dealer for two years - the first year was okay, but the second year they dictated what they wanted to see. Now I market through 'Ksan, - 107 -
and they distribute the work (Ken Mowatt 1980).
Dealing with people [customers] is a pain. They always want you to copy some museum piece or other photo exactly, but won't give you enough information. Then you get the piece finished, and they're broke or moved or on holiday. You need a store or agent to do that for you. A lot of the guys I know spend 75% of their time going from store to store trying to sell one bracelet (Fah Ambers 1980).
The major battle in my experience has been marketing. For years I went store to store and did private sales. It was very frustrating dealing with the people. Sometimes it was very good and very enriching but the majority of the times it was people who wanted to haggle ... Generally I don't like selling myself. I don't like the one-to-one basis that you have to get down to, simply because some days I can do it and some days I can't. It's bad enough having your art on the line, but your personality, your appearance to be evaluated by the person who's buying your Indianness, it just doesn't interest me (Don Yeomans 1980) .
Considering both sets of viewpoints presented above, a reader might conclude
that artists seem to be able to develop marketing systems that work best for
themselves and their customers. Similarly contrasting viewpoints are evidenced in consumer preferences: some consumers prefer direct contact with the artist whose work they are buying, sometimes believing that this will guarantee a lower price or a more "authentic" art object, while others prefer to purchase the art through a solidly established intermediary,
that can give advice on quality and investment value. However, past developments have shown that the overall success of the contemporary
Northwest Coast Indian art market depends to a large extent upon the methods
by which the arts are marketed, both on the producer level and the retail
level. For instance, the growth of the market and its future expansion potential has been limited by such factors as uncertain supply and uneven - 108 -
quality of work, and an uneven relationship between pricing and quality
(Native Brotherhood of B.C. 1980). On the producer level, factors involved
in these problems include:
(1) The ready saleability of many products by virtue of their being
"Indian". Because they can easily sell their work, some producers
feel no need to improve on it. While some critics may feel that
this lowers the image of contemporary Indian art, such art production
is economically important to many people in need.
(2) A lack of communication of information on selling opportunities
to producers living in remote areas. "This results in the individual
producer often selling to local outlets or to agents at lower
prices than he/she would be able to realize given a more established
link with retailers. As well, costs of transportation often
inhibit local artists from attempting to sell to retailers located
in more distant regions" (Native .Brotherhood of B.C. 1980:3-17).
(3) Uneven access to raw materials for art/craft production. The
British Columbia Indian Arts and Crafts Association attempts to
deal with this problem by supplying producers with lower cost
materials.
(4) Producers, with a few exceptions such as the Salish Weavers
Guild and the Northwest Coast Indian Artists Guild, have not
organized regionally to promote Northwest Coast Indian arts and to
expand their market.
The Northwest Coast Indian Artists Guild, formed in 1977 by eleven native artists, made attempts to upgrade the quality of Northwest Coast Indian prints and thereby achieve wider recognition for the art as "fine art" (see - 109 -
Vickers 1977 and David 1978). The formation of the Guild was primarily a
response to a market where the same design was sold in a tourist shop as
well as a specialized gallery, the price of a print could vary from dealer
to dealer, price and quality were often not related in such a way that a
high price could mean high quality, and edition sizes were large. A
variety of methods by which artists went about selling their prints added
to the state of the market: some artists relied on personal contacts to
sell their work and a few artists sold their work through arrangements with
specific dealers, but the majority of artists carried their edition from one
store to another, attempting to sell a number of prints to different outlets.
As Hall (1980:4,5) notes,
This practice did not please gallery owners because galleries could not claim exclusiveness in terms of a particular artist or edition, because the owners felt that the artist could not be trusted to regularly deliver prints and yet didn't want to buy whole editions of designs that might not sell well, and because, for a number of reasons, the gallery owners found it difficult to deal personally with the artists. In turn, many artists were not happy about having to spend so much time selling their work, did not like dealing personally with gallery owners because they feared rejection, and wanted to receive their total payment for an edition in a lump sum. A few artists solved these problems by acquiring agents to handle their print editions, others sold designs to a publisher who handled wholesaling and retailing, and still others attempted to create mail-order lists of collectors interested in their work.
The Northwest Coast Indian Artists Guild marketed two series of prints through retail outlets in 1977 and 1978, with wholesaling conducted by the Canadian
Indian Marketing Services, and although the prints were of good technical quality, design quality was not as well controlled. Many prints sold well, but the Guild had limited success in achieving its wider aims - quality control over works of art, education of the buying public, and market expansion were - 110 -
difficult to achieve even within an association organized for those purposes
(see Hall 1979). The Guild dissolved in 1979, prompted, perhaps, by the
dissolution of the Canadian Indian Marketing Services in the same year.
The marketing practices which the Guild attempted to improve still
largely prevail, but since 1980, sales of prints have declined. This more
limited print market may be attributed to a combination of factors: a
general economic recession, which has affected the art market generally; a
flooding of the print market by artists and distributors, which led both to
a decline of previously inflated values of many prints, and to less uninformed
speculation in prints by consumers; and possibly the development of a more discriminating collector public through more exposure to Northwest Coast art
(in galleries, museum exhibits, and books). Regarding the continuing marketing of prints, Hall (1980:11,12) points out that,
There are a number of opposing philosophies as to the best strategy for promoting recognition of Northwest Coast Indian graphic art. Some knowledgeable individuals ... hold that wide-spread distribution of technically excellent quality designs in unlimited editions of inexpensive prints is prerequisite to establishing a solid broad- based market for more expensive graphics. Other individuals, equally knowledgeable, believe that Northwest Coast Indian graphics must be raised to the technical and artistic level of other graphics qualifying as fine arts so that Northwest Coast silk screen prints will be handled by fine arts galleries and collected by museums and public/private art galleries.
Dealers generally agree that changes in the prevailing market practices and in the art itself are still required before wider appreciation of Northwest
Coast art as "fine art", and an expansion of the market to Eastern North
America, Europe, and Japan, can occur. Some dealers interested in the promotion of Northwest Coast art outside British Columbia emphasize the importance that an artist's professionalism in marketing techniques has for - Ill -
many gallery owners. This view is particularly applicable to those
artists who wish to be considered as "artists" in the wider art market,
rather than being considered only within the sometimes restrictive
framework of "Indian art". One requirement of such artists is for
"high quality" art that has the ability to appeal to collectors who may
not be knowledgeable about Northwest Coast traditions and are buying the
art for primarily aesthetic rather than souvenir-like reasons (i.e.,
for its aesthetic value rather than its "Indianness" and/or association
with British Columbia). Of seemingly equal importance is the promotion
of the art as "fine art". Local dealers have also noted that market
expansion is important to the future of the contemporary Northwest Coast
Indian fine art market, if only because a larger buying public is needed
in order to sell more high priced art pieces, and there are only a limited number of customers for such works in British Columbia (Mintz 1983).
In contrast to the history of the marketing of Northwest Coast
Indian art, which has in large part been associated with the tourist art market and with individual producers marketing their own work to retailers or customers, the marketing of contemporary Woodlands Indian painting and prints has been more closely associated with commercial art galleries.
The style of "legend painting" that dominates Woodlands art was founded in
1959 by one artist, Norval Morrisseau. As is often repeated in any promotion of Woodlands Indian art, Morrisseau started to paint "after he received a 'vision' telling him to do so. He is the first Indian to break the tribal rules of setting down Indian legends in picture form for the white man to see and the first Indian to actually draw these legends and design representative shapes to illustrate his folklore" (Canadian Native - 112 -
Prints, n.d.). Blundell and Phillips (1982:6) have noted that,
In 1960, however, Morrisseau was addressing a very different public Ethan an artist in traditional Ojibway society would have]. The oral tradition was by then unfamiliar to most natives and it was virtually unknown to the general white public who constituted the potential market for the work. Morrisseau's purpose, many times stated, was didactic. He wanted to record knowledge in danger of being forgotten and (re-establish Ojibway pride]. A more fully representational and narrative painting style was obviously adapted to this purpose.
In 1960 Morrisseau was "discovered" by Jack Pollock, a Toronto art dealer,
"who brought thirty-six of his paintings back to Toronto and sold them all within a twenty-four hour period" (Warner 1978:60). Succeeding shows were equally well received by the buying public. Morrisseau's commercial success has stimulated an entire school of Woodlands Indian painting, involving approximately fifty artists who have developed their own styles based on
Morrisseau's innovations, and whose work is marketed primarily through galleries. The development of the gallery-oriented method of marketing
Woodlands art, as compared to the more diverse methods of marketing Northwest
Coast Indian art, may be attributed in part to two factors:
(1) Morrisseau was represented by a gallery in Toronto, a metropolis
which serves a wider market and whose galleries may receive "national"
exposure (Toronto has become the market centre for the work of other
Woodlands artists as well);
(2) Woodlands art, which in the form of paintings is already a
medium considered "art" , is accessible to non-Indians because of
its narrative style (as noted above by Blundell and Phillips) that
is largely directed toward the non-Indian fine arts market.
The marketing of contemporary Inuit art through cooperatives provides - 113 -
a second contrast to the methods by which Northwest Coast Indian artists
market their work on the producer level . (the Salish Weavers Guild is a
cooperative organization which already exists in British Columbia). The
Inuit carving, printmaking, and craft industry has had much backing (and
control) from the Federal Government, the Canadian Handicrafts Guild, and
the Hudson's Bay Company, who have bought and shipped tens of thousands of dollars worth of products south for sale in Canada, the United States, and
England (Graburn 1978:132). Graburn (1978:135) notes that the most
important institutional change since the emergence of the arts and crafts
industry for the Inuit has been the development of cooperatives.
Cooperatives are a means by which the Inuit population - "with immense government assistance - has broken the monopoly of the Hudson's Bay Company trading posts in their communities. Cooperatives are found in nearly*all
Inuit communities and have emerged as institutions which the Inuit, for the most part, feel are their own, under their own direction, and for their own benefit ... Various [federal government] loan funds, grants, training projects, implementation programs, and indirect aids have ensured that these
Inuit institutions ... survived."
With regard to the differences between the marketing of Inuit and
Northwest Coast Indian art, it must be emphasized that the production of fine art prints, carvings, and other items for the Northwest Coast Indian art market in recent years has not come about due to an externally organized marketing system aided by the government, but rather by the individu and combined efforts of artists, galleries, and collectors. Native control over the marketing of Indian arts in the form of cooperatives or cooperative• like institutions has, however, been discussed, and attempted, on the - 114 -
Northwest Coast. 'Ksan is one such project that is supported by federal
funds, although it is not incorporated as a cooperative. Another project,
"Longhouse Productions", was a short-lived development of the Vancouver
Indian Centre, which was to serve as a training centre for apprentice
printmakers and bypass normal retail outlets in the selling of the prints.
Production manager Phillip Oppenheim emphasized the fact that the project
would be native run, stating in a newspaper interview, "How can I put it
without being offensive? Well, the thing is - there's no white cats here"
(Mertens 1982:L6). The prints did not attract enough corporate and private
buyers, and because of unrealistic planning of market strategy (including a
refusal to market the prints through already established Northwest Coast
art shops and galleries, a lack of promotion of the prints, and an
inconvenient shop location), the operation was forced to close within one
year of opening.
In 1982 the Native Brotherhood of B.C., through an on-going
feasibility study, began to investigate the formation of a provincial coop•
erative to enable member artists to have direct control over the distribution
and sales of their arts and crafts. The Brotherhood found, however, that
"Although [some] native artists agree they are exploited, most are hesitant
to join the co-op. Some want more information on how the co-op would be run;
others say 'politics and art don't mix'" (Pemberton 1982:12). Haida artist
Rick Adkins, who has been carving for ten years, stated his concern
regarding the quality of artists allowed to join the proposed co-op: "I would
hate to see myself taking a pay cut for some sort of ideal, no matter how
noble. It still comes down to money" (Pemberton 1982:12). Another
Haida artist, George Yeltatzie (1980) , remarked that a cooperative - 115 -
... would help to stabilize the market, fix prices, develop the artists ... [it would be] a protection against problems with prices ... It will take a while to develop and get used to it, because you're so used to trucking off any time you feel like it and saying, "I'm going to sell this for whatever I want," because you're feeling comfortable at that time. When you're within the co-op you have to maintain a level with the rest of them.
The artists' comments indicate that for some producers, a cooperative would mean improved marketing opportunities and returns on their work, while others would perceive the cooperative as imposing unnecessary restrictions or "controls" on their production and marketing practices. The feasibility of instituting Northwest Coast Indian art cooperatives is a subject requiring further study, for which an investigation of the differences between the social organization and cultural bases of contemporary art production on the
Northwest Coast and among the Inuit may prove useful.
The preceding overview of marketing at the producer level has pointed out some of the differences that exist among producers, in terms of their involvement in the market, their relationship to dealers, and their preferred marketing methods. These differences are connected in part to the characteristics of the different market segments (e.g. souvenir and fine art) for which arts are produced. Marketing at the producer level is one stage in the process by which the arts move from producer to consumer.
In cases of direct sales to the consumer, the further stage of marketing at the retail level (i.e., through a separate middleman) is removed. The vast majority of Indian art sales to consumers in the market centres of
Vancouver, Victoria, and Seattle (as well as in other locations) are, however, mediated by retailers. The following discussion will examine the marketing and promotion processes for contemporary Northwest Coast Indian - 116 -
arts at the retail level.
Marketing at the Retail Level
Differentiation of the contemporary Northwest Coast Indian art market into souvenir, handicraft, and fine art segments is clearly reflected
in the strategies employed by dealers in marketing these arts. Dealers recognize the qualities in each category of arts which appeal to particular categories of consumers, and through marketing techniques increase the saleability of the arts by emphasizing these qualities.
(i) Souvenirs
The relationship between the production of souvenirs and consumer expectations of the producer's culture has been discussed in Chapter Two.
As Graburn (1969:467) has shown, "souvenir arts hold their market because of their cheapness and conformity to the buyers' tastes." Souvenirs representing
Northwest Coast Indian cultures include both native made and non-native manufactured items: model totem poles, wooden plaques, cast jewellery, plastic replicas, pottery, T-shirts imprinted with Northwest Coast designs, and other items. Perhaps because of their widespread distribution in tourist shops, airports, gift stores, department stores, and other public areas, and because these kinds of products dominated the Indian "arts and crafts" market before the 1970's, souvenir products tend to have high visibility and thereby may affect consumer awareness of native art generally.
Souvenir products have high visibility in, for example, the tourist centre of Victoria. Six Indian art shops situated along a short stretch of Victoria's Government Street carry the products as a direct response to the volume of American, Japanese, and Canadian tourist demand - 117 -
for souvenirs. The ways in which the items are displayed and promoted in
these shops indicate that for some consumers, the most important qualities
of the arts are low price ($2.50 to $250), small size (i.e., transportable
in a suitcase), and a successful representation (from the consumer's point of view) of British Columbian Indian culture. Some consumers are also concerned that the items are made by Indians and/or are handmade. With regard to the last quality, although the model totem poles and other items manufactured by such companies as Boma, Pearlite, and Shamans are mass- produced of plastic materials, accompanying stickers and labels will emphasize that the item has been handpainted or reproduces a handcarved original. Cards on which print designs have been reproduced in a reduced size are marketed by one outlet as "signed with the artist's name", "limited edition", "handmade", and "collectible", although the cards are signed and
"hand packaged" by employees other than the artists, and the size of the
"edition": is not clear.
Regarding the ways in which souvenirs are presented in shop displays, it is noticeable that as many of the products as possible are placed on the shelves. Items are not displayed singly and thereby differentiated - they are produced to appeal to a wide and undifferentiated audience, and thus are marketed appropriately. One Victoria shop has somewhat simplified shopping for its customers by grouping handcarved wooden totem poles into sections: "under $20", "under $50", and "$80 and up". Prices increase along with size, elaborateness of carving, and amount of painting. The poles are carved in a style that is reminiscent of
Kwagiutl poles but is actually a poor quality interpretation for the marketplace. Tribal attribution is not an important quality for the - 118 -
consumer; as.one shop owner stated, "The customers have no preference
for different tribal styles, because they don't know the difference. I
could tell them it's a Kwagiutl mask or a Haida mask and they'd believe me"
(Porter 1982). Items simply have to represent Northwest Coast Indians
generally, as opposed to a specific tribal group.
Other aspects of souvenir products that do not appear to be of primary concern to buyers, and are not emphasized through marketing, include
the quality of craftsmanship and design, and the individual identity of
the producer. Such qualities are not important to tourists who wish to
purchase an item primarily for its associational value - its ability to mark
the touristic experience.
(ii) Arts and Crafts
As mentioned previously, the largest area of the contemporary
Northwest Coast Indian art market is concerned with intermediate quality
products whose market lies between the souvenir and fine art markets, and which are unsatisfactorily labelled "handicrafts" or "arts and crafts".
Products in this broad category include wood carvings, silkscreen prints,
jewellery, and argillite carvings, that are generally of a design quality,
level of workmanship, and price higher than souvenir products but lower than
those items classified as fine art. In addition, this category
usually includes women's arts such as Cowichan knitting, basketry, and weaving, although some of these may be of very high quality.
The arts and crafts market addresses a wide audience: customers
can include tourists as well as local residents who are shopping for items more particularly representative of the area and/or with greater concern for - 119 -
the object's association with native traditions. Many shops selling these
items are also outlets for souvenir products. Prices for the former can
range from $35 prints to $700 masks and higher. However, overpricing of products, particularly carvings and prints, often occurs in an attempt
to elevate certain items to the status of fine art for the unknowledgeable or unwary consumer. Such overpricing and overpromotion, as had occurred on a large scale for silkscreen prints by 1981, has been shown to lead to a drop in market confidence and to cries for quality and pricing control
(Scott 1980). At the same time basketmakers, whose products are generally perceived as handicrafts, find it difficult to command prices which are high enough to cover the costs of production.
In the marketing of arts and crafts certain emphases besides price and quality can be noted that differentiate these products from souvenirs or fine art. Compared to souvenirs, these products are marketed with a greater emphasis on workmanship, the fact that they are handmade, that they may utilize authentic native materials and techniques, that they can be attractive in the home, and that they may be useful (e.g., a basket for storage or a sweater for warmth). The relative uniqueness of individual carvings is sometimes emphasized: while some shops continue to mass works in one medium together (items are usually not one-of-a-kind works of art, and when sold can often be replaced with a similar item), other shops present individual pieces more selectively by hanging masks on walls or placing items behind glass in a display case. The latter approach again represents an attempt to elevate the status of the work to a level approaching "fine art". To the same end, dealers may label a piece according to the subject matter it is portraying, and may place greater emphasis on the name of the - 120 -
carver and the carver's tribal group. Carvers, printmakers, and
jewellers usually sign their works, but this is not possible for basket-
makers and knitters, whose name is sometimes attached to the price tag,
and sometimes not. Emphases on name and tribe are not made by all
dealers in the marketing of arts and crafts, since some consumers may not
be buying with those criteria in mind, but may be buying with more of an
eye for aesthetic appeal and general qualities of Indianness. One
dealer, however, is known for her technique of suggesting to customers that
they buy the art to support native Indians.
Finally, arts and crafts are not usually promoted as "investments",
as the fine arts often are (with the exception of instances of overpromotion
noted above). The possibility that the finest quality traditionally-
styled basketry may not be produced in future years suggests, though, that
the promotion of such pieces as "investments" might be justified!
(iii) Fine Arts
The contemporary commercial fine arts generally "gain a market
because of their uniqueness and quality" (Graburn 1969a:467), and are
produced for galleries, museums, and private and corporate collectors
rather than tourists. Private collectors can include individuals who are
knowledgeable about Northwest Coast art as well as individuals who are not
knowledgeable but are seeking fine quality native art. The Northwest
Coast Indian fine art market experienced its most rapid growth in the mid
to late 1970's, a period during which a number of artists achieved prominence, museums exhibited and promoted contemporary Northwest Coast
Indian "fine art" by "artists", publications about the art increased, and consumer interest in collecting the contemporary art flourished. One - 121 -
dealer has noted that since 1977, "more fine art has been sold than ever
before, more expensive prints have been produced, and more people are
looking for fine quality work" (Rickard 1982). Investment in Northwest
Coast art as a hedge against inflation also increased, as observed in
an article by Ashley Ford in The Financial Post, "Indian art attracts
investment interest" (1979:W5). Such investment, combined with the above mentioned factors, served to stimulate demand in the marketplace and led to an increase in prices.
Types of art sold in the fine art market today include silkscreen prints, wood carvings such as masks and bowls, argillite sculptures, gold and silver jewellery, and some drums and original works in other media.
Prices can range from $35 to $1000 for silkscreen prints (i.e., original
issue prices), $800 to $3000 for masks, and $2000 to $4000 for a wide gold bracelet. Art by the most "collectible" artists, such as Robert
Davidson, can enter much higher price levels - a gold bracelet, for example, can be priced as high as $18,000.
Although Northwest Coast fine arts are usually sold through specialized galleries, they are also carried by shops selling a variety of products. This is a direct development of the history of the marketing of Northwest Coast art and the degree of consumer demand for souvenirs as opposed to fine art. An important condition for consumer recognition of
Northwest Coast Indian art as fine art is that it is distinctly marketed as such. A biography of Kwagiutl artist Doug Cranmer discusses
... probably the first serious attempt by British Columbia Indians to market quality art through a retail outlet controlled and run by them. With Peter Scow, Doug Cranmer established "The Talking Stick" in Vancouver [c.19643. This shop endeavoured to offer B.C. Indian art of merit. At all times Cranmer's standards were high but there was not the public response to maintain the shop as a - 122 -
viable concern. In his own words, "we learned too late it was the junk that paid the rent" (Macnair, n.d.).
Artist John Livingston (1981) reflects that during the mid-19.60's in Victoria,
"there was no outlet to sell good work ... we were forced to do business with the junk shops on Government Street." This led to the opening of Tony
Hunt's "Arts of the Raven Gallery" in 1970, an attempt to establish some standards of quality and thereby educate consumers about Northwest Coast
Indian art. Today, the shop remains a source of fine quality Kwagiutl art, but it also sells souvenirs: "Ideally our shop tries to sell real good quality. In Victoria, though, you are forced to diversify ... We get tourists and collectors [coming here], so we have to fill the tourist gap.
If we sell ten T-shirts a day, we've paid the rent" (Livingston 1981, 1982).
The problems encountered by these shops and others like them illustrate the importance of marketing techniques which can be used to define and protect the category of "authentic" and "fine" art and to minimize the association of "Indian art" with "tourist". This is partly accomplished through gallery presentation of the art. For example, the fine art gallery does not attempt to appeal to the widest public in the way that souvenir outlets do; the gallery's public is smaller in membership but has larger amounts of money available for the purchase of art. In the gallery setting, art objects are not presented as a jumble of readily obtainable items, rather they are isolated and displayed as unique, one—of-a-kind, valuable items. Especially emphasized are not only the aesthetic and formal qualities of the piece, or the quality of materials, but also selected aspects of the background of the
item that can greatly affect its value: the name of the artist, the artist's history and associations, and the authenticity of the - 123 -
design and subject matter. Works are always signed and often titled, and
may carry an explanation of their mythological or personal meaning.
Similarly, the biographies that are displayed with pieces or used for
promotional purposes emphasize selected aspects of an artist's background: where he was born, which Indian tribe and clan he belongs to, early
artistic influences on his career, relatives who are also artists, his
interest in native traditions, the artistic media in which he works, and
the public collections for which his work has been purchased. The prominence of such information in promotional strategies points to the
importance of the individual in the fine art market, where buyers may collect only the work of specific artists, where certain artists are considered to have "investment potential", and where prestige can accompany a collector's association with the "big names",.
Promotion of an artist and his background can also serve to
"authenticate" an artist and his work by indicating whether the artist is of native ancestry and bases his contemporary art on a sound knowledge of tradition. Market emphases on the art's adherence to tradition, the ethnicity of the artist, and the purpose of art production as indicators of the authenticity of Northwest Coast art have already been examined in
Chapter Two. In this regard the marketing of Northwest Coast style work by non-Indian artists in Seattle is worth noting, since it emphasizes the ethnic criterion of authenticity. Dealers in Seattle only make a subtle distinction between the work of Indian and non-Indian artists in their galleries, writing "Northern style mask" on the price-tag of a mask by a non-Indian, rather than "Tlingit mask". Recognizing, however, that the ethnicity of the artist is an important element of Northwest Coast art for - 124 -
many consumers, they state that they "always let people know if it's made
by a non-Indian" (Franklin 1981b). Other distinctions are also made.
One dealer says that "The non-Indian made work that I sell has to be
extremely high quality. It must be by a devoted artist who is not just
in it for the profit, and it must be by someone who is contributing to the
art and culture" (Franklin:1981a). The same standards are not necessarily
applied to artists of native ancestry, however. Another dealer restricts
the quantity of non-native art carried in her gallery, and notes that
work by non-Indians is priced less because it is anticipated that
collectors will pay less (Austin-McKillop 1981). Depending upon the
emphases of the fine art collector, therefore, whether he is looking
primarily for an aesthetically pleasing piece or for authenticity, the
gallery can adapt its marketing strategies to emphasize or de-emphasize
such factors as the pure aesthetic qualities of the piece, the background
of the artist and his ethnicity, or the degree to which the item may be
considered "traditional" or "innovative".
(iv) Market Strategies: Price, Reputation, and Saleability
An examination of the strategies used in the marketing of
contemporary Northwest Coast Indian art raises additional questions: how
are prices established, and how does an artist become "collectible"?
Answers to these questions are related, since one element determining price
is the reputation of the artist, and since the collectibility of an artist
is partially determined by the prices his work can demand. These aspects are further related to a wide range of factors which consumers consider when purchasing Northwest Coast art, and which therefore affect the - 125 -
saleability of an item.
Prices of silkscreen prints are determined primarily by the artist's
standing relative to other artists. An artist entering the silkscreen print
market for the first time, for example, may have his prints (in an edition
of approximately 225) sold for $35. This price reflects his position in the
marketplace and the amount consumers are willing to pay for a print by a
relatively unknown artist. The price also covers costs of materials and
production. Succeeding prints may rise gradually in cost, by increments
depending on the state of the market and the quality of the design. When
an edition of prints sells out, but the prints are still in demand, prices
rise to the level generated by demand. For instance, Don Yeoman's "Eagle
Dancer", originally issued at $45, quickly rose in value to $250. More
spectacular increases are shown in works by Bill Reid, Robert Davidson, and
Joe David. Prints by Reid were available in the early 1970's for $15 to
$40 - today the same prints range in price from $500 to over $2000.
Davidson's "Reflections" (figure 8), issued as a Northwest Coast Indian
Artists Guild print in 1977 for $250, had appreciated in value tenfold by
1980. David's popular "Memorial Rainbow Drum" (figure 9) was issued at
$150 in 1977, and now sells for at least $1800. Reid's last print, "Haida
Thunderbird" (edition of 195), was issued at $1000 in 1981, and easily sold out. This is the highest original issue price for a Northwest Coast silkscreen print to date.
Prices for wood carvings, jewellery, and argillite carvings that are sold in the fine art market are similarly determined by the artist's reputation. Additional factors, such as the time taken to carve an original work, the complexity of the piece, and the materials used, can affect cost. - 126 -
Figure 8. "Reflections" by Robert Davidson, 1977. Silkscreen print. - 127 -
Figure 9. "Memorial Rainbow Drum" by Joe David, 1977. Silkscreen print. - 128 -
With argillite carvings, however, an aura of scarcity surrounds the stone,
leading to prices that rarely bear any relation to quality of design and
workmanship. The resale market for works in these three media is not as
strong as for silkscreen prints, although it does exist for pieces by high
calibre artists.
But why do specific art works, such as the prints by Davidson and
David mentioned above, increase in value so spectacularly? How is an
artist's reputation determined? A description by art critic Harold
Rosenberg (1970:390-1) of the American art establishment is in many
respects applicable to these aspects of the Northwest Coast Indian art
market, though on a smaller scale:
... the Art Establishment is easily swayed (as no established Establishment would be) by aggressively stated opinions, attention-getting stunts ... Praise by a critic or museum employee of an artist or a tendency is bound to fetch some support, providing the praise is all-out and without critical reservations. The claim that a work is historically significant is sufficient to clinch a sale, regardless of the poor condition or lack of attractiveness of the work itself, as is a confident forecast of capital gains. Periodic mentions in the press, expensive catalogs and reproductions, dealer-subsidized 'critical' biographies, large private and gallery parties influence an artist's standing despite everyone's awareness of how these things are arranged.
An artist's reputation and collectibility in the Northwest Coast Indian art market is, as Rosenberg describes, determined by many factors besides the
artist's standing relative to other artists and the quality of his work.
Other factors include the artist's acceptance by museums and curators (as
shown by the collection and/or exhibition of his work); whether the artist
is featured in exhibit catalogues, books, magazine articles, television - 129 -
programmes, or even promotional biographies; whether his work is purchased
by prominent collectors; and whether his work obtains high prices both in
the marketplace and when sold at auction. Museum promotion of an artist
can sometimes negatively influence his career, however. This occurred for
Tsimshian artist Roy Vickers, whose reputation was elevated by a one-man
show of his works at the UBC Museum of Anthropology in 1976. The quality
of Vickers' work did not manage to sustain the inflated market values that
followed the show; he was therefore forced to reduce the price level at
which his work was selling. In this way, the external factors that
determine an artist's reputation are interconnected. Regarding auction prices
as an indicator of artist reputation, it is a common practice in the art world for a dealer who represents an artist to ensure that his artist's work will sell for a price at auction that approaches as closely as possible the
level of retail prices in the gallery. High prices for Reid's prints were
first established in this manner by his print agent, and have been maintained this way at auctions ever since. Nevertheless, the high prices
still serve to indicate to consumers the "collectibility"%of•-Reid's prints.
Additional factors relating more particularly to consumer preferences in tribal styles, colours, subject matter, and many other aspects of the art combine with considerations of price and artist's reputation to determine the "saleability" of an item in the primary as well as the resale market. In his analysis of the marketing of the Northwest
Coast Indian Artists Guild 1977 graphics collection (see catalogue:
MacDonald et al. 1977), Hall (1979:18, 23-4) notes that, - 130 -
Robert Davidson's "Reflections" was the single most popular design and ... Robert Davidson's ["Butterflies" and "Raven Stealing the Moon"] and Joe David's designs £"Ka-ka-win-chealth" and "Hanu- qwatchu"] in general were well received ... Joe David's "Eats- qwin" was felt by several individuals knowledgeable about Northwest Coast Indian design to be the most innovative and contemporary design in the collection, yet it was the least popular of his three and ranked seventh overall. Ron Hamilton's designs ["Teetskin and Hayitilik in the Sky", "Kwatyaht's Gift to Teetskin", "The Whaler's Dream", and "Kwatyaht and Mamasiyik"] were considered by almost everyone to be of superior quality, but his prints sold very slowly.
... a wide variety of factors was seen by dealers as affecting the sale of the 1977 Guild prints. The single most important factor appears to have been artist reputation, though price and subject matter also helped to sell some prints. On the negative side, paper colour and nature, print size, subject matter (style), and the price of some prints affected popularity and thus impeded sales ...
Hall (1979) goes on to state that the primary factor influencing the sale of
Davidson's "Reflections" (figure 8) was the reputation of the artist, but that this was combined with a high degree of financial speculation in the print.
Local Vancouver dealers also feel that an important factor in the success of
"Reflections" was the superior graphic quality of the design (Mintz 1983).
Regarding the sale of Nuu-chah-nulth (West Coast) contemporary art,
Hall (1979:26) states that,
West Coast (Nootka) flat design, as exemplified by the Guild prints of Ron Hamilton and Joe David, is relatively unknown to most people. Further, recognizable figures - beaver, wolf, thunderbird, and killer whale - tend to be viewed as more traditional and sell more readily than unrecognizable and/or complex figures such as featured in Joe David's "Ka-ka-win-chealth". These and similar reasons, along with their lower price, may partially explain the relative popularity of the [northern style] designs by Gerry Marks and Roy Hanuse in the Guild series.
The perceived "Indianness" of a design as manifested in recognizable,
"traditional" figures has also been discussed in Chapter Two as an important aspect of consumer response to contemporary Northwest Coast art. In terms - 131 -
of recognizing Nootka designs as Northwest Coast art, local dealers state
that "lots of people still perceive Nootka designs as modern and Haida
designs as traditional. Sometimes they even perceive the Nootka style as
modernized Haida! There is still a view that if it isn't Haida, it isn't
right" (Young 1983). However, the market success of Joe David's
"Memorial Rainbow Drum" print (figure 9) has already been noted. One
dealer attributes this success to three factors: the bright colours
appealed to customers, the artist has a high reputation and "investment potential", and the rainbow subject matter is appealing as well. He suggests
that for some viewers, the bright colours offer a refreshing change from
the "standard red and black" Northwest Coast designs (Mintz 1983).
The suitability of art for consumers' home environments is another primary factor affecting art sales to private individuals. Dealers note that red and black prints are "apartment art" - they look good on white walls and
in combination with modern furniture. They do not, however, fit as well
in more traditional upper middle class homes. Smaller prints are more popular than large ones, because they fit more easily into the home, and they cost less to frame. Susan Sparrow's Salish spindle whorl design,
"Raven Spirit" (1982) has sold well primarily because its mellow colours, white on buff, fit easily into almost any environment. Regarding wood objects, carved panels that are stained and therefore unobtrusive vastly outsell panels that are painted. Similarly, portrait masks that are especially subtle in form and colour, even those that are not "traditional" in terms of any tribal style, are generally more saleable than Kwagiutl
Hamatsa masks and other large masks that are brightly painted and very flamboyant. The latter sell only to those individuals who desire a piece - 132 -
that might dominate a living space. On the other hand, large unpainted
totem poles (from three to six feet high) are more difficult to sell than
painted totem poles, even though the former may be less obtrusive. This
may be attributed to the generally held perception that totem poles aire
traditionally painted (Mintz 1983, Young 1983).
Factors affecting the saleability of contemporary Northwest Coast
Indian art are both intrinsic and external to the object, as the brief
sampling of such factors above, and the earlier discussion of marketing at the
producer and retail levels, has demonstrated. The relationship between
the consumers and producers of Indian art, which is mediated by the market,
is to a large extent expressed in the marketing strategies by which the
art is presented to different audiences and the processes by which it
becomes saleable. These strategies and processes reflect consumer
expectations of Indian art, which can in turn provide insight into the
significance of Northwest Coast art and traditions to the consumer. The
following two chapters will examine these expectations further, by
investigating the specific ways in which viewers and consumers respond to
Northwest Coast arts, and the bases upon which their aesthetic judgements and purchasing decisions are made. - 133 -
Notes
1 Information and ideas about the Indian art market in Vancouver, Victoria, and Seattle have been derived in large part from personal interviews with dealers and artists (see complete list following bibliography). I appreciate having access to data which I collected for a 1981/82 research project in Seattle and a 1982 research project in Victoria, both projects conducted for Dr. Michael M. Ames on grants from the University of British Columbia's Committee on Humanities and Social Sciences Research Grants. - 134 -
CHAPTER FOUR - The Audience for Northwest Coast Indian Art; A Museum Visitor Survey
Since most of the Northwest Coast art produced today is intended for sale to a non-Indian consumer public, it is important to examine the consumers' demands, expectations, and buying preferences in order to better understand the nature of the appeal of this art to the consumer, and what this may reflect about the use and meaning of Northwest Coast art and traditions within the contemporary market context.
This chapter presents the data obtained through a survey of museum visitors' responses to contemporary Northwest Coast Indian silkscreen prints and wood carvings exhibited at the UBC Museum of Anthropology. This survey is a first attempt to define the criteria consumers and viewers use in their judgements and purchases of Indian art. Through the survey, the following assumption is examined: that consumers' and viewers' aesthetic judgements of contemporary Northwest Coast Indian arts are contextually qualified in terms of their expectations and preconceptions of Northwest Coast Indian art and culture, and their ideas of what constitutes "art" in general. To this end, the survey seeks to identify these expectations and ideas. It also explores viewers' conceptualizations of "authenticity" and "Indianness", and their interpretations of the meaning of and context for the contemporary arts.
The following chapter (Chapter Five) examines essentially the same assumption and conceptualizations, but for comparative purposes presents data obtained through a questionnaire survey of actual consumers of contemporary
Northwest Coast Indian arts.
The design of the present survey was inspired by a survey conducted
by Nelson Graburn in 1971 at the University of Californiat Berkeley
(Graburn 1976b). Graburn"s survey, for which 172 individuals were - 135 -
interviewed, was concerned with viewers' aesthetic judgements of the wooden Cree Craft of the Naskapi-Cree Indians of the Canadian sub-arctic and the soapstone carvings of the Inuit of the Canadian arctic. The survey was designed to investigate how aesthetic judgements are affected by or based on contextual phenomena. Results of the survey provided "massive evidence that the aesthetic judgements were made in terms of the expectations the audience had about the kind of people the creators were and the lifestyle being communicated" (1976b:68).
I - THE SURVEY
In order to achieve the aims of the museum visitor survey, as stated above, an exhibit was set up that allowed respondents to apply their aesthetic criteria to a selection of contemporary Northwest Coast Indian art objects. The exhibit, made up of nine limited edition silkscreen prints and ten wood carvings, was set up at the entrance to Gallery Five at the
Museum of Anthropology for the duration of the survey, from August 19 to
September 3, 1980.
Each object on exhibit was selected to illustrate one or more of a number of contrasts within contemporary Northwest Coast Indian art productions: quality of workmanship, quality of design (as determined by subjective and objective criteria), size, colour, finish, subject matter,
"traditional" versus "less traditional" designs, object types, materials, and regional styles. The intent of having such variety was to be able to elicit both positive and negative responses to certain qualities and to derive patterns from these in later analysis; in addition, I wished to put together a reasonably representative selection of the variety of Northwest
Coast prints and carvings available on the market at that time. The survey focused on silkscreen prints and carvings rather than including argillite, - 136 -
silver, and other media. This decision was made for the purposes of manageability of data; prints and carvings were chosen because they are among the most popular (i.e., most purchased) media in the contemporary
Northwest Coast Indian art market and they are available in the variety mentioned above. The pieces were borrowed for the exhibit from various sources: private owners, art dealers,""" and from a collection of prints newly acquired by the Museum of Anthropology from Canadian Native Prints Ltd.
Each piece and the reasons for its selection will be discussed below.
The exhibit (see figure 10) was layed out so that the nine framed prints were hung along one wall and the carvings were displayed in an exhibit case. Each object had its own label stating the name of the piece, the artist's name, and the year in which the piece was made. An additional label in the carving case acknowledged lenders to the exhibit, but further information was not included. 2
For the purposes of the survey 100 people were interviewed in front of the exhibit. Museum visitors were approached in the exhibit area when they stopped to view the exhibit or when they passed through the area.
Informant selection was accomplished by a combination of random and quota
sampling methods. A visitor would be approached for interviewing"subsequent
to the completion of a previous interview. In addition, however, I made an
attempt to obtain approximately equal numbers of respondents living in the
Northwest Coast area (from Seattle up the British Columbia coast) as
respondents living outside of this Northwest Coast area. I made this
differentiation in anticipation of the possibility that there may exist
different experiences with, or expectations off Northwest Coast Indian art
between the two groups of respondents. I also attempted to obtain
approximately equal numbers of males as females, as well as a range of age
groups. These factors thus influenced the sampling process, particularly - 137 -
Figure 10. Exhibit of contemporary Northwest Coast Indian prints and carvings at the UBC Museum of Anthropology: location for the museum visitor survey. - 138 -
near the end of the survey period, when I wished to ensure that a proper proportion of the above specified elements of the quota had been obtained.
Interviewing was carried out over a period of twelve days at most hours the museum was open. No interviewing was done on Mondays, when the museum is closed to the public. The time spent interviewing per day varied from one to five hours, and the average length of time spent on each interview was from ten to twenty minutes.
In conducting the interviews a question guide (Appendix III) was followed, which was made up primarily of open-ended questions. The question guide had three separate components:
(a) Questions 2, 3, and 4 dealt with aesthetic responses to pieces in the exhibit, and the reasons given by the viewers for their responses, including the criteria they said they applied to the arts. An additional aspect of this section of the interview was to elicit and record the words and labels which the respondents used to describe Northwest Coast Indian art. In brief, the general purpose of these questions was to discover the respondents' expectations of, and criteria for judging, Northwest Coast Indian art.
(b) Questions 5, 6, and 7 were concerned with the context in which the viewer places contemporary Northwest Coast Indian arts. The questions were directed toward the respondents' ideas concerning "authenticity", the market
situation, and the purpose of the art. The questions were designed so that
the answers could provide an indication of how the respondents' aesthetic
judgements might be contextually qualified.
(c) The third component of the question guide consisted of questions that
elicited ownership data (questions 8 and 9)* as well as demographic data
(questions i, 10, 11, and 12). Questions 8 and 9 were included in the
interview in order to discover how many respondents are owners of Northwest
Coast Indian arts and/or other arts. Ownership of Northwest Coast Indian - 139 -
arts may imply some degree of familiarity with the art form, which may in turn have influenced responses. Question 9 served mainly in obtaining more
information about the respondents' backgrounds as art owners. ^Collection of demographic data was carried out as a means of monitoring the nature of the population sample obtained and to allow the results of this survey to be examined in relation to other surveys (e.g. the questionnaire survey in
Chapter Five, and Macfarlane and Perkins' "Museum Evaluation and
Ethnography" , 1977) .
Before continuing with a discussion of survey results, it is necessary to examine the variables which must be taken into account in the interpretation of the data. A major factor that may have influenced the survey results is that the exhibit was set up in a museum. Artifacts contained in museums might tend to be accepted not only as "authentic" but as representative of a standard of excellence. There is an assumption of quality on the part of the museum visitor regarding museum objects, and this may possibly have been extended toward the objects included in this particular exhibit. A carving, for example, that is mass-produced and is surrounded by others like it in a shop, may be perceived differently by a viewer in the shop than if it were singled out and exhibited in a museum.
It is, however, difficult to assess the effect of this "museum aura" on visitor response, as many respondents in the survey did not hesitate to declare certain exhibited objects "inauthentic" or "touristy".
A second major consideration of having the exhibit located in a museum, specifically the UBC Museum of Anthropology, concerns the nature of the visiting public. It has been shown (Macfarlane and Perkins 1977:40;
Dixon et al. 1974) that the vast majority of visitors to this museum as to others are highly educated urban dwellers. Demographic data from this survey also indicate that the majority of respondents were either - 140 -
professionals or university students; Macfarlane and Perkins' demographic data (1977:52b) show 55% professional respondents. This survey was, however, undertaken with full awareness of the restrictions on representative population sampling in a museum (i.e., there would be little representation of low-income, low education groups), and with the view that consumers of contemporary Northwest Coast Indian arts probably also tend to belong to the higher income groups (see Chapter Five). For this reason and for the limited purposes of this survey it was felt that the museum visitor would 3 adequately represent the consumers of these arts.
Alternative locations for the exhibit/survey, such as shopping malls or the Pacific National Exhibition, were considered for their potentially wider range of population sample, but were decided against for reasons of cost, proper exhibit space, inconvenience, and security.
Additional variables to be considered may be summarized as follows:
(a) The time of year in which the survey was conducted. The majority of visitors to the museum in the month of August are tourists (i.e., not residing in the Vancouver area). The quota sampling method used for respondent selection in this survey, however, ensured equal representation of local and non-local visitors.
'(b) The objects chosen for the exhibit. The rationale behind the choice of objects has already been briefly discussed, and will be discussed in greater detail below. As pieces were selected to represent specific qualities of contemporary Northwest Coast Indian art production, each object
in the display could theoretically have been replaced by one exhibiting
similar qualities.
(c) The display. The layout of the exhibit and the positioning of objects
may have affected responses; viewer comments to this matter will be included
in the discussion of responses below. The pieces were not rearranged in the - 141 -
course of the survey because of the semi-permanent mounting of the framed prints and the design of the carving display. All prints and carvings, along with their labels, were completely visible to exhibit viewers.
(d) The interview. The phrasing of the questions to the respondents and the interview.situation itself may have influenced responses. The attempt was to minimize this as much as possible by reducing ambiguity in the questions, by following the structured question guide when conducting interviews, and by avoiding closed-ended or multiple choice questions. For the purposes of this survey open-ended questions, were more desirable; they allowed respondents more freedom in deciding what was important to say than if they had had to select from a set of pre-determined categories. Open- ended questions enable the respondents to structure their answers as they wish, and give a greater indication of the extent of the respondents' knowledge of a subject and their frames of reference. Of course, in some cases interpretation of open-ended responses can claim to be little more than a presentation of what people say are their attitudes or opinions. As
Erving Goffman (1959) has shown, when an individual appears before others, he will have many motives for trying to control the impression they receive of the situation. This is a characteristic and unavoidable feature of
interviewing that must be taken into account when analysing responses. The
technique of interviewing as an investigative tool is nevertheless a useful means of attempting an understanding of people's values, attitudes, and
expectations through their own interpretations and the statements they make
about them.
(e) The analysis of responses. In the analysis phase of the survey it was necessary to devise a category system by which comments could be grouped
for meaningful analysis. This was undertaken by clustering the responses
on the basis of a logical relationship between them. Both the coding and - 142 -
categorization of responses took place after the survey had been completed.
The nine contemporary Northwest Coast Indian limited edition silkscreen prints included in the exhibit and the reasons for their choice are as follows:
(1) "Sparrow" by Glen Rabena, 1979 (figure 11). This print was included in the exhibit as an example of the 'Ksan graphic style (discussed in
Chapter Two), that incorporates perspective, portrayal of the environment, and a comparatively non-abstract or "literal" view of the subject matter with the basic elements and colours of northern Northwest Coast design.
"Sparrow" and other similar designs by Rabena have been noted by some Indian art dealers to appeal particularly to people who are "new" to Northwest Coast
Indian art, i.e., are unfamiliar with Northwest Coast design and symbolism.
An apparent reason for this is that the design is easily understandable yet
retains enough Northwest Coast two-dimensional design elements to make it
recognizably Northwest Coast Indian.
By including "Sparrow" in the exhibit I wished to elicit viewer
response to these factors and be able to compare the responses with responses
to prints of an overtly more "traditional" nature (e.g. Diesing's "Haida
Hawk Design").
(2) "Gambler Drum" by Joe David, 1980 (figure 12). This print was
chosen for three reasons. First, the design and colours, which derive from
Nuu-chah-nulth art traditions, are unique and unusual in terms of the
traditional northern Northwest Coast Indian designs that viewers are likely
more familiar with. Second, David is a recognized contemporary Northwest
Coast Indian artist, and thus his name may influence the responses of
viewers who are familiar with.it. Third, it has been noted by some dealers
that this print appeals to collectors of Northwest Coast Indian art, and even Figure 11. "Sparrow" by Glen Rabena, 1979. Figure 12. "Gambler Drum" by Joe David, 1980, Silkscreen print. Silkscreen print. - 144 -
then only after a period of "getting used to it" have they made the decision to purchase. It was hoped that viewers" responses would help illustrate the reasons for the print's more limited appeal.
(3) "Raven in the 20th Century" by DonlYeomans, 1979 (figure 13). This print by a young Haida artist appears to be a "typical" Northwest Coast raven design. However the design incorporates an image of an automobile.
This subject matter, containing an image of modernity, was the primary reason for the selection of the print; I was interested in obtaining viewer response to this aspect. In addition, Yeoman's work is becoming increasingly familiar to many collectors and observers of contemporary
Northwest Coast Indian art, thus there was a possibility of viewers responding to the artist's name.
(4) "Bent-Box Design" by Robert Davidson, 1978 (figure 14). This print was chosen for the exhibit for two reasons. First, it is traditionally
Northwest Coast Indian in its design, subject matter, and colours, although the artist has incorporated his own innovations. The print would therefore contrast with, for example, the prints by David and Stephens, Davidson's representing traditional northern Northwest Coast design, the other two representing innovative and/or less familiar Northwest Coast styles.
Second, the design is by one of the most renowned of the contemporary
Northwest Coast Indian artists, thus the name Davidson may influence the responses of viewers who are familiar with it.
(5) "Thunderbird Sisiutl" by Lloyd Wadhams, 1979 (figure 15). This print was included in the exhibit as an example of Kwagiutl style and subject matter. It is also, however, of somewhat inferior quality from a design and aesthetic point of view in comparison to several other prints in the exhibit, the colours are very bright, and the type of design and subject matter have been heavily reproduced in the souvenir arts. These latter - 145 -
Figure 14. "Bent-Box Design" by Robert Davidson, 1978. Silkscreen print. - 146 -
Figure 16. "Welcome Canoe" by Art Thompson, 1978. Silkscreen print. - 147 -
aspects are the primary ones that it was hoped viewers would respond to.
(6) "Welcome Canoe" by Art Thompson, 1978 (figure 16). As with David's
"Gambler Drum", this print was chosen as an example of a "different"
Northwest Coast art style, one that would probably be less familiar to most viewers than northern Northwest Coast Indian two-dimensional design styles.
The artist has utilized colours, subject matter, and a design concept that
relate to and derive from Nuu-chah-nulth artistic traditions, and are noticeably distinct from northern Northwest Coast design. The primary
reason for the selection of this print was thus to elicit, reponses
regarding viewers' expectations of Northwest Coast design.
(7) "Haida Hawk Design" by Freda Diesing, 1977 (figure 17). This print was chosen for the exhibit as an example of traditional northern Northwest
Coast (specifically Haida) design and subject matter. In addition,
Diesing's personal style (heavy lines, blocky appearance) is evident. As with the selection of Davidson's print, "Haida Hawk Design" was chosen to
contrast with prints whose styles may be less familiar to the viewers.
(8) "Spear Fishing" by Vernon Stephens,11978 (figure 18). • This print- was included in the exhibit as an example of the 'Ksan illustrative style,
similar to Rabena's "Sparrow", that is innovative within Northwest Coast design. The artist has made use of perspective and a "literal"
interpretation of the subject matter, in which men are shown spear fishing.
The primary reason for the selection of this print was thus to elicit
responses reflecting viewers' expectations of Northwest Coast style and
subject matter.
(9) "Chilkat Blackfish" by Roy Vickers, 1978 (figure 19). This print was
primarily chosen for the exhibit because the artist has produced a print
design which is based on the traditional Chilkat blanket, yet is a unique
design for the print medium. In terms of colours, design forms, and Figure 17. "Haida Hawk Design" by Figure 18. "Spear Fishing" by Freda Diesing, 1977. Silkscreen print. Vernon Stephens, 1978. Silkscreen print. - 149 -
Figure 19. "Chilkat Blackfish" by Roy Vickers, 1978. Silkscreen print. - 150 -
subject matter, probably most viewers would be unfamiliar with this type of
Northwest Coast Indian design. In addition, it has been noted by dealers that this print has had a poor sales record - thus the attempt in this survey was to elicit responses that may indicate reasons for the print's unpopularity.
The ten contemporary Northwest Coast Indian carvings included in the exhibit were chosen in an attempt to represent the broad range in styles, types, and levels of quality of carvings available on the market today.
Thus examples of poles, bowls, plaques, masks, and one letter opener were exhibited. The specific reasons for the selection of each object are as follows
(1) "Kwakiutl Wild Woman Mask" by George Matilpi, 1979 (figure 20).
This carving was chosen to contrast with the other two masks in the exhibit as well as with the other seven carvings. In terms of qualities of craftsmanship and design the mask may appear well done to the inexperienced eye; however as one familiar with Northwest Coast art I felt that the
craftsmanship and design was of lesser quality than the other two masks, but perhaps of better quality than several other carvings.
(2) "Bella Coola Portrait Mask" by Beau Dick, 1977 (figure 20). This
mask was selected primarily for its qualities of craftsmanship and for its
bright colours. The dealer from whom it was borrowed mentioned that it is
highly regarded by several Indian artists; this aspect combined with its
fine workmanship and design was why I selected it as an example of a good
quality carving. The very bright and shiny colours with which the artist
painted the mask are an additional feature that I felt may elicit negative
responses from viewers.
(3) "Owl Man" mask by Glen Rabena, 1978 (figure 20). As with the above - 151 -
Figure 20. Left: "Kwakiutl Wild Woman Mask" by George Matilpi, 19 Centre: "Bella Coola Portrait Mask" by Beau Dick, 1977 Right: "Owl Man" mask by Glen Rabena, 1978. - 152 -
mask by Dick, this mask was selected as an example of a good quality carving, both in terms of craftsmanship and design. The facial painting is
assymmetrical and red and black in colour.
(4) Totem pole by Frank Hanuse, 1979 (figure 21). This large model
totem pole (66 cm. high) was included in the exhibit for several reasons.
As an example of a model totem pole incorporating Thunderbird and Tsonoqua
figures, it is a type of object that has been heavily reproduced in low
quality souvenirs. Although this particular pole exhibits a higher degree
of craftsmanship than many souvenir poles, it is painted with bright colours
and varnished which, combined with the subject matter and flaws in
craftsmanship, make the pole reminiscent of "tourist" poles. However, I
anticipated positive response to the pole since it does represent the
Indian art that many viewers would probably be familiar with. This piece
was also chosen to contrast both with other carvings in the exhibit that are
unpainted or painted in subdued colours, and with the following model totem
pole by Kuhnley.
(5) Totem pole by Bill Kuhnley, 1979 (figure 22). This pole, less than
half the size of the pole by Hanuse (29.7 cm. high) also differs from the
latter in terms of style, carving technique, subject matter, and colours.
The qualities of design and craftsmanship are poor with regard to Northwest
Coast totem pole styles and forms, though the pole exhibits relatively more
and deeper carving than by Hanuse. The pole is painted with subdued, matte
colours and has a dark appearance. An additional reason for which this
pole was included in the exhibit is that similar poles by the carver are
popular items in the dealership from which it was borrowed. Thus an attempt
in this survey was to elicit responses to an item that embodies the qualities
as noted above, and is symbolic of Northwest Coast culture yet not a good
example of Northwest Coast sculptural traditions. Figure 21. Totem pole by Frank Hanuse, 1979. Figure 22. Totem pole by Bill Kuhnley, 1979. - 154 -
(6) "Halibut" dish by Glen Harper, 1979 (figure 23). This carved
object was included in the exhibit as an example of a form of traditional
bowl modified for the market, and to contrast in colour, finish, and quality with Rosso's bowl (mentioned below) and the other carvings in the exhibit.
The carving is of fair quality, being made of lower grade wood and stained
a dark brown.
(7) "Human/Beaver Dish" by Larry Rosso, 1979 (figure 24). This carving
was selected as an example of a good quality carving, the quality being
primarily determined by the level of workmanship on the piece. It is made
of light coloured wood and has some details painted in red and black. The
dish was chosen as an example of a form of traditional bowl modified by the
carver and, as mentioned above, to contrast in colour and finish with
Harper's bowl (above) and with other carvings in the exhibit.
(8) "Kwakiutl Sea Monster with Salmon" plaque by Bond Sound, 1979
(figure 25). This plaque and the following two carvings were chosen to
represent non-traditional kinds of objects made especially for the market.
This carving was chosen firstly as an example of a plaque; secondly as an
example of an object that is "mass-produced" by the carver; thirdly for
its subject matter, which is not rendered in characteristic Kwakiutl style
(contrary to what the carving's title might suggest); and fourthly for its
dark stained finish. It is a common item in Indian art dealerships that
sell plaques.
(9) "Kwakiutl Salmon" plaque by George Matilpi, 1979 (figure 26). As
mentioned above, this carving was chosen as an example of the kinds of wall
plaques that are a common non-traditional Northwest Coast item in Indian art
dealerships today. This plaque was selected for its "British Columbia"
subject matter - a salmon - and for its light coloured wood and painted
finish (to contrast with Sound's plaque). Figure 24. "Human/Beaver Dish" by Larry Rosso, 1979. - 156 -
Figure 25. "Kwakiutl Sea Monster with Salmon" plaque by Bond Sound, 1979. - 157 - - 158 -
(10) "Salmon" letter opener by Wilf Stevenson, 1980 (figure 27). This carving was chosen as an example of Northwest Coast design adapted to a completely non-traditional item, a letter opener. The opener was selected for the exhibit in order to elicit viewer response to its obviously non-traditional nature.
11 _ RESPONSES TO THE EXHIBIT
The exhibit of contemporary Northwest Coast Indian prints and carvings drew mixed reactions from the museum visitors interviewed, but definite trends are suggested by the data. An examination of the viewers' responses reveals that there are two main kinds of reactions:
(1) aesthetic, emphasizing aspects of the art such as qualities of design and form; and (2) contextual, emphasizing the degrees of "Indianness" or
"authenticity" of the arts, and the perceived meaning or message of the arts. In the following analyses the aesthetic and contextual responses will be examined in relation to each other in an attempt to arrive at some indications of viewers' expectations of Northwest Coast Indian arts.
Demographic and Ownership Data
As indicated in Table la, of the 100 individuals interviewed in the survey, 52 resided in the Northwest Coast area while 48 resided elsewhere in Canada, the United States, or other countries. Similarly, Table lb shows that 48 out of the 100 respondents were male, 52 female. "iTables'Ic and Id present the range of age and occupation obtained in the survey.
The results of question 8 regarding ownership of Northwest Coast
Indian arts indicate that the majority of respondents (62 out of 100) did not own any such arts (see Table Ila)« Among those respondents who owned
Northwest Coast arts, most owned prints and carvings (58% and 50% of these respondents respectively). - 159 -
TABLE I DEMOGRAPHIC DATA
(a) Location of Residence Total Respondents
N %
Northwest Coast area:
Greater Vancouver 47 47
Seattle 4 4
Other B.C. 11
Total 52 52
Outside Northwest Coast area:
Other Canada 18 18
Western U.S.A. 18 18
Eastern U.S.A. 8 8
Other countries 4 4
Total 48 48
TOTAL 100 100
(b) Sex Total Respondents
N %
male 48 48
female 52 52
Total 100 100 - 160 -
TABLE I continued
(c) Age Total Respondents
N %
under 25 21 21
25 to 34 34 34
35 to 44 17 17
45 to 54 17 17
55 and over 11 11
Total 100 100
(d) Occupation Total Respondents
. N %
Professional 39 39
Executive 3 3
Sales 2 2
Clerical 8 8
Skilled labour 9 9
Unskilled labour 1 1
Homemaker 2 2
Retired 1 1
Unemployed 2 2
Student 26 26
None 1 1
no answer 6 6
Total 100 100 - 161 -
TABLE II OWNERSHIP DATA
(a) Ownership of Northwest Coast Indian art
Total Respondents N %
yes 38 38
no 62 62
Total 100 100
Kinds of Northwest Coast Indian art owned
Total Respondents N %
Prints 22* 58
Carvings 19 50
Silver 8 21
Basketry 7 18
Argillite 7 18
Metal 2 5
Textiles 1 3
Beadwork 1 3
Antiques 1 3
Self-made 1 3
Total 69 N respondents 38
* To be read: 22 out of a total of 38 respondents (58%) who own Nor Coast Indian art own prints. - 162 -
TABLE II continued
(b) Ownership of non-Northwest Coast art
Total Respondents
N %
yes 68 68
no 28 28
no answer 4 4
Total 100 100
Kinds of art owned
Total Respondents N %
Western 51* 74
Inuit 16 23
Oriental 7 10
Other Indian 7 10
African 5 7
South American/Mexican/Guatemalan 5 7
"Ethnic" 4 6
Australian/Fijian 2 3
East Indian 2 3
Pottery 1 1
Total 100 N respondents 68
* To be read: 51 out of a total of 68 respondents (74%) who own non-Northwest Coast art own Western art. - 163 -
Viewers' responses to question 9 indicate that the majority of respondents (68 out of 100) did own at least one form of art that is not
Northwest Coast Indian (Table lib). Most of these respondents stated that they owned "Western" art (74%), 23% of the respondents owned Inuit art, and smaller numbers owned other kinds of "ethnic" or indigenous arts from around the world.
The demographic and ownership data obtained in this survey serve primarily to identify some characteristics of the population sample that was surveyed. It is difficult, however, to apply the information in any quantitative or qualitative way to the primary assumptions being
investigated because of the small size of the sample and the uncontrolled variables mentioned previously.
Words and Labels; Describing Northwest Coast Indian Arts
In questions 2(a) and (b) of the interview, respondents were asked to
state what words they might use to generally describe the prints and carvings
in the exhibit, or what words come to mind when they see these prints and carvings. The purpose of the questions was to elicit responses that would
indicate how the viewers verbally categorize Northwest Coast Indian arts, and how they respond to the art as a whole. (Additional questions in the
interview elaborate on these points.) An examination of the responses to
the questions may lead to a better understanding of how viewers conceptualize
Northwest Coast Indian arts, and how these conceptualizations may qualify
viewers' aesthetic judgements of the arts.
Responses to the questions fell into several categories concerned
with contextual as well as aesthetic aspects of the arts. For both prints
and carvings, the majority of respondents chose descriptors that fall into the
following categories: "art/craft" (43% of the respondents for prints, 39% for - 164 -
carvings), "traditional/contemporary" (31% for prints, 21% for carvings),
and "Indian" (25% for prints, 17% for carvings). Additional categories of
responses include "design" (16% for prints, 4% for carvings) , "affective"
(12% for prints, 13% for carvings), descriptive (10% for prints, 16% for
carvings), "meaning/symbolism" (7% for prints, 1% for carvings), and 4
"commercial" (5% for prints, 13% for carvings); see Table III.
The first category of responses centres on the viewers' notions of
what characterizes "art" and "craft". The prints were more readily
considered "art" than were the carvings (26 respondents vs. 15), and only
one respondent labelled the prints "craft" while 11 applied the term to
carvings. Other comments regarding the prints included "artistic
expression" (2 respondents), "graphic art" (1 respondent), "some are art,
some aren't" (2 respondents), "it is graphics rather than art" (1 respondent).
Three viewers felt that the prints are "not real art", for the following
reasons: "they are working in a rigid framework" and "this is their way of
telling a story or feeling; I look at it as I would look at a book". It
appears from the responses that the silkscreen print medium was more easily
recognized as belonging to the Western category of "art", whereas wood
carvings have traditionally been considered to belong to the category of
"craft". Additional comments regarding the carvings reflect this notion:
"they are craft, not art, because they are not innovative" (1 respondent),
"if the artists do it by formula it is craft, otherwise it is art" (1
respondent), "a few are art if they have a degree of quality; most are
tourist art at best" (2 respondents), "it is a combination of art and
artifact" (1 respondent), and "it is artistic and a craft; the utilitarian
things I would call a craft" (1 respondent). For both the prints and the
I carvings, one respondent stated "it is art, but it is based on a traditional - 165 -
TABLE III WORDS DESCRIBING PRINTS AND CARVINGS
PRINTS CARVINGS
Total First Total First Choice Choice Respondents Respondents N N % N N %
Art/Craft 43* 43 37** 39*** 39 32****
Traditional/Contemporary 31 31 13 21 21 17
Indian 25 25 23 17 17 17
Design 16 16 9 4 4 2
Affective 12 12 6 13 13 8
Descriptive 10 10 6 16 16 7
Meaning/Symbolism 7 7 2 1 1 1
Commercial 5 5 2 13 13 7
Do not know 0 0 0 1 1 1 no answer 2 2 2 8 8 8
Total 151 100 133 100 N respondents 100 100 100 100
* To be read: 43 out of a total of 100 respondents (43%) used words in the category "Art/Craft" to describe the prints.
** To be read: 37 out of a total of 100 respondents first used words in the category "Art/Craft" to describe the prints.
*** To be read: 39 out of a total of 100 respondents (39%) used words in the category "Art/Craft" to describe the carvings.
**** To be read: 32 out of a total of 100 respondents first used words in the category "Art/Craft" to describe the carvings. - 166 -
concept; they don't start with complete imagination".
In a second category of responses, viewers used words to describe the prints and carvings that emphasized "traditional" and "contemporary" qualities of the pieces. For the prints, only one respondent noted "traditional motifs" and another that "the shapes and styles are genetic", while 25 stated that "it is contemporary Northwest Coast Indian art using the old formlines",
"some are modern, some more traditional", "some are innovative and experimental", "it is a new use of forms", "20th century - they reflect the mind of modern man rather than the past", and "a modern Indian form of ancient crafts". One viewer stated that "the prints are too good, too perfect compared to the traditional". Referring to the carvings, 4 viewers called the pieces "contemporary" or "modern", and 2 stated that the carvings are
"a more modern type of ancient Indian things". Six respondents described the carvings more negatively with regard to their modernity: "there is a too fresh look to them, they don't have the mystique of the old", "nice, but don't have that original feeling about them", "they are too new, I prefer the old", "they are too new to be Indian craft", and "their colouration is too modern". Two viewers added that "the carvings are not as fresh as the prints; they are replications of the old" and "there is a fake feeling to them", and one viewer stated that "they are not as primitive as I would expect". Two respondents referred to the carvings as "continuing the tradition", and another as "using tradition in a modern way". Additional descriptors included "history", "traditional", "some are contemporary, others are traditional", and "the carvings are more traditional than the prints".
A third category of descriptors includes responses to the "Indianness" of the prints and carvings. Words that were immediately expressed by some viewers include "Indian art", "Northwest Coast Indian art", and "Indian craft" - 167 -
(14 respondents for.prints, 8 for carvings); "Indian" and "B.C. Indian"
(8 respondents for prints? 2 for carvings); and "native folk art",
"cultural art", and "ethnic art" (2 respondents for prints, 4 for carvings).
Other descriptors include "art by contemporary Indians" and "modern Indian"
(1 respondent for prints, 2 for carvings), "universally Indian art is similar" (1 respondent for prints) , and "just the usual kind of Indian art"
(1 respondent for carvings).
The design qualities of the prints and carvings featured in the responses as well. For the prints, 16 respondents used such descriptors as
"colourful", "lines", "ovoids", "controlled", "simplicity", "structural drawings", "symmetrical", "bold", and "totem pole patterns". In describing the carvings, only 4 respondents referred to design qualities: "colourful",
"detailed", "paint-by-number", and "not well done". 5
Affective qualities were referred to by 12 respondents for the prints:
"love it", "powerful", "wow", "amazement that they can do this kind of thing",
"interesting", and "hits me too strongly". Two respondents added "I react differently to different ones". For the carvings, 13 respondents referred to affective qualities: "wood and carving attract me", "incredible",
"love it", "beautiful", "I don't like them as much as the prints", and "they make me angry because they are tacky".
Respondents also used general descriptive words in their responses.
To describe the prints? 10 respondents used such words as "different",
"decorative", and "graphics". Sixteen respondents referred to the carvings
in this way: "imaginative", "functional", "sculpture", "solid", "elegant",
"unusual" , and "expensive"..
Seven respondents referred to the apparent meaning and symbolism of
the prints in their descriptions: "animal life", "legends and stories". - 168 -
"revival, survival", and "symbolic".
A final category of descriptors includes responses to the
"commercial" aspects of the prints and carvings. For the prints, 5 viewers
used such descriptors as "slick and over-designed", "degraded", "overabundance
in the market", "commercial", and "some are mass-produced". Thirteen viewers referred to such aspects for the carvings: "most are touristy",
"some are souvenirs", "commercial", "many are made for sale to tourists",
"machine made", and "slick".
In summary, the words used by the respondents to describe the
exhibited prints and carvings fall into 8 categories. These categories,
listed in Table III, represent the general qualities which, presumably,
"stood out" for viewers as the primary characteristics of the arts and
differentiated this kind of art from non-Indian art. The different
categories of responses also indicated the qualities viewers were looking for
or seeing in contemporary Northwest Coast Indian arts (e.g. innovation or
adherence to traditional design), and the criteria with which they viewed and
judged the arts (e.g. the degree of affective appeal or commercialism).
The majority of respondents referred to contextual aspects of the arts
in their descriptions of the prints and carvings (these include all responses
except those categorized as "design", "affective", and "descriptive", which
refer primarily to aesthetic aspects of the arts; see Table III for figures).
Thus, besides considering the arts in terms of their aesthetic appeal,
respondents viewed Northwest Coast Indian arts within the contexts of art and
craft (i.e., as categories that include and exclude certain kinds of art
objects), native traditions and culture,. Indianness, meaning/symbolism, and
the commercial market. The degree of Indianness and.the cultural connection - 169 -
of Northwest Coast Indian art emerged as significant aspects of the art in all
of these contexts, as illustrated by such descriptors as "artifact",
"traditional", "too new", "ethnic art", "legends", and "degraded".
Viewers' responses were often different for prints and carvings, and provide an illustration of contrasting conceptualizations of Northwest Coast
Indian arts. The prints were more often labelled "art" or "contemporary" with allowance for some innovation, whereas the carvings were more often considered to be newer versions of traditional objects. A comparison of
some individuals' responses to the prints with their responses to the carvings reveals such a dichotomy: individuals referred to the prints versus carvings as "modern" vs. "traditional", "art vs. draft", "not a copy" vs.
"replications", "individualistic art" vs. "not original", and "modern" vs.
"history". The ways in which such conceptualizations may affect aesthetic
judgements of the arts will be investigated in the following discussion.
Responses to the Prints
Responses to survey questions 3(a) and (b) indicate that of the nine prints included in the exhibit, "Haida Hawk Design" by Freda Diesing,
"Bent-Box Design" by Robert Davidson, and "Spear Fishing" by Vernon Stephens were chosen most often by viewers as the "most liked" prints (by 34%, 30%,
and 24% of the respondents respectively). On the other hand, Glen Rabena's
"Sparrow", Roy Vickers' "Chilkat Blackfish", Stephens' "Spear Fishing", and
Joe David's "Gambler Drum" were chosen most often as the "least liked" prints
by 25%, 24%, 22%, and 21% of the respondents respectively. Only one viewer
did not choose any print as particularly appealing ("I respond more strongly
to the typical Indian craft"), while 15% did not choose any prints as
unappealing, generally because they "like them all" (see Table IV). - 170 -
TABLE IV POSITIVE AND NEGATIVE RESPONSES TO PRINTS
POSITIVE NEGATIVE
Total First Total First Respondents Choice Respondents Choice N % N N % N
Freda Diesing "Haida Hawk Design1 34* 34 21** 3*** 3 2****
Robert Davidson "Bent-Box Design" 30 30 24
Vernon Stephens "Spear Fishing" 24 24 20 22 22 14
Don Yeomans "Raven in the 20th Century" 17 17
Glen Rabena "Sparrow" 15 15 25 25 15
Art Thompson "Welcome Canoe" 12 12 14 14 11
Joe David "Gambler Drum" 11 11 21 21 18
Lloyd Wadhams "Thunderbird Sisiutl" 16 16 8
Roy Vickers "Chilkat Blackfish" 4 4 3 24 24 12
None 1 1 1 15 15 15
Total 156 100 146 100 N respondents 100 100 100 100
* To be read: 34 out of a total of 100 respondents (34%) responded positively, to Freda Diesing's "Haida Hawk Design". ** To be read: 21 out of a total of 100 respondents responded positively to Diesing's print first, *•** To be read: 3 out of a total of 100 respondents (3%) responded negatively to Diesing's print.
**** T0 ke rea<3; 2 out of a total of 100 respondents responded negatively to Diesing's print first. - 171 -
As will be discussed in more detail below, what viewers pointed out as positive qualities of the prints were primarily qualities of design (85% of the respondents chose such qualities as good forms, appealing colours, and well-balanced design) , although a second important category of positive qualities mentioned by 62% of the respondents is concerned with the extent to which the prints were seen as "traditional" or "innovative". While some respondents commented, for example, that the prints present "traditional designs" or are "founded in the tradition yet are innovative", others commented positively on the "non-traditional" or "modern" qualities of the prints. Thirty-three percent of the viewers listed affective qualities as positive aspects of the prints, for example, the "personal appeal" and the
"power" of the designs. A fourth category of comments noting positive qualities refers to the subject matter or meaning of the print as perceived
by the viewer (26% of the respondents). This category includes such
comments as "the message is easy to see" and "it has a spiritual sense of
nature". In addition, 5% of the viewers mentioned the framing of the print
as a positive quality ("Miscellaneous" category of responses), and another
5% referred to the name of the artist who created the print (see Table V).
The negative qualities of the prints, as mentioned by viewers in
response to the prints they disliked or liked the least, also fall into the
same general categories as above (see Table V). Qualities of design that
72% of the viewers gave as reasons for disliking certain prints include poor
design and forms, the colours used, and a lack of balance. Included in the
category "Tradition/Innovation" are the comments of 60% of the viewers who
referred primarily to departures from the "traditional" Northwest Coast
Indian forms. Viewers noted that certain prints were "not Indian enough",
"not traditional enough", "too contemporary", and so on. These latter - 172 -
TABLE V POSITIVE AND NEGATIVE QUALITIES OF PRINTS
POSITIVE NEGATIVE
Total First Total First Respondents Choice Respondents Choice
N % N N % N
Design 85* 85 46** 72*** 72 33****
Tradition/Innovation 62 62 26 60 60 30
Affective 33 33 19 27 27 11
Subject Matter/Meaning 26 26 6 12 12 6
Miscellaneous 5 5 1 8 8 0
The artist 5 5 1 0 0 0
None 0 0 0 15 15 15
no answer 1 1 1 0 0 0
Total 217 100 194 100 N respondents 100 100 100 100
* To be read: 85 out of a total of 100 respondents (85%) mentioned design qualities as positive qualities of the prints.
** To be read: 46 out of a total of 100 respondents mentioned design qualities first as positive qualities of the prints.
*** To be read: 72 out of a total of 100 respondents (72%) mentioned design qualities as negative qualities of the prints.
**** To.be read: 38 out of'-a total of 100 respondents mentioned design qualities first as negative qualities of the prints. - 173 -
comments tended to be directed at the subject matter or designs of the prints as opposed to the print medium itself, which is a non-traditional art medium for Northwest Coast Indian art„ Twenty-seven percent of the viewers mentioned affective qualities of the prints they disliked, such as "it doesn't appeal to me" and "it's boring". In a fourth category of responses,
12% of the viewers referred to the subject matter or meaning of the prints
(e.g. "no meaning", "no clear message"), and a fifth "miscellaneous" category includes comments by 8% of the viewers on the framing and the prints' unsuitability for home display. Fifteen percent of the respondents stated
that there was nothing they disliked about the prints.
The responses to the contemporary Northwest Coast Indian prints give
some indication of the aesthetic criteria the public applies to the art, and
the public's expectations of what constitutes Northwest Coast Indian art.
Designs considered to be in the traditional Northwest Coast style, such as
Diesing's "Haida Hawk Design" and Davidson's "Bent-Box Design", received more
positive comments and were better liked (by 34% and 30% of the respondents
respectively) than those designs perceived to be non-traditional or
Westernized (e.g. David's "Gambler Drum" and Vickers' "Chilkat Blackfish",
11% and 4% of the respondents respectively). The implications of these
results will become clearer when the responses to the rest of the interview
questions are analysed.
What follows is a discussion of the responses to each print, after
which the responses to the carvings will be discussed. Individual comments,
selected on the basis of their representativeness or uniqueness, will be
quoted in some detail in order to retain their original content.
Responses to Freda Diesing's "Haida Hawk Design" were almost all - 174 -
positive, with 34% of the total respondents choosing it as a print that particularly appeals to them, and only 3% choosing it as a least favourite print.
As shown in Table Via, most respondents (19 out of 34) commented positively on general aspects of design in the print. Diesing's personal style, which can be described as heavy and almost blocky, was emphasized in comments that described the print as "bold", "powerful, dramatic", and
"dynamic". Respondents also commented on the simplicity and abstractness of the design. The colours in the print received such responses as "I like the earthy colours", "I am prone towards red and black", "it is not multi• coloured". Two respondents commented positively on the paper itself, that it was beige and not white.
Thirteen out of the 34 respondents commented positively on the
"traditional" aspects of the design: "it is a clear presentation in a print of traditional design", "back to the old standard conventions", "I like the more traditional", "it is what I would expect from this kind of art form".
Also, one respondent stated "it is founded in the tradition and yet is innovative". These responses indicate that the respondents have some notion of what constitutes a "typical" or "traditional" Northwest Coast design, and that this print was easily recognizable in terms of, and valued for its adherence to, this expectation. The comments of the 3 respondents who disliked the print reflect the same kind of expectation, but express an opposing point of view: "I have seen too many traditional prints„ and I'm
8 getting tired of them", "no vitality" ? "there is an overdose on cards etc. of this kind of thing".
Additional responses by 6 viewers emphasized affective qualities of the print ("it catches my eye"); 2 viewers commented positively on the - 175 -
TABLE VI POSITIVE AND NEGATIVE QUALITIES OF INDIVIDUAL PRINTS
POSITIVE NEGATIVE Total Respondents Total Respondents N N
(a) Freda Diesing "Haida Hawk Design"
Design- 19* 1**
Tradition/Innovation 13 3
Affective 6 1
Subject matter/Meaning 2 0
Miscellaneous 1 1
The artist 2 0
Total 43 6 N respondents 34 3
(b) Robert Davidson "Bent-Box Design"
Design 15 1
Tradition/Innovation 17 0
Affective 5 1
Subject matter/Meaning 3 0
Miscellaneous 4 0
The artist 1 : 0
Total 45 2 N respondents 30 2
* To be read: 19 out of a total.of 34 respondents who chose Diesing's print as appealing commented positively on design qualities.
** To be read: 1 out of a total of 3 respondents who chose Diesing's print as unappealing commented negatively on design qualities. - 176 -
TABLE VI continued
POSITIVE NEGATIVE
Total Respondents Total Respondents N N
(c) Vernon Stephens "Spear Fishing"
Design 17 13
Tradition/Innovation 8 10
Affective 6 4
Subject matter/Meaning 6 0
Miscellaneous 0 2
The artist 0 0
Total 37 29 N respondents 24 22
(d) Don Yeomans "Raven in the 20th Century"
Design 7 1
Tradition/Innovation 9 1
Affective 6 0
Subject matter/Meaning 4 4
Miscellaneous 0 0
The artist 1 0
Total 27 6 N respondents 17 4 - 177 -
TABLE VI continued
POSITIVE NEGATIVE Total Respondents Total Respondents N N
(e) Glen Rabena "Sparrow"
Design 8 6
Tradition/Innovation 5 20
Affective 2 3
Subject matter/Meaning 6 4
Miscellaneous 0 0
The artist 0 0
Total 21 33 N respondents 15 25
(f) Art Thompson "Welcome Canoe"
Design 6 5
Tradition/Innovation 3 10
Affective 3 5
Subject matter/Meaning 3 0
Miscellaneous 0 1
The artist 0 0
Total 15 21 N respondents 12 14 - 178 -
TABLE VI continued
POSITIVE NEGATIVE
Total Respondents Total Respondents
N N
(g) Joe David "Gambler Drum"
Design 6 12
Tradition/Innovation 3 6
Affective 3 6
Subject matter/Meaning 2 2
Miscellaneous 0 1
The artist 1 0
Total 15 27 N respondents 11 21
(h) Lloyd Wadhams "Thunderbird Sisiutl"
Design 4 13
Tradition/Innovation 3 5
Affective 2 4
Subject matter/Meaning 0 0
Miscellaneous 0 1
The artist 0 0
Total 9 23 N respondents 8 16 - 179 -
TABLE VI continued
POSITIVE NEGATIVE
Total Respondents Total Respondents
N N
(i) Roy Vickers "Chilkat Blackfish"
Design 3 20
Tradition/Innovation 1 5
Affective 0 3
Subject matter/Meaning 0 2
Miscellaneous 0 2
The artist 0 0
Total 4 32 N respondents 4 24 - 180 -
Raven subject matter, one on the framing, and 2 on the artist's name,
Robert Davidson's "Bent-Box Design" was selected as a particularly appealing print by 30%:, of the respondents, often for similar reasons as
Diesing's print was chosen. Only 2 out of the 100 respondents chose it as a least appealing print.
Most respondents (see Table VIb) commented positively on design aspects (15 out of the 30 respondents) and on the print's "traditional" or
"innovative" qualities (17 out of the 30 respondents). Comments regarding design include "impressive design", "well balanced, well done formlines", "the use of red and black, symmetry, ovoids, and U's", and "good composition".
The only negative responses expressed toward "Bent-Box Design" comment on the complexity of the design: "it looks like a traffic jam", "it's too over• bearing".
Regarding the "traditional" nature of the design, respondents stated that "I like it because of the way it resembles a traditional box front",
"I've seen this in housefronts as a boy", "it recalls other Northwest Coast
items seen in the Provincial Museum". Viewers stated that "I favour the traditional", "it is most faithful to the Indian designs", "it is what I expect", "it fits my idea of what North Pacific Indian art is", "I have a bias toward traditional myth design".
Other respondents mentioned affective qualities of the print that they
found appealing (5 people), the subject matter of the design (3 people), the
framing of the print (4 people), and the artist's name (1 person).
The positive responses to what was perceived as traditional in
Davidson's "Bent-Box Design" contrast with the positive responses to Vernon
Stephens' "Spear Fishing", which emphasize the "innovative" or "different" - 181 -
aspects of the design. This print received the most comments of any print in the exhibit (a total of 46 viewers responded to it), and paradoxically, it was the third most popular print in the exhibit as well as the third least liked print. The features that some viewers responded positively to in the print were frequently the same features that other viewers responded negatively to. These features included primarily the unique style of the design with the use of perspective, and loose adherence to the established forms that characterize northern Northwest Coast Indian art.
Regarding positive comments on design, 17 out of the 24 respondents commented on such aspects of the print as its "simplicity", stating that "it is like calligraphy", "it looks Oriental", and "sparing strokes depict an entire scene" (see Table Vic). Comments on the simplicity of the design accompanied an expressed appreciation on the part of six viewers that the design conveys a message that is easy to understand: "it has a lack of detail but tells a lot", "you can tell the story behind it", "the message is easy to see - what they're doing, their way of life".
"Spear Fishing" also received a number of negative responses with regard to aspects of design from 13 out of the 22 respondents: "I dislike the pictorial style", "it is just a couple of lines and lots of big empty spaces",
"too simplistic", "something is missing".
Six respondents commented positively on the print's affective qualities ("exciting" amd "appealing"), while 4 commented negatively ("dull",
"it doesn't engage me"). Two viewers commented negatively about the framing
and that "I wouldn't hang it on my wall".
The recognition that the design differs from traditional Northwest
Coast Indian design provoked both positive and negative responses (8 and 10
viewers respectively). The positive responses favour the unique and perhaps - 182 -
innovative aspects of the print: "it is aesthetically delightful, different, unique; I am tired of the usual Northwest Coast Indian art" and "it is non- traditional". These aspects were, however, interpreted negatively by other viewers: "it departs from the tradition", "it is completely borrowed", "it's clever but doesn't fit with the Northwest Coast style'!, "it looks contrived",
"it is no more Indian than I am - it is terrible, not Indian!"
The latter responses to Stephens' "Spear Fishing" serve as an 11 L illustration of the way in which the aesthetic judgements of Northwest Coast
Indian arts can be contextually qualified according to a preconceived or expected standard of what Indian art should be. Although the aesthetic aspects of the print may be deserving of criticism, prints of this style, which are attempts at innovation and at breaking away from the constraints of the tradition, are often judged on the basis of the "traditional". A comparison with the traditional, however, is reflected in two opposing view• points - some viewers prefer departure from tradition, while others prefer correspondence to it.
-'.Raven in the 20th Century" by Don Yeomans is a print which incorporates a symbol of modernity - the 'automobile - in its design.
Seventeen percent of the viewers responded positively to the print, and 4% responded negatively. It seems, however, that most of the viewers responding positively were not aware of the car in the design, since only 3 of the viewers mentioned it. Positive responses to the print (see Table VId) centred on aspects of design (7 out of 17 respondents: "I like the design elements"^ "visually pleasing", "well balanced,, well done formlines") and on the print's "traditional" qualities (9 out of 17 respondents: "back to the old standard conventions", "it is simple, more traditional"). One respondent noted that "the old and new are together in this print", and another stated - 183 -
that the design was "modern". Of the 4 respondents who commented positively on the subject matter, two called the design "witty" because of the car in it, and two commented that they liked the Raven design. Six viewers commented on affective qualities of the print ("it has power to it",
"it is appealing"), and one stated that he owns other of the artist's prints.
The negative responses to the print all focused on the car image:
"I don't like it because of the car in it", "the car doesn't fit - it is too contemporary". There was one comment that the design was "too busy". No comments were made regarding a message that the artist might have been trying to convey.
Glen Rabena's "Sparrow", like the prints by Yeomans and Stephens, combine elements of Western and Northwest Coast Indian imagery and design.
More viewers commented negatively than positively on the print (25% vs. 15%).
Both the positive and negative responses to "Sparrow" emphasize how
"different" the design is with its combination of Northwest Coast Indian and
Western elements. Within the response category "Tradition/Innovation"
(see Table Vie), 5 out of 15 respondents commented positively that "it's different, but has the elements of Northwest Coast; it's freer", "it has the
Indian effect plus you can see it is a bird", "it is non-traditional, closer to being more free, less stylized, less traditional Northwest Coast Indian".
These aspects of the design were, however, seen negatively by 20 out of 25 viewers, as expressed in the following comments: "it departs from the tradition"* "too Westernized", "awkward combination of Western artistic conventions and Indian", "not typical enough Northwest Coast", "not Indian",
"too North American", "bastardizing Northwest Coast symbols", "doesn't fit my idea of what North Pacific Indian art is". Some of these viewers also - 184 -
disliked the "touristy" nature of the design ("it reminds me of stationary",
"trite design", "it feels touristy"). The comments indicate that Rabena's
"Sparrow", by. departing from the traditional Northwest Coast design in its use of perspective, its subject matter, and its use of forms, was perceived either as violating tradition and authenticity or as doing something innovative.
Additional positive responses include comments by 8 viewers on general design qualities ("has dimension", "pretty", "more interesting from an artistic point of view", "I like the colour"), and by 6 viewers on the perceived meaning ("it has a spiritual sense of nature") and the subject matter ("this is the first time I've seen a small bird in Northwest Coast design"). Aspects of design that 6 viewers disliked include the "pictorial style", "flat red colour", and generally "poor design". Four respondents commented negatively on the subject matter ("I don't like bird pictures").
The positive responses to Rabena's "Sparrow" indicate how prints in this non-mythic, pictorial, easy to understand style could particularly appeal to a public new to Northwest Coast Indian art. The style combines easily recognizable subject matter with Western realism and enough Northwest Coast design elements to produce an image that is cross-culturally very accessible - the image is understandable and has enough of a Northwest Coast component to make it recognizably Northwest Coast Indian.
A print included in the exhibit that is perhaps not as easily recognizable as Northwest Coast Indian art is Art Thompson's "Welcome Canoe".
The print received a few more negative than positive comments from the viewers
(14% vs. 12% of the total respondents).
The positive responses to "Welcome Canoe" (see Table Vlf) centred on aspects of design: "it is the most pleasing to the eye compared to many - 185 -
others which are busy and confused", "nice sophisticated design", "free form", and "it has movement in it" (6 respondents out of 12)„ Aspects of design received negative responses as well: "it is just ugly", "not very sophisticated, not intricate", and "no vitality, no sense of form and balance" (5 respondents out of 14).
Three respondents made positive comments regarding the traditional and innovative aspects of the print: "I like it because of the way it resembles traditional Nootka things", "it.is more traditional", and "it is the artist's own expression - it's by an individualist conscious of his heritage". The negative responses in the category of "tradition/innovation" indicate that for 10 viewers this design was not readily recognizable as
Northwest Coast Indian: "it departs from the tradition", "it doesn't remind me of anything Northwest Coast Indian; it is invented", "I don't associate it with Indian art", "it doesn't correspond to my expectations". Additional comments include that the design is "ticky tacky stuff", "it looks silly",
"it is too contrived". The negative responses may to some extent reflect the respondents' general unfamiliarity with contemporary Northwest Coast
Indian art that is based on the Westcoast (Nuu-chah-nulth) tradition, since the style is a relative newcomer to the Indian art market and is not as well known by the consumer public as the northern Northwest Coast styles.
Affective responses to "Welcome Canoe" (3 positive and 5 negative) included comments on the appeal or lack of appeal of the design. Three respondents commented positively on the subject matter of the print (e.g. "I am interested to see representations of the way they live"). Finally, one respondent commented negatively on the framing of the print.
In contrast to some of the responses listed above for "Welcome Canoe", - 186 -
one respondent considered Joe David's "Gambler Drum" to be an appealing print because "it isn't too Indian; I like the colours and design". "Gambler
Drum" was, however, one of the least favoured prints included in the exhibit
(21% of the total viewers responded negatively, 11% positively), and it was also one of the most unique and unusual in terms of the kinds of Northwest
Coast Indian art that respondents were likely more familiar with. Six respondents out of 11 (see Table VIg) commented positively on qualities of design ("I like the unusual choice of colours", "it is attractive as a design", "I like the geometrical"), while 12 out of 21 viewers responded negatively to these same qualities ("the colour combination puts me off", "it is incredibly repetitive", "I don't like symmetrical designs"). Comments in the "tradition/innovation" category include positive responses by 3 viewers:
"it is very modern yet definitely Indian", and "it is not very traditional".
Negative comments in the same category were made by 6 respondents, who stated that "I prefer the limitations of the tradition", "it doesn't look as authentic as the others", "it shows nothing of the Indian", and "it is obviously Indian with the ovoids etc., but otherwise is not".
Three respondents mentioned positive affective qualities of the print, such as "it is striking" and "it is intriguing". Negative comments in this category were made by 6 respondents: "it doesn't appeal", "it doesn't move me in any way". Interpreting the subject matter and meaning of "Gambler
Drum", 2 viewers commented positively that it has "esoteric meanings" and is
"a universal symbol1', and 2 others remarked negatively that "I don't really know what I'm looking at, I don't know what it is", and "the subject matter doesn't allow for much elaboration". Finally, one respondent said that she likes the print because she likes the artist's work generally.
Despite the consideration that Lloyd Wadhams1 "Thunderbird Sisiutl" - 187 -
resembles much of the commercial Northwest Coast Indian art that many tourists are perhaps more familiar with, viewers did not generally consider this print to be a "typical" Northwest Coast design. Overall, in comparison to the other prints included in the exhibit, this print was one of the less popular.
Only 8% of the total respondents selected this print as one they liked the most, and 16% chose it as one they liked the least.
Positive responses to the print (see Table Vlh) included comments by
4 out of 8 viewers on aspects of design ("it has intricacy", "lots of detail and symmetry", "the colours are attractive") and by 3 viewers on the design's traditional aspects ("it is founded in the tradition and yet is innovative",
"it is more traditional", "it is the most Indian of the prints here"). The negative responses included comments by 13 out of 16 respondents on aspects of design: "too perfect; an art school approach", "too busy", "too decorative and elaborate; it doesn't flow or have good tension or vitality in it", "I dislike the colours". Regarding the print's "traditional/innovative" aspects, 5 respondents stated that the print is "doodle art", "kitchy",
"contrived", and "too Indian". Noting affective qualities of the print, 2 respondents referred positively to the print's appeal ("it catches my eye"), while 4 stated that the print was "overwhelming" and unappealing. Another respondent noted unattractive framing.
Responses to Roy Vickers' "Chilkat Blackfish" design as an unusual and unfamiliar style of Northwest Coast Indian art were similar to the responses to David's "Gambler Drum". Only 4% of the total respondents chose Vickers' print as an appealing design, while 24% stated that they disliked it. Most comments (see Table VII) centred on the colours in the design, which are bright yellow, blue, white, and black. Three of the 4 people who responded positively to the print found the colours appealing, while the 20 out of 24 - 188 -
people who responded negatively to qualities of design commented that "I
dislike it because of the colour", "too yellow", "the colours are too bright",
and also that the print shows a "too blocky basic form" and that "it follows
a formula". Only one respondent commented positively that "Chilkat
Blackfish" is "a clear presentation in a print of traditional design".
Regarding the print's "traditional/innovative" qualities, a respondent mentioned previously stated again that the "colours and faces" make the print
"too Indian". However, 4 other people stated negatively that "it doesn't
look like Indian art to me" and "it's modern". Additional negative comments about the print include 3 affective responses ("I am not drawn into it", "it
is too overbearing", "no vitality"), 2 comments on the subject matter and meaning ("I don't understand it" and "I don't like Chilkat blankets"), and 2 miscellaneous comments about the print's framing and unsuitability for the home.
The unpopularity of Vickers' print, both in this survey and commercially, seems to be related not only to its colours but also to its unreadable content. For viewers who do not judge the print by its aesthetic qualities alone, some knowledge is needed regarding its ethnographic aspects and its relation to Northwest Coast design. In addition, Chilkat blanket imagery is one of the most abstracted kinds of Northwest Coast design that many experts in the art find difficult to interpret. "Chilkat Blackfish" thus may be considered the antithesis of a print such as Rabena's "Sparrow", as the latter utilizes both simplification and realism to facilitate communication cross-culturally (see Chapter Two).
Responses to the Carvings
Responses to the ten carvings included in the exhibit fell into the - 189 -
same general categories as did the responses to the prints: qualities of design (mentioned as positive qualities by 93% of the respondents and as negative qualities by 55%) , affective qualities (52% positive, 43% negative) , tradition/innovation (45% positive, 95% negative), and miscellaneous comments
(12% positive, 8% negative). Positive responses to the carvings tended to focus on qualities of design (93% of the respondents), while negative :. responses focused on traditional/innovative qualities (95% of the responses).
Two additional categories of responses, qualities of workmanship (32% positive, 29% negative) and materials (15% positive, 5% negative) , were applied to carvings only (see Table VII).
In analysing the responses it seems that viewers tended to consider the carvings as attempts at replicating the old, traditional-pieces, and so expected them to resemble the old as closely as possible. The accusation of
"touristy" was frequently applied to the carvings that respondents disliked, indicating a negative reaction to what was perceived as a loss of the traditional design, function, and meaning of the piece. On the other hand, one respondent made a comment about all the carvings (except the letter opener) that they are "too stylized, too primitive, too simplistic, too primary, and too weird". She perceived the carvings as "too typically
Indian", while other respondents sought more "Indian" qualities in the pieces.
One example of the kinds of qualities that some respondents appreciated in the carvings is the colour applied to the surface of the wood - carvings that were either stained a dark brown or painted in subdued "natural" colours were seen as more closely resembling the old, and were therefore considered more genuine and authentic.
Of the ten carvings (see Table VIII), Frank Hanuse's totem pole received the least positive comments (4% of the total respondents), and the - 190 -
TABLE VII POSITIVE AND NEGATIVE QUALITIES OF CARVINGS
POSITIVE NEGATIVE
Total First Total First Respondents Choice Respondents Choice N % N N % N
Design 93* 93 37** 55*** 55 23****
Affective 52 52 13 43 43 7
Tradition/Innovation 45 45 15 95 95 38
Workmanship 32 32 9 29 29 6
Materials 15 15 4 5 5 1
Miscellaneous 12 12 7 8 8 2
Subject Matter/Meaning 7 7 3 11 11 2
The artist 5 5 4 3 3 1
None 7 7 7 19 19 19 no answer 1 1 1 1 1 1
Total 269 100 269 100 N respondents 100 100 100 100
* To be read: 93 out of a total of 100 respondents (93%) mentioned design qualities as positive qualities of the carvings.
** To be read: 37 out of a total of 100 respondents mentioned design ^ qualities first as positive qualities of the carvings.
*** To be read: 55 out of a total of 100 respondents (55%) mentioned design qualities as negative qualities of the carvings.
**** To be read: 23 out of a total of 100 respondents mentioned design qualities first as negative qualities of the carvings. - 191 -
TABLE VIII POSITIVE AND NEGATIVE RESPONSES TO CARVINGS
POSITIVE NEGATIVE
Total First Total First Respondents Choice Respondents Choice N % N N % • N Beau Dick "Bella Coola Portrait Mask" 25* 25 11*" 18*** 18 8*** Glen Rabena "Owl Man" mask 21 21 5 9 9 2
Larry Rosso "Human/Beaver Dish" 21 21 11 6 6 3
Bill Kuhnley Totem pole 19 19 13 12 12 2
George Matilpi "Kwakiutl Wild Woman Mask" 18 18 18 8 8 5
Glen Harper "Halibut" dish 17 17 9 8 8 2
George Matilpi "Kwakiutl Salmon" plaque 14 14 8 16 16 5
Bond Sound "Kwakiutl Sea Monster ..." 12 12 10 14 14 6
Wilf Stevenson "Salmon" letter opener 6 6 4 3 3 1
Frank Hanuse Totem pole 4 4 3 56 56 46
None 7 7 7 19 19 19 no answer 1 1 1 1 1 1
* Total 165 100 170 100 N respondents 100 100 100 100
* To be read: 25 out of a total of 100 respondents (25%) responded positively to Beau Dick's "Bella Coola Portrait Mask". ** To be read: 11 out of a total of 100 respondents responded:positively to Dick's mask first.
*** To be read: 18 out of a total of 100 respondents (18%) responded negatively to Dick's mask.
**** TO be read: 8 out of a total of 100 respondents responded negatively to Dick's mask first. - 192 -
most negative (56%). The pole was generally perceived as "typical tourist" art, one of the reasons being its bright colours. Beau Dick's "Bella Coola
Portrait Mask", however, received the most positive responses of all the carvings (25% of the viewers) in spite of (or perhaps partially because of) its bright blue and red paint. The mask also received more negative responses than many of the other carvings, though (18% of the respondents).
Glen Rabena's "Owl Man" mask and Larry Rosso's "Human/Beaver" dish were the second most popular carvings of the exhibit (each chosen by 21% of the respondents). Bill Kuhnley's totem pole followed in popularity (chosen by
19% of the respondents). Besides Hanuse's pole and Dick's mask, the least liked carvings in the exhibit included the plaques by George Matilpi and Bond
Sound (receiving negative responses from 16% and 14% of the viewers respectively). The carving that received the.fewest comments was Wilf
Stevenson's "Salmon" letter opener (receiving positive responses from 6% of the viewers and negative responses from 3%), one reason undoubtedly being that it was a very small carving that did not stand out in relation to the others in the exhibit.
Nineteen percent of the respondents stated that they did not choose any carvings as particularly unappealing; some of these respondents commented that "I wouldn't buy the masks though", "I like them all", "I am indifferent to all these carvings", and "they are all beautiful". Seven percent of the respondents, on the other hand, did not choose any carvings as particularly appealing; one person remarked that "it isn't my bag; I wouldn't buy any". Finally, one person found it "hard to pick", adding that
"my criteria would be which are more representative of the traditional Indian attitudes and way of life".
The following is a discussion of the responses to each carving - 193 -
included in the exhibit. Comments made by individuals in response to the carvings will again be quoted if they are unique or representative of other responses.
As mentioned previously, Beau Dick's "Bella Coola Portrait Mask" was chosen most often as the "best liked" carving (by 25% of the respondents).
The positive comments of 13 out of 25 respondents (see Table IXa) were primarily concerned with qualities of design: "it is professional, within the style", "I like the use of colours with the carving", "I like the forms of facial painting", "excellence in finish and quality". Negative responses to design qualities (7 out of 18 respondents) emphasized the mask's "garish" and "harsh" colours. Affectively, the mask was described as "dramatic",
"lots of expression", "powerful", "alive and energetic", and "interesting" by
10 respondents, and was negatively described as "scary", "ugly", and "don't like it" (8 respondents).
The traditional/innovative qualities of the mask were also the subject of both positive and negative responses. The positive responses by 7 viewers included "it is not a souvenir", "it is new but not just copying - it is the expression of the artist plus tradition", "it looks like an older mask, like an authentic antique", "it is not typical", "it looks Indian and was obviously created by Indians", "it looks the most authentic in comparison to the other carvings". Seven other viewers responded negatively to this aspect of the carving: "it looks too Indian", "it doesn't look like Indian art, it doesn't say anything", "it was made for money; I don't like the new carvings", "it aims for a commercial audience; looks fake", and "looks too new and shines too much". Several of these comments were applied to other carvings in the exhibit as well, as will be noted below.
Other qualities that elicited positive responses included comments - 194 -
TABLE IX POSITIVE AND NEGATIVE QUALITIES OF INDIVIDUAL CARVINGS
POSITIVE NEGATIVE
Total Respondents Total Respondents N N
(a) Beau Dick "Bella Coola Portrait Mask"
Design 13* T
Affective 10 8
Tradition/Innovation 7 7
Workmanship 6 2
Materials 1 0
Miscellaneous 0 2
Subject matter/Meaning 0 1
The artist 1 0
Total 38 27 N respondents 25 18
len Rabena "Owl Man" mask
Design 13 2
Affective 11 6
Tradition/Innovation 4 4
Workmanship 6 1
Materials 1 0
Miscellaneous 1 1
Subject matter/Meaning 0 1
The artist 0 0
Total 36 15 N respondents 21 9
* To be read: 13 out of a total of 25 respondents who chose Dick's mask as appealing commented positively on design qualities.
*'* To be read: 7 out of a total of 18 respondents who chose Dick's mask as unappealing commented negatively on design qualities. - 195 -
TABLE IX continued
POSITIVE NEGATIVE Total Respondents Total Respondents N N
(c) Larry Rosso "Human/Beaver Dish"
Design 11 3
Affective 7 4
Tradition/Innovation 4 3
Workmanship 6 1
Materials 1 0
Miscellaneous 4 0
Subject matter/Meaning 2 0
The artist 0 0
Total 35 11 N respondents 21 6
(d) Bill Kuhnley Totem pole
Design 13 5
Affective 4 5
Tradition/Innovation 8 8
Workmanship 3 2
Materials 3 0
Miscellaneous 0 0
Subject matter/Meaning 0 1
The artist 2 0
Total 33 21 N respondents 19 12 - 196 -
TABLE IX continued
POSITIVE NEGATIVE Total Respondents Total Respondents
N N
(e) George Matilpi "Kwakiutl Wild Woman Mask"
Design 9 3
Affective 8 3
Tradition/Innovation 8 5
Workmanship 5 1
Materials 0 0
Miscellaneous 1 1
Subject matter/Meaning 1 1
The artist 0 0
Total 32 14 N respondents 18 8
(f) Glen Harper "Halibut" dish
Design 12 2
Affective 3 3
Tradition/Innovation 2 5
Workmanship 2 2
Materials 4 1
Miscellaneous 3 1
Subject matter/Meaning 1 1
The artist 0 0
Total 27 15 N respondents 17 8 - 197 -
TABLE IX continued
POSITIVE NEGATIVE
Total Respondents Total Respondents
N N
(g) George Matilpi "Kwakiutl Salmon" plaque
Design 7 6
Affective 6 3
Tradition/Innovation 3 9
Workmanship 0 7
Materials 0 2
Miscellaneous 0 1
Subject matter/Meaning 3 3
The artist 0 1
Total 19 32 N respondents 14 16
(h) Bond Sound "Kwakiutl Sea Monster with Salmon" plaque
Design 8 3
Affective 2 4
Tradition/Innovation 5 11
Workmanship 4 3
Materials 4 0
Miscellaneous 1 0
Subject matter/Meaning 0 1
The artist 0 1
Total 24 23 N respondents 12 14 - 198 -
TABLE IX continued
POSITIVE NEGATIVE
Total Respondents Total Respondents
N N
(i) Wilf Stevenson "Salmon" letter opener
Design 5 0
Affective 1 1
Tradition/Innovation 2 3
Workmanship 0 1
Materials 1 0
Miscellaneous 2 1
Subject matter/Meaning 0 0
The artist 1 0
Total 12 6 N respondents 6 3
(j) Frank Hanuse Totem pole
Design 2 24
Affective 0 6
Tradition/Innovation 2 40
Workmanship 0 9
Materials 0 2
Miscellaneous 0 1
Subject matter/Meaning 0 2
The artist 1 1
Total 5 85 N respondents 4 56 - 199 -
on the fine workmanship of the piece (6 respondents), the good materials used (1 respondent), and the artist ("I know the artist"). Other negative responses included comments on workmanship by 2 respondents ("not well done",
"look machine made"), miscellaneous comments by 2 respondents ("I don't care for masks", "I wouldn't want it"), and one comment on the meaning of the mask ("it doesn't say anything").
While Dick's mask was favoured by 25% of the respondents, it also ranked second as a least appealing carving in the exhibit (chosen by 18% of the respondents as unappealing). The mask therefore elicited the kinds of responses I had anticipated, in that by combining qualities of fine craftsmanship and design with very bright painting, it was combining appealing and less appealing qualities for many viewers. The bright colours served to emphasize the newness of the piece, an undesirable quality for those viewers seeking obviously "traditional" qualities in Northwest Coast Indian carvings.
One of the second favoured carvings in the exhibit was the "Owl Man" mask by Glen Rabena (selected by 21% of the respondents as an appealing " piece). This carving was chosen for the exhibit as a finer quality piece in terms of workmanship and design. The positive comments of 13 out of 21
respondents (see Table IXb) centred on the mask's design qualities:
"effective use of colour", "uncluttered, clear detail", and "I like the
facial design". The mask was also described as "dramatic", "has a quality
of engagement", and "alive and energetic" by the 11 respondents who commented
on the mask's affective qualities.
The positive comments made in response to traditional/innovative
qualities of the mask include "traditional style", "not typical" , "new but
not just copying" (4 respondents). Six respondents commented on the good - 200 -
workmanship of the mask, one on the wood, and one that "I can picture it in use".
The "Owl Man" mask did not receive any negative comments directed exclusively at it, but received negative comments by 9% of the total respondents that were also applied to all three of the masks or to other carvings in the exhibit. These responses include such comments as "it looks scary", "too primitive", "it looks fake", and "I don't care for masks in general". Interestingly, the mask was hardly commented upon in terms of authenticity (there were 4 negative comments regarding "tradition/innovation"), in contrast to other carvings in the exhibit. Knowledge of the fact that
Rabena is not a Northwest Coast Indian may have elicited such responses, but this information was not provided in the label or questions.
"Human/Beaver Dish" by Larry Rosso was one of the more favoured carvings of the exhibit, with 21% of the respondents choosing it as a most appealing piece, and 6% choosing it as a least appealing piece. Positive comments by 11 out of 21 respondents (see Table IXc) centred on aspects of design: "it is simple, I like the shape", "beautiful, smooth", "it has a nice flow". Seven respondents commented on affective qualities ("I have a feeling of wanting to touch it", "it's intriguing"), and six commented on the fine workmanship ("a fine piece of handicraft"). The fact that it is a container appealed to 4-people as well: "I like containers", "it could be useful", "I like the combination of function and the decorative aspect".
Four respondents commented positively on the traditional/innovative aspects of the dish: "within the style", "traditional". Two individuals made contrasting comments about the meaning of the piece: "easy to understand" and "I'd like to know what it is about".
Negative responses to "Human/Beaver Dish", such as "too primitive", - 201 -
"too simplistic", and "not well done" were also applied to other carvings.
Three respondents commented negatively on the colours used, one of them stating that "it relies upon the technical imperfections of modern paint - it's gaudy".
Bill Kuhnley's totem pole received positive responses from 19% of the viewers, and negative responses from 12% of the viewers. Thirteen respondents commented positively on design qualities (see Table IXd), focusing on the colours of the paint used on the carving: "the natural colours resemble the old natural ochres and plant dyes", "matt colours", "richness of colour". Eight respondents commented positively on traditional/innovative qualities, with some comments relating to the colours: "it looks more authentic because it looks older", "it looks more genuine, old", "it is further removed from white man's influence", and "the style isn't as common,
it isn't done by Japanese totem pole makers". Three viewers stated that the piece showed "a superb standard of carving" and admired the wood, 4 viewers commented on affective qualities (e.g. "there is feeling in the carving"), and 2 stated that "it looks like the artist put a lot into it".
Comments such as "souvenir", "derivative; tourist stuff", and "it doesn't do justice to poles" characterize the responses of 8 out of 12 viewers who commented negatively on the traditional/innovative aspects of Kuhnley's totem pole. In terms of design qualities, the pole was described negatively by 5 respondents as "so dark" and "I dislike the proportions and blockiness".
Affective qualities were mentioned by 5 respondents, poor workmanship by 2, and the meaning of the carving by one viewer: "it doesn't mean anything".
The responses to this carving provide another illustration of the
kinds of qualities that some members of the audience for Northwest Coast - 202 -
Indian arts consider to represent authenticity: they expect genuine Indian carvings to appear old, somewhat roughly carved perhaps, dark, and the paints
(if any) to be earthy and "natural" in colour. Other respondents surveyed saw these qualities in this carving as representing "touristy" and poor quality work. The actual consumer public for a carving such as Kuhnley's pole, which does not actually represent traditional forms, is the tourist or the person with little knowledge of the art, for whom this carving fits a perception of Northwest Coast Indian art.
One of two carvings by George Matilpi included in the exhibit was the
"Kwakiutl Wild Woman Mask". This piece received positive responses from 18% of the viewers and negative responses from 8%. Positive responses to the design qualities of the mask were mostly the same as those applied to the other two masks (9 out of 18 respondents;, see;.Table IXe) . Additional positive comments included 8 responses to affective qualities such as
"dramatic impression" and "alive, energetic", 5 comments on the good workmanship, and one comment that the mask "is inspired". Eight viewers commented positively on traditional/innovative aspects (e.g. "primitive, simplistic" and "further removed from white man's influence").
The negative responses to Matilpi's mask were again mostly shared by the other two masks in the exhibit; in addition, one of the 8 viewers commented that "it looks hollow, without expression" and another that "it fails to express Tsonoqua". The fact that a number of respondents chose all
three masks together as either their favourite or least favourite carvings may have been related to their position next to each other in the exhibit case, which perhaps emphasized qualities the masks had in common.
A second dish included in the exhibit as a contrast to Rosso's - 203 -
carving and.i-.as an example of an unpainted carving was Glen Harper's "Halibut" dish. It is less of a uniquely crafted carving than Rosso's, in that it is produced in quantity and is made of lower quality wood.
The "Halibut." dish received positive responses from 17% of the viewers, and negative responses from 8%. Most of the positive responses were concerned with aspects of design (12 out of 17 respondents; see Table
IXf): "uncluttered, clear detail, not flamboyant colours", "the natural colour of the substance", "nice lines and shapes". Several positive responses to the dark, unpainted surface of the carving again reflected a notion that an
"old" appearance makes a contemporary Northwest Coast Indian carving "more genuine". Two respondents referred to such "traditional" aspects of the piece; 2 commented on the workmanship, 4 on the artist's use of the wood and the quality of the wood, and one on the halibut subject matter. The fact that the bowl could be functional was also referred to in a .positive manner by 3 respondents.
Negative responses to Harper's carving consisted of comments on its
"touristy" nature (5 out of 8 respondents: "tourist stuff", "common, you see them everywhere"), its poor design (2 respondents), its poor workmanship
(2 respondents), and the poor quality materials (1 respondent:. "I don't like the cheap ugly stained wood"). The carving's lack of affective appeal, poorly portrayed subject matter, and the fact that it is "a fake serving dish" each received one response as well.
George Matilpi's "Kwakiutl Salmon" plaque, a non-traditional item in
terms of its design and function, received only a few more negative than positive responses (16% vs. 14% of the respondents). Positive comments were concerned with aspects of design (7 out of 14 viewers; see Table IXg): - 204 -
"smooth lines", "nice and colourful", "I like the shape, style, and colours",
"simplicity", and "it shows motion in the fish". Six viewers commented on the appeal and "feeling" of the piece, 3 commented on its traditional/
innovative qualities ("it looks like part pf the Northwest" and "it is something Indian"), and 3 commented on its subject matter and meaning ("I like the salmon design", "it shows its inside, its soul, and the outside").
Negative responses to the plaque included comments by 9 out of 16
respondents that the plaque is "touristy", "foreign to Indian traditions", and "looks like it was made yesterday". Six respondents commented on poor design qualities, and 7 commented on the workmanship: "it looks like a 14 year old kid's job", "it looks like it was cut out on a bandsaw" , "a rush
job", "copied one after another". Three viewers remarked on the lack of meaning in the carving: "doesn't mean anything", "it's purely decorative",
and "it is an exact representation rather than a subtle interpretation".
Bond Sound's "Kwakiutl Sea Monster with Salmon" plaque was included
in the exhibit as an unpainted (though stained) plaque of poor design quality, in terms of the carver's understanding and execution of Northwest
Coast style. It received slightly more negative than positive comments
(14% vs. 12% of the total respondents). As with the carvings by Kuhnley and
Harper, most of the positive responses to the carving's design qualities (8
out of 12 viewers; see Table IXh) emphasized the dark colour of the piece, which was connected to comments on traditional/innovative qualities (5
respondents): "looks more genuine", "looks old", as well as "it has an
Indian feeling about it; it is not as commercial looking". The quality of workmanship received positive comments by 4 viewers, such as "a beautiful
job" and "good use of the wood", and the wood itself was mentioned by 4 - 205 -
viewers. In the miscellaneous category of responses, one viewer stated,
"it blends, it's not obtrusive, it fits with the decor - the others need a
room of their own".
Most negative comments about the plaque were remarks on its authenticity and quality. Eleven out of 14 respondents commented on the traditional/innovative aspects of the piece: "it's common, you see them all the time, it's unimaginative", "it looks too commercial", "it is a stereotype of Indian art", and "souvenir". Three viewers commented on poor design, and 3 others commented on the workmanship of the carving: "cut out on a bandsaw", "it has a bad stain", "it has a look of mass production about
it". Four respondents commented negatively on affective qualities of the piece, one commented that there was "low skill involved" on the part of the artist, and another remarked that the carving had no meaning and was
"purely decorative".
Few comments were directed toward Wilf Stevenson's small and darkly stained "Salmon" letter opener (6% positive respondents, 3% negative). The positive comments included remarks by 5 out of 6 respondents (see Table IXi) on such design qualities as its "natural colour", its simplicity, and that it is "not as stylized, it has not as much carved design" (the latter comment was made by 2 respondents who stated their dislike for Indian art in general).
The latter respondents also commented positively on the piece because "it is different from traditional Northwest Coast art". The letter opener was admired by 2 other respondents because it is "useful". The 3 respondents who commented negatively on the piece each referred to the "touristy" nature of the piece, and that "it is not Indian or traditional". One viewer stated specifically that it is "the fact that it is a letter opener" that makes the piece unappealing. - 206 -
Finally, the large model totem pole by Frank Hanuse was, as mentioned previously, the most frequently commented upon carving included in the exhibit. This piece received positive comments from only 4% of the total
respondents, while 56% chose it as a carving they particularly disliked.
The positive comments of 2 out of 4 viewers (see Table IXj) referred to the details and colours of the pole, and 2 viewers also commented that "it is more standard, you see them often" and "it reminds me of what I have seen in
Stanley Park".
Most viewers responding negatively to the pole (40 out of 56) made
comments as to the authenticity of the piece (these comments are included
under the "tradition/innovation" category of responses): "souvenir shop, made
in Taiwan", "I loathe it - it is a souvenir", "it has a made yesterday look
to it", "it is the stereotype of Indian art", "it is not done in the
traditional way - it is not authentic", "it looks the most commercial", and
"it is artificial, for the tourist trade - it looks fake". Many viewers
also responded negatively to the carving's design qualities (24 respondents),
focusing primarily on the bright colours: "garish", "the colours put me
off", "flashy". The pole was criticized for being "busy", "oversimplified",
and "not symmetrical". The workmanship was responded to in terms of
"sloppy, unproportioned ovoids", "the toes are only painted and should be
carved", and "slapdash". Regarding the materials used, 2 viewers commented
negatively on the use of commercial paints. In addition, 2 respondents
stated that the pole "is not meaningful", one said that it looks as though
the artist was an amateur, and another commented that "I'm not fond of totem
poles, especially model ones".
An interesting comparison can be drawn between the responses to this
pole and the pole by Kuhnley, in that (judged subjectively and objectively) - 207 -
both were carvings of lesser quality yet the latter, with its dark, subdued colours and rougher workmanship received a greater number of positive
responses and far fewer negative responses than did the former (see Table
VIII). Hanuse's pole, with its bright colours, protruding wings, painted detail, and shiny finish was interpreted as much more obviously new and made
for sale than Kuhnley's, which more easily fit viewers' expectations of
authentic Indian arts.
The aesthetic judgements that viewers made of both prints and
carvings, as discussed above, illustrate the various means by which arts
generally are judged (e.g. by their affective appeal or by their fulfillment
of viewers' expectations, etc.) and how aesthetic judgements of contemporary
Northwest Coast Indian arts specifically are often contextually qualified.
A large proportion of the responses to both prints and carvings reflect that
the aesthetic judgements were made in terms of viewers' preconceptions of
Indian arts and notions of how these arts are to be suitably judged.
Concepts such as "traditional", "authentic", "contemporary", "commercial",
"meaningful", and "Indian" became especially prominent in the responses and
were often expressed in conjunction with comments on such aspects of design
as form, colour, materials, and workmanship. The following discussion of
the responses to further interview questions helps elucidate these concepts
in relation to viewer interpretations of the context for contemporary
Northwest Coast Indian arts.
The Context for the Arts: Viewer Responses
"Authenticity" or the degree to which contemporary native arts are
considered to be "Indian" or "traditional" was a major concern of many
respondents in this survey. Viewers' responses to the prints and carvings - 208 -
indicated specific qualities that were valued as authentic in Northwest Coast
Indian arts. These included, for example, darker colours and an adherence to traditional forms and subject matter. A follow-up question, "What would you consider to be an 'authentic' piece of Northwest Coast Indian art?" was asked at a later stage of the interview in an attempt to further probe the viewers' expectations of Northwest Coast Indian arts and their concepts of authenticity as related to the arts' contemporary context.
The responses to the question of authenticity fell into eight main categories depending on the focus of the definition given: the artist (63% of the respondents), cultural/traditional qualities (41%), affective qualities
(9%), meaning/subject matter (8%), workmanship/materials (4%), design qualities (2%) , use (2%) , and signature (2%) . Five respondents stated that they did not know, or that "authentic" is not definable. See Table X for a summary of the response categories.
The majority of respondents (63%) made reference to the artist and his background in their definition of authentic Northwest Coast Indian art. There were 38 comments that the art would have to be made by an Indian to be authentic: "it is essential for it to be Indian made - I get upset when white people get on the bandwagon", "made by an Indian - a white person couldn't capture the heritage as well", "attempts to duplicate native art do not succeed by non-Indians", and "made by an Indian - others might not translate properly".
One respondent added, "I would prefer to see Indians keeping up their heritage rather than others". Six respondents qualified this criterion further: "made by an Indian who has been studying his cultural art" and "made by an Indian who has strong roots in the culture". Sixteen respondents, on the other hand, stated that authentic Indian art would not necessarily have to be Indian made:
"it would have to be done by a person who knows the culture very well - Indian - 209 -
TABLE X DEFINITION OF "AUTHENTIC" NORTHWEST COAST INDIAN ART
Total Respondents First Choice N % N
The artist 63* 63 43**
Culture/Traditions 41 41 21
Affective 9 9 7
Subject matter/Meaning 8 8 4
Workmanship/Materials 4 4 1
Design 2 2 2
Use 2 2 1
Signature 2 2 2
Do not know/Not definable 5 5 3 no answer 16 16 16
Total 152 100 N respondents 100 100
* To be read: 63 out of a total of 100 respondents (63%) referred to the artist in their definition of authentic Northwest Coast Indian art.
** To be read: 43 out of a total of 100 respondents referred first to the artist in their definition of authentic Northwest Coast Indian art. - 210 -
or not", "I wouldn't be able to tell if it was made by an Indian or not",
"not necessarily Indian made - if the art is by somebody living in the coast area, the art can still be representative of B.C.", "whether it is Indian made has nothing to do with it", and "not necessarily Indian made, but it would be better if it was Indian made". One respondent stated that "whether it was
Indian made or not would affect my decision to buy or not". Other comments included "it should be by a well known artist" and "it depends who the artist is".
Expectations that authentic Indian art should be obviously connected to native culture and traditions also featured prominently in the responses
(41% of the respondents): "traditional forms and colour", "staying within the confines of the tradition", "materials should be authentic, i.e., tied to the old traditions", "that it is rooted in tradition", "done with respect for tradition", "something that reflects the traditional lifestyle". Seven viewers even specified that only the old Northwest Coast Indian art is authentic
("old age is more authentic", "pre-1800 is authentic", "I like to see things used and obviously old", "Indian art that looks like an authentic antique - I don't like the modern stuff"), and one person defined authentic Indian art as having a "primitive simplistic feeling, not touched up by today's standards".
Also emphasizing the past, though perhaps in a more perceptive manner, a viewer commented that the art should "reflect the culture as it actually was in reality, not just what we (the whites) would like it to be".
The rules and conventions that govern the Northwest Coast style of design also received comments in conjunction with the notion of "tradition":
"it is a dead art being preserved, so it would have to conform to the rules",
"it should maintain the rigidity of design that went along with the old art forms", and "it would have had to be researched and express the true feeling - 211 -
and style of the Northwest Coast Indians". Four respondents felt that there
is room for innovation in authentic Northwest Coast Indian art: "it should show some conventions and some contemporary things too", "either being a close representation of traditional forms, or interesting innovations without trampling on tradition", "it should have a relationship to traditional design, but adaptation is also exciting - the contemporary are just as authentic as the old". Similarly, it was mentioned that "it is a contemporary expression, but
it must have some Indian aspect, otherwise just call it 'Canadian' art".
Only one viewer specified that the art should reflect aspects of contemporary
Indian life, while another stated that authentic Indian art cannot be "a replication of an old thing" since replication would not be an expression of the contemporary culture.
Fewer respondents provided other definitions of "authentic" Northwest
Coast Indian art. Nine percent of the respondents listed affective qualities, stating that the personal aesthetic appeal of the object is of primary
importance. Eight percent commented that aspects of the meaning or subject matter of the art are significant in determining authenticity: "it should mean something to the creator in his background", "it should have passed on meaning
in it", "it should have a story behind it", "it should have animal symbolism"; one person commented that "it is authentic if it shows how they cope with contemporary Indian problems". Four percent of the respondents commented that authentic native art would show good workmanship, and 2 percent mentioned the
importance of good design. That authentic Northwest Coast Indian art is
"something traditionally used" was mentioned by 2 respondents, and another 2 stated that authentic art "is signed by the artist".
The above comments, particularly those relating authenticity to varying degrees of Indianness and tradition, emphasize two important characteristics of - 212 -
contemporary Northwest Coast Indian art discussed in Chapter Two: its strong connection to a culture with roots in an ancient and admired past, and the way in which Northwest Coast Indian two-dimensional design is based on a defined
"vocabulary" of forms and conventions. In this regard, some respondents emphasized that the art's connection to Northwest Coast culture is severed if the artist is not Indian. Also, while some respondents stated that new directions in the art may be considered authentic, the responses of most viewers seemed to suggest that the contemporary art must uphold the connection to native culture and expression exhibited by the traditional art, and restrict evidence of modernity. The responses imply a perception of the traditional as purely authentic, and the contemporary as authentic only if it retains aspects of the traditional in, for example, its design, use, subject matter, or meaning. This point has already been well illustrated by the responses to the prints and carvings included in the exhibit, especially such carvings as
Kuhnley's pole, which some viewers interpreted as appearing old and therefore more authentic. As noted in Chapter Two, this not only implies that the viewers have some ideas of what constitutes the "traditional" and the
"authentic" to which the contemporary art can be compared, but that this understanding helps to construct and preserve a model of Indianness to which contemporary arts should adhere, even though this model may not actually be traditional. Authentic Indianness within such a model is defined as belonging to a traditional (i.e., past) context and assumes qualities that correspond to the viewer's idea of traditional Indian culture. In order for the contemporary art to be considered authentic, it must continue to present such qualities.
If "authentic" Indian arts symbolize a distinct and probably vanishing traditional culture to many viewers, then it would follow that items made - 213 -
specifically for the tourist or collector's market have much less authenticity and symbolic appeal than items made for traditional use (that is, if the viewer is aware of the commercial context for art production). In Chapter Two it was suggested that the purpose for art production (i.e., whether for native use or for sale) is a criterion by which the authenticity of the contemporary art is judged. To explore further the viewers' notions of authenticity with regard to the commercial context for the arts, viewers were asked "How do you feel about the fact that most contemporary Northwest Coast Indian art is made for sale to non-Indian people? Do you think it has an effect on the art?" The question was intended to elicit responses that would illustrate how the viewers react to the market context for contemporary art production and how this might affect their judgement of the arts. Fifty two percent of the respondents felt that the market situation does affect the art, either negatively or positively, while 17% of the total respondents felt that the market has no effect or that it would not matter if it did, and 16% stated that the market has an effect on some art, but not all (see Table XI).
Six respondents who stated that the market does have an effect on
Northwest Coast Indian art felt that such an effect is inevitable; just like any other artists, the Northwest Coast Indian artist has to make a living at his art by selling his work. Sixteen respondents stated that producing Indian art for sale means that the artist has to "cater to people's demands", "make the art more acceptable to non-Indian standards or aesthetics", "make the art saleable", and that "there is probably an adverse effect when it is made for mass appeal". Several respondents used themselves as examples of what the buyers demand by pointing out their own preference for traditional designs.
Nine respondents felt that the effect of the market is to make the art "more commercial", and that "it probably becomes a bit more commercial than - 214 -
TABLE XI EFFECT OF THE MARKET ON NORTHWEST COAST INDIAN ART
Total Respondents First Choice N % N
Yes, does have an effect 52* 52 52**
No effect, does not matter 17 17 17
Effect on some art, not all 16 16 16
Do not know 2 2 2 no answer 13 13 13
Total 100 100 N respondents 100 100
* To be read: 52 out of a total of 100 respondents (52%) stated that the market has an effect on Northwest Coast Indian art.
** To be read: 52 out of a total of 100 respondents stated first that the market has an effect on Indian art. - 215 -
artistic". One viewer noted that "certainly the market has some effect, since probably most of the art wouldn't be made otherwise". Three respondents remarked that the market "degenerates the work; the Indians are trying to adapt to modern houses in most tourist art", "ruins it, takes it away from being art", and "has a long range dampening effect". The apparent market influence prompted one respondent to express his concern about "how authentic any Indian art is since the downfall of the culture". Three respondents stated that there is a loss of meaning in the art created for the market: "to keep it meaningful must be difficult when it goes to people who don't understand it", and "some more sacred symbols are not used". One respondent said that "they won't show life on the reservation because people wouldn't want to see it or buy it".
In contrast to most of the comments addressing the question of market
influence was a comment suggesting that perhaps "it is not only the fact that
it (the art) is made for sale" that has led to changes in the art, it is also that native culture as a whole has changed, and this in turn is influencing current directions of native art.
"Market influence" as referred to by most respondents thus far implies
a negative effect on the art (even if inevitable) , whereas 6 people interviewed
felt that producing contemporary Northwest Coast Indian art for sale has a positive effect on the art. Respondents stated that "it is in a sense good
because it is causing a revival", "it is good that they are keeping this part
of their culture alive", "pride is created", and "it is a means for the Indians
to disseminate a different approach to the meaning of life - 'Raven in the 20th
Century' incorporates another culture's things in a native perspective".
In another category of responses, 17% of the respondents stated that
the market either has no effect on the art or that any effect it has does not - 216 -
matter. Two respondents stated that "no, it is not crass commercialism" and
"I don't think people are making Indian art just to please the buyer". Two others commented that there is no influence from the market since the artists have "stuck to traditional symbolism" and are still "basically using traditional designs" - but perhaps this is just as much a result of market demand and the contemporary context for the arts as is a more obvious use of
"Western" design or subject matter.
Respondents who stated that market influence does not matter remarked that "it doesn't bother me; it is good that they are keeping this part of their culture alive", "there is nothing wrong with it", and "that is what it should be for; how else would you learn about it?"
Sixteen percent of the viewers stated that the market has an effect on some art, but not all. Eight respondents said that market influence depends on the artist: "the market may have an effect for some artists, beginners new to the trade, until they get established, when they can forget about the marketplace". One respondent stated that "sometimes artists have to please the buyer, they can't always do what they want", and another said that "it depends on the artist, whether he is money-making or true to himself". Four respondents also stated that the market influence depends on the purpose for which the art was created: "for some there is a mass production for the market and they have strictly the market in mind; the good pieces have something else besides the market aspect - personal expression". Finally, one viewer stated that the market probably has an effect to a certain extent, but the art doesn't look commercial to me".
In summary, the responses to this question indicate that the majority of respondents were aware of the market context for contemporary Northwest
Coast Indian art, and although some saw it as a positive stimulus for the art - 217 -
or even a non-influential factor, most saw this context as demarcating an important boundary between traditional (authentic) and contemporary (less authentic) Indian art production. The fact that most Northwest Coast Indian art is now made for sale to non-Indian people was recognized as obvious or inevitable, and as one viewer stated, "it makes those things made in the past for Indians more valuable to me; now anybody can get anything except the old things made for the Indians, which have become unavailable". Viewer responses also illustrate an awareness of the influence of consumer demands in the marketplace, which was often seen to be stronger for tourist arts than for the fine arts that exhibit traditional designs. Generally, however, the commercial purpose of much contemporary Indian art was considered to contribute toward a loss of authenticity or unique Indianness.
Responses to earlier questions in the survey stressed the importance of the contemporary arts retaining some connection to tradition or resembling the old, although only one respondent to this question actually termed
Northwest Coast art that is made for sale "inauthentic". As shown previously, the knowledge that most contemporary Northwest Coast Indian arts
(including all pieces in the exhibit) are made for sale to a non-Indian public seemed to qualify the judgements of viewers who found aesthetically pleasing those prints and carvings which appeared less commercialized and closer to their expectations of authentic Indian arts.
The traditional and commercial aspects of contemporary Northwest Coast
arts were also mentioned in responses to the question, "Do you think that a general message is presented through these contemporary Indian arts? If so, what do you think the message is?" Sixty-six percent of the respondents
stated that the contemporary arts do present a message. These messages,
grouped into general themes, include "native traditions and identity" (48% of - 218 -
the total respondents), "native mythology and symbolism" (11%), and
"individual expression" (7%). Twenty percent of the respondents stated that the contemporary arts present little or no message, while 14% stated that some of the arts do present a message, and some do not (see Table XII).
Among the 48 respondents who stated that a message about native traditions and identity is presented through the art, 15 commented that the
Indians are "trying to preserve their heritage", "rediscovering their own importance", "keeping Indianness alive", and "bringing back a lost culture".
One viewer commented "I would hope that they are attempting to revive their heritage and taking pride in it, not just doing it for money". Six respondents stated that the art is about "a statement of their identity",
"their search for identity", "identity and traditions, which is badly needed".
Four others said the art presents "a reaffirmation of traditional values", and
"is saying something about the value of their culture and art" and "ancestral connections". Four viewers commented that the art shows the Indians'
"closeness to nature" and that "it shows the Indians to.be a very mythical race, influenced by the earthly things - earth, wind, and fire". Other interpretations of the message include "it is a conscious effort at making us
WASPs aware of Northwest Coast culture", "the Indian culture still exists",
"they can cope with a changing world", "it is a revival of crest symbols for some, and a breaking away from tradition for others", "transforming the tradition to a living one", and "synthesis of new and old". One respondent stated that the artists are "displaying a love for a dead art", and 3 respondents interpreted the art's focus on native traditions more negatively:
"they are very oriented toward the past, which has to change - they are looking backwards rather than forwards", "it is more of a statement of the past than the present", and "they have nothing new to say except 'all we know is our - 219 -
TABLE XII MESSAGES PRESENTED THROUGH NORTHWEST COAST INDIAN ART
Total Respondents First Choice N % N
Yes, there is a message: 66* 66 55**
Native traditions, Identity (48) (48) (42)
Native mythology, Symbolism (11) (ID ( 9)
Individual expression (7) (7) (4)
Little or no message 20 20 17
Some art yes, some art no 14 14 11
Do not know 5 5 5 no answer 12 12 12
Total 117 100 N respondents 100 100
* To be read: 66 out of a total of 100 respondents (66%) stated that there is a message presented through Northwest Coast Indian art.
** To be read: 55 out of a total of 100 respondents stated first that there is a message presented through Northwest Coast Indian art. - 220 -
past, don't take it from us"'.
Eleven percent of the respondents stated that a message about native mythology or the meaning of native symbols is presented through the art.
Their comments include "the art is representative of the way they see the world, their spirits, etc.", "they are conveying Indian mythology to the whites", "it presents mythology and things we don't understand", "like the
Eskimos, they are expressing a vision", and "it has symbolic meaning for the
Indians that I can't understand".
Seven percent of the respondents stated more generally that the art does present a message, but that it is individual rather than general: "the message would be something personal", "personal expression of tribal heritage", and "it is individual expression if it is real art".
In contrast to the above responses, 20% of the respondents stated that little or no message is being put across through contemporary Indian arts.
Seven respondents stated simply that there is no message, while others qualified their statements: "there is not much of a message", "there must be some message there, but they are not successful in putting it across to the audience", "it depends what people read into them", and "it might be, but I don't know; it is hard to tell whether they are capitalizing on a trend or otherwise". Four respondents commented that contemporary Northwest Coast
Indian art is not the kind of art that presents messages: "the prints are design oriented rather than message oriented", "the art is purely decorative", and "it is art for art's sake - it isn't bent to have a political message".
Finally, one respondent remarked, "the more I talk to Indians, the more I'm convinced there's nothing there".
Fourteen percent of the respondents stated that while some contemporary
Northwest Coast art does present a message, some does not: "some do, but not - 221 -
many", "some more than others - most don't". Five respondents differentiated between "good" and "bad" or "commercial" art in their comments: "the good art has a message, the bad art doesn't", "the good art does, but lots of people are just cashing in", and "if they are doing it just for sale, then there is no message". One respondent added, "a few are presenting a message, and a number are saying 'bring on the suckers'; there is a difference between producing toys for tourists and items representative of the culture as it was".
In summary, the responses to the question "Do you think that a general message is presented through these contemporary Indian arts?" reflect viewers' perceptions of the function or role of contemporary Northwest Coast Indian art, and their expectations of what an appropriate message for the art might • be. Respondents who received such messages as "they are preserving their heritage", "they are a mythical race", "close to nature", and "keeping
Indianness alive" implied that the art functions mainly to ensure the survival
of a disappearing past, and that "Indianness" is that which pertains to
traditional culture. Indeed, it is a message similar to that perceived negatively by other respondents: "they are looking backwards rather than
forwards". Other respondents who stated, for example, that "they are
transforming the tradition to a living one", implied that Northwest Coast art
can function as an expression of contemporary native culture. The fact that many respondents (48%) felt the art is presenting a message about native
traditions and identity, even though the interpretations of this message varied, suggests that contemporary Northwest Coast Indian arts as a whole probably do play a role in creating awareness of the continuing presence and
cultural difference of native people (as seen positively through the arts) .
It is the kind of message that Bill Reid once referred to: "I got into this
[Indian art] to do a little flag-waving, to say that the people who lived here - 222 -
were not insignificant" (Hopkins 1980:56).
The comments on native mythology and symbolic meaning of the arts, like
the comments that the art functions as individual expression, suggest that
general messages are not presented through Northwest Coast arts; rather/ each
piece of art has its own meaning, whether it is the presentation of a myth or
of an individual's ideas. The comments of 3 respondents that the art presents
native symbolism "that we don't understand" exhibit an assumption that the
Indian artist is creating within a code of meaning not readily accessible to
the non-Indian viewer. Other respondents who felt there is little or no
message presented through the arts implied that the art should have a message,
but none is "coming across", and in an additional category of responses
("Some art yes, some art no"), viewers stated that the commercial nature of
the arts restricts the possibility of a message being presented.
Viewers' responses to the specific prints and carvings exhibited for
this survey, as discussed earlier in this chapter, included comments on the
meaning or message of the objects as appealing or unappealing qualities (e.g.
"it has a clear message", "it shows the artist is conscious of his heritage",
and "it has no meaning, it is purely decorative"). These responses, together
with the responses to the question of "message" discussed above, reveal that
most viewers have some notion of a message the art may or may not be
presenting, and suggest that viewers' aesthetic judgements of contemporary
Northwest Coast Indian arts may in part be qualified by the way in which the
viewer perceives the message the art is presenting, and how this message
relates to the viewers' expectations of the art.
Summary
The results of the museum visitor survey, for which 100 individuals
were interviewed, suggest that respondents' aesthetic judgements of - 223 -
contemporary Northwest Coast Indian arts are contextually qualified in terms of their expectations and preconceptions of Northwest Coast Indian art and culture, as well as their ideas of what constitutes "Indian art" and "art" in general.
In response to the question asking respondents to state the words they would use to describe the art, the majority of respondents listed words
referring to contextual aspects of the arts, as opposed to purely aesthetic aspects. Their descriptions of contemporary Northwest Coast Indian arts in
terms of art/not art, native traditions and culture, Indianness, and commercial
aspects indicated the kinds of factors viewers were focusing on when
classifying these arts.
Viewers' responses to specific prints and carvings in the exhibit
showed that aesthetic decisions were often made in conjunction with judgements
of the contextual aspects of the arts. These contextual aspects included the
viewers' expectations of Northwest Coast Indian art and culture and their
perceptions of the arts' past and present cultural contexts. Specific
judgements of the prints reveal that the favoured ones were those seen as
having good design, and being either "traditional" (Diesing, Davidson) or
realistic/easier to understand (Stephens). The least liked prints were those
interpreted as having poor design qualities, and being "not traditional", "not
Indian", or "too Westernized" and "touristy" (Rabena, Vickers, Stephens, and
David). The carvings, not as readily considered "art" as the prints, were
judged with some different criteria than the latter - the favoured carvings
were those seen as having good workmanship and design and/or looking "old" and
"traditional Indian" (Dick, Rabena, Rosso, and Kuhnley), while the least liked
carvings were seen as "touristy", having too bright colours and looking "too
new", and/or exhibiting poor workmanship. - 224 -
The emphasis on such qualities of the arts as "traditional", "Indian",
"authentic", "commercial", and "meaningful" that emerged from the responses to specific prints and carvings was explored in three additional interview questions. Respondents were asked to define "authentic" Indian art, to consider the effect of the market onVthe contemporary art, and to determine whether the art presents a general message to its audience. Responses to the three questions further elaborated on the notions of "traditional" as
"authentic", the commercial purpose of the art as contributing toward a loss of authenticity, and the importance of a strong connection between the contemporary art and the culture from which it stems. Clearly, the ways in which viewers perceive and react to the cultural context for contemporary
Northwest Coast Indian art production are strong factors influencing aesthetic judgements of the arts.
The responses discussed above indicate that the meaningfulness of contemporary Northwest Coast Indian art for viewers seems to be based largely
on its successful communication of a distinct and identifiable ethnic identity.
This identity is most recognizably and positively presented by means of
"traditional" Northwest Coast Indian forms and subject matter, or at least what viewers identify as traditional or appropriately "Indian". At the same
time, however, Western artistic values of innovation and originality are
applied by some viewers to the forms they consider suitable for judgement as
art objects.
The extent to which the results obtained in this survey are
represented in actual buying practices will be examined in the following
chapter. - 225 -
Notes
I acknowledge the following individuals and shops for kindly loaning objects for the exhibit: Arctic Loon Gallery, Danny Ames, Bent-Box Gallery, Heritage House Gallery of Indian Art, Hill's Indian Crafts, G.A. Mintz, Potlatch Arts, and the UBC Museum of Anthropology Gift Shop.
2 Three people who were approached did not consent to be interviewed. 3 This survey and the questionnaire survey that follows should be considered only as preliminary or experimental surveys that attempt to identify and suggest some general trends. 4 Many respondents provided more than one response to each question. This means that respondents who provided, for example, 3 responses to a question, would have more "weight" in the final tabulation of responses than respondents who provided only one response. In order to address this problem, Tables III to XII (except Tables VI and IX) include a column headed "First Choice", in which only the first response provided by each respondent is tabulated. This gives each respondent equal weight in the survey, and provides a comparison for the column headed "Total Respondents". In the latter, respondents are tabulated according to all of their responses, or all of the categories to which their responses belong.
5 "Affective" refers to personal feelings evoked by the art.
I chose not to specifically point out the car to the other viewers because I was not pointing out aspects of the other prints or carvings in the exhibit to them. - 226 -
CHAPTER FIVE - The Consumers of Contemporary Northwest Coast Indian Art: A Questionnaire Survey
To complement and provide data for comparison with the museum
visitor survey discussed in Chapter Four, I conducted a questionnaire survey
of consumers of contemporary Northwest Coast Indian art between July 1 and
September 30, 1980. This survey was directed toward individuals who had
purchased contemporary Northwest Coast Indian art, whereas the museum
visitor survey considered the responses of individuals whether they had
previously purchased native art or not. As with the museum visitor
survey, this questionnaire survey of consumers investigates the criteria by
which consumers make aesthetic judgements of contemporary Northwest Coast
Indian art and attempts to elicit their expectations and preconceptions of
Northwest Coast Indian art and culture. In addition, this survey examines
the actual buying practices and preferences of the consumers, and may thus
provide a more direct indicator of consumer demands in the Northwest Coast
Indian art market.
I - THE QUESTIONNAIRE
The questionnaire, reproduced in Appendix IV, consisted of
fourteen questions, one of which was open-ended, with the remaining questions offering fixed alternatives. The use of primarily fixed alternative questions has disadvantages as well as advantages. For instance, the provision of a set of answers requires the respondent to choose from categories imposed by the researcher. In some cases this may mean that the potential range of responses is more limited than it might be for an open-ended question. On the other hand, such a question format was useful - 227 -
in this survey where I felt clear about the range of specific responses
that would be pertinent to the subject being investigated. Also, fixed
alternative questions are easier to tabulate and analyse than are open-
ended questions, since the latter require much more work in devising a system
for the categorization of responses. Open-ended questions make it
possible to obtain a wide range of answers from respondents, and these
responses are likely to include those which the respondent considers
significant, rather than only those suggested by a set list. Finally, the
fact that fixed alternative questions are often easier to answer and may
thus receive a higher response rate than open-ended questions (Marans
1975:140) was a major reason why this questionnaire was made up primarily
of the former than the latter.
In order to provide a test of how the responses to the two types of questions (fixed alternative and open-ended) might differ, this consumer survey included two questions which were attempts at eliciting similar information two different ways. Question 8 was open-ended, while question 10 offered fixed alternatives to a similar question.
These two questions were the most important questions in the survey, so a comparison between the two sets of responses proved useful in determining the patterns that emerged from the data. It should also be noted that most of the fixed alternative questions in the survey included the category "other" in the list of choices, which provided an opportunity for individuals to contribute additional responses of their own choice.
The questionnaire had four components or areas of focus:
(a) Questions 11, 12, 13, and 14 elicited data which served to indicate the demographic characteristics of the population sample (residence, age, income. - 228 -
and sex of respondent), and which allowed the results of the survey to be
examined in relation to other surveys (such as the museum visitor survey).
(b) Questions 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, and 9 attempted to discern buying practices
and patterns among the respondents. Question 1 asked when the respondent
first started buying Northwest Coast Indian arts, question 2 asked how many of each art form (e.g. silkscreen prints, baskets, etc.) the respondent
had purchased to date, and question 4 asked how much money the respondent had
spent on Northwest Coast Indian arts in the past ten years. Data from
these three questions served to distinguish the "kinds" of buyers that responded to the questionnaire in terms of the extent of their collecting of
Northwest Coast arts. Thus, for example, first-time buyers are distinguished from buyers with up to several hundred items of Northwest Coast art in their collections. Question 3 asked where the respondent purchased
Northwest Coast arts; this provides some data on the native art market and centres for Northwest Coast art promotion and consumption. Related to both the marketing aspect, as well as the "function" of Northwest Coast
Indian art for the consumer, is question 9, which asked the reasons why the respondents had usually bought Northwest Coast Indian arts (e.g. as souvenirs, investments, etc.). (Question 9, as well as questions 8 and 1.0, focused on carvings and prints in an attempt to narrow the large scope of the survey.)
The responses to question 9 can perhaps also give some indication of the
"role" Northwest Coast arts play for the respondent, and thus indicate how respondents' aesthetic judgements of the arts might be contextually qualified. Finally, question 5 asked which contemporary arts the individual buys besides Northwest Coast Indian arts, in an attempt to discern the respondents' experiences with art generally, and with - 229 -
collecting other native or non-native arts.
(c) Questions 6 and 7 were concerned with the sources of the respondents' knowledge about Northwest Coast arts, and with their general perceptions or categorizations of the arts. Question 6, which asked how the respondent was introduced to Northwest Coast Indian arts, was concerned with the sources of information on Northwest Coast art that may have played a role in the formation of individuals' expectations and images of the art.
Question 7 was designed to stimulate word association, where respondents were asked to choose from a list of words those which they most strongly associated with contemporary Northwest Coast Indian arts (respondents could also add words of their own choosing). The words included in the list (e.g. British Columbia, authentic) are often connected with Northwest
Coast arts in, for instance, newspaper articles, advertisements, and descriptions of the art. The categorizations selected by the respondents may reflect their general perceptions and expectations of Northwest Coast arts, which may in turn qualify aesthetic judgements of the arts.
(d) Questions 8 and 10 constituted a fourth component of the questionnaire, which was particularly significant because of its emphasis on the respondents' criteria for judging and buying contemporary Northwest Coast
Indian arts. Question 8 asked what qualities, and subject matter the respondent would look for in a wood carving and a silkscreen print if he/ she were considering buying such a piece. Question 10 asked the respondent to choose the five factors that most strongly influence his/her decision when buying a Northwest Coast Indian wood carving and/or silkscreen print.
This question, in contrast to question 8, could only be answered by individuals who had purchased Northwest Coast carvings and/or prints in - 230 -
the past. The list of choices included such factors as "subject matter",
"design", and "advice of the dealer". Respondents' criteria of judgement
based on aesthetic and contextual aspects of Northwest Coast arts, as
indicated in question 8, could be compared to the responses obtained in
the museum visitor survey regarding aesthetic judgements of specific
Northwest Coast art objects.
Three methods were used in the distribution of the questionnaire.
Of a total of 522 questionnaires, 378 were distributed among 22 shops and
galleries, to be handed out by the owners or their staff members to
customers who purchased Northwest Coast native arts. These shops and
galleries included a total of eleven in Vancouver, seven in Victoria, one
in Campbell River, one at 'Ksan, and two in Seattle."*" A second means of
distributing the questionnaires was through the mailing lists of four
separate Vancouver shops. Shop owners of three of the shops were asked to
make a random selection of names from their mailing lists and send a
questionnaire to each of these individuals (envelopes and postage were
provided). The fourth shop allowed me to have access to their mailing
list, and so I was able to make the selection of names myself. The
number of questionnaires which were to be distributed through mailing
lists was 104. It should be noted that the number of questionnaires given to the various shops and galleries for either in-store or mail distribution differed, depending on the number of questionnaires the dealers
felt they would be able to hand out to customers. The third method of distributing the questionnaires was to hand them out to individuals taking a course given by Dr. Carole Farber at the UBC Museum of Anthropology from - 231 -
July 15 to August 5, 1980, entitled '"The Art Game': Ceremonies of
Consumption of Northwest Coast Indian Art." Forty questionnaires were handed out to all members of the class present the first evening of the course.
The three methods of distributing the questionnaires were meant to ensure that a range of Northwest Coast art consumers would be reached.
The shops attract a range of clientel, with the shop at 'Ksan, for example, attracting many tourists, and a number of galleries in Vancouver also attracting connoisseur collectors. In this way first-time buyers as well as established collectors could be reached. Buyers of Northwest Coast
Indian arts who were contacted through the dealers' mailing lists may comprise a similar range of individuals, or perhaps comprise a larger percentage of serious collectors. Finally, members of the course on
Northwest Coast Indian art were almost all collectors of the art, or individuals intending to become more informed about the Northwest Coast art market (Farber 1980).
The questionnaires distributed by all three methods included a covering letter as well as return postage. The questionnaires were coded by different combinations of postage stamps to indicate the method by which they were distributed. Coding and categorization of the questionnaire responses was conducted after the completed questionnaires had been received.
Interpretation of the results of the questionnaire survey must take sev• eral variables into account, including the question of who responded to the questionnaire and who did not, the wording of the questions, and how the - 232 -
questionnaire was distributed. As is noted in many studies on survey research, the major disadvantage with questionnaire surveys is nonresponse.
The response rate of mail questionnaires tends to be much lower, approximately 20 to 40%, than when interviews are used, generally 80%
(Marans 1975:137). The use of both an interview survey (e.g. the museum visitor survey) and a questionnaire survey helps to overcome some of these difficulties. Since an interviewer is not present when an individual is completing a questionnaire, responses cannot be clarified, or always be given spontaneously. On the other hand, some individuals may answer questionnaires with more time and thought, and may regard the questionnaires as providing the respondent with more confidentiality. Also, while the wording of the questions was carried out with an emphasis on clarity of language, there is always a possibility that questions will be interpreted differently by some individuals.
Finally, the distribution of questionnaires, as described above, played a role in the selection of respondents, and thus may have created a bias in the survey. One alternative method of distributing the questionnaires could have been to hand them randomly to individuals in shops (although such a procedure does not necessarily ensure a less biased sample). In any case, it is recognized that the significance of the results of the consumer questionnaire survey is necessarily limited.
Ideally, a survey similar to this one should be repeated as a part of future studies by other researchers, in order to provide results for comparison. For the purposes of this study, the preceding museum visitor survey provides such a comparison. - 233 -
II - RESPONSES TO THE QUESTIONNAIRE
Of the 522 questionnaires that were distributed to the shops and
to individuals through the mailing lists and course (see Table XIII), 27%
(143) were returned. Since some dealers did not distribute all of their 2
questionnaires, the response rate may actually be closer to 30% or more.
The highest return rate was from the questionnaires distributed directly
to members of the Northwest Coast "art game" course (57%, or 23 out of
40 questionnaires distributed by this method were completed and returned) .
The response rate of those questionnaires distributed through dealers' mailing lists was also high: 51% (53 out of 104) of the questionnaires distributed by this method were returned. The questionnaires distributed through the shops and galleries, on the other hand, received an 18% response rate (67 out of 378 questionnaires were returned).
Demographic Data
As indicated in Table XlVa, 71% of the 143 respondents reside in the Northwest Coast area; 61% of the respondents reside in the Greater
Vancouver area; 29% of the respondents reside in other areas of Canada, the United States, Europe, Japan and Australia. Of the latter, 11% reside in the western United States (primarily California), and 11% reside in other parts of Canada (primarily Ontario). As stated in Chapter Four regarding the museum visitor survey, the demographic data obtained in this survey serve primarily to identify some characteristics of the population sample that was surveyed. It is difficult, however, to apply the information in any quantitative or qualitative way to the primary assumptions being investigated because of the small size of the sample - 234 -
TABLE XIII QUESTIONNAIRE DISTRIBUTION AND RETURN
Method of Distribution Total Distributed Total Returned N N %
"Art Game" course 40* 23** 57
Mailing lists 104 53 51
Shops and galleries 378 67 18
Total 522 143 27
* To be read: 40 questionnaires were distributed through the "Art Game" course.
** To be read: 23 out of a total of 40 questionnaires (57%) were returned (completed). - 235 -
TABLE XIV DEMOGRAPHIC DATA
(a) Location of Residence Total Respondents
N %
Northwest Coast area:
Greater Vancouver 87 61
Other B.C. 14 9
Seattle 1 1
Total 102 71
Outside Northwest Coast area:
Western U.S.A. 16 11
Other Canada 15 11
Eastern U.S.A. 7 5
Other countries 3 2
Total 41 29
TOTAL 143 100
(b) Age Total Respondents
N %
under 25 7 5
25 to 34 40 28
35 to 44 45 31
45 to 54 28 20
55 and over 22 15
no answer 1 1
Total 143 100 - 236 -
TABLE XIV continued
(c) Sex Total Respondents N %
male 67 47
female 63 44
both* 9 6
no answer 4 3
Total 143 100
(d) Approximate Family Income Total Respondents N %
less than $10,000 7 5
$10,000 to $14,999 8 6
$15,000 to $19,999 16 11
$20,000 to $24,999 16 11
$25,000 to $29,999 19 13
$30,000 to $39,999 27 19
$40,000 to $59,999 22 15
$60,000 or more 23 16
no answer 5 4
Total 143 100
* Both a male and a female answered the questionnaire together. - 237 -
and the uncontrolled variables mentioned previously.
Table XlVb presents the range of ages of the respondents, and
Table XIVc shows that 47% of the respondents are male, 44% female, and that
6% of the respondents comprised a male/female team.
Responses to question 13, concerning approximate family income,
are - • presented in Table XlVd. The responses are significant not only
in their indication of the representativeness of the population sample, but
also in their connection to questions 4 and 2, which are concerned with the
amount of Northwest Coast arts purchased. The table of responses to this
question shows that respondents were generally in a high income category:
63% of the respondents had an approximate family income of $25,000 or more,
31% had a family income of $40,000 or more, and 22% had a family income of
less than $20,000. While a correlation between the responses to question
13 and the responses to questions 4 and 2 will not be attempted in this
survey analysis, the results of question 13 imply that the respondent
population may have higher levels of education, and a certain amount of disposable income that can be directed toward- arts of various kinds (see question 5) for investment or other purposes (see question 9).
Buying Tendencies and Patterns
Question 1, asking when the respondent first started buying
Northwest Coast Indian arts, indicates the extent of the respondent's experience as a Northwest Coast art consumer. Responses to the question, compiled in Table XV, show that the majority of respondents (74%) started buying Northwest Coast arts between 1970 and 1980. More specifically,
20% of the total started buying between 1970 and 1974, 15% started buying - 238 -
TABLE XV YEAR OF FIRST PURCHASE OF NORTHWEST COAST INDIAN ART
Total Respondents N %
1931 to 1959 8* 6
1960 to 1969 27 19
1970 to 1974 29 20
1975 to 1977 22 15
1978 to 1980 55 39
no answer 2 1
Total 143 100
* To be read: 8 out of a total of 143 respondents (6%) first started buying Northwest Coast Indian art between 1931 and 1959. - 239 -
between 1975 and 1977, and 39% started buying between 1978 and 1980.
The years from 1970 to 1980, as discussed in Chapter One, comprised the most active period in the revival of Northwest Coast Indian art. The years since 1975 were particularly active, with the flourishing of the printmaking industry. It follows, therefore, that most respondents would have started purchasing or collecting the art after 1970. Only 25% of the respondents started buying Northwest Coast art in the years between 1931 and 1969 (6% between 1931 and 1959, and 19% between 1960 and 1969).
Responses to question 4 also indicate the extent of the respondents' experiences as Northwest Coast art consumers, by stating the amount of money they have spent on Northwest Coast Indian arts. Table XVIa indicates the amount of money spent by the respondents between 1970 and 1980: 46% spent between $100 and $1000, and 39% spent over $1000 (including 10% who spent more than $5000) , while only 8% spent less than $100.
Table XVIb indicates how much of this money was spent between
1978 and 1980. This question was asked in order to determine what proportion of the money was spent more recently, when prices of most
Northwest Coast Indian arts were higher than in previous years. Fifty- four percent of the respondents spent between $100 and $1000, 28% spent over
$1000 (including 4% who spent more than $5000) , and 11% under $100.
These results again show that the majority of the respondents spent between
$100 and $1000.
Question 2 was an additional question designed to indicate respondents' buying experience and purchasing practices. Table XVII presents the responses to this question, which asked how many and what kinds - 240 -
TABLE XVI AMOUNT OF MONEY SPENT ON NORTHWEST COAST INDIAN ART
(a) Amount of money spent on contemporary Northwest Coast Indian art between 1970 and 1980
Total Respondents
N %
under $100 11* 8
$100 to $500 34 24
$500 to $1000 31 22
$1000 to $5000 42 29
more than $5000 15 10
no answer 10 7
Total 143 100
Amount of money spent on contemporary Northwest Coast Inc between 1978 and198 0
Total Respondents N %
under $100 16** 11
$100 to $250 27 19
$250 to $500 27 19
$500 to $1000 23 16
$1000 to $5000 35 24
more than $5000 5 4
no answer 10 7
Total 143 100
* To be read: 11 out of a total of 143 respondents (8%) spent under $100 on contemporary Northwest Coast Indian art between 1970 and 1980. ** To be read: 16 out of a total of 143 respondents (11%) spent under $100 on contemporary Northwest Coast Indian art between 1978 and 1980. TABLE XVII NUMBER OF NORTHWEST COAST INDIAN ART FORMS PURCHASED
no 300- specified TOTAL Number of items: 1^2 3_z5 6--10 11-1 9 20--49 50-99 100-299 500 number RESPOND]3NT S Total Respondents: N % N % N % N % N % N % N % N % N % N %
Silkscreen prints 24* 17 32** 22 16 11 8 6 22 15 2 1 - 1 1 8 6 2^3*** 79
Wood carvings 37 26 22 15 13 9 7 5 2 1 - - - 5 3 86 60
Jewellery 27 19 25 17 17 12 5 3 4 3 - - 8 6 86 60
Basketry 21 15 12 8 4 3 2 1 1 1 - 1 1 - 3 2 44 31
Knitted sweaters etc. 27 19 9 6 3 2 1 1 - - - - 1 1 41 29
Argillite 19 13 4 3 5 3 - 1 1 - - - 3 2 32 22
Leather, beadwork 16 11 4 3 - 1 1 - - - - 2 1 23 16
Weavings, textiles 12 8 6 4 ------1 1 19 13
Paintings, drawings 4 3 3 2 ------1 1 8 6
Ivory, bone, horn 3 2 ------1 1 4 3
Copper work 1 1 ------1 1
Pottery - 1 1 ------1 1
No answer 1 1
Total 459 N respondents 143
* To be read: 24 out of a total of 143 respondents (17%) had purchased 1 to 2 silkscreen prints. ** To be read: 32 out of a total of 143 respondents (22%) had purchased 3 to 5 silkscreen prints. *** To be read: 113 out of a total of 143 respondents (79%) had purchased silkscreen prints. - 242 -
of contemporary Northwest Coast arts each individual had bought. The table shows the total number and percentage of people who had purchased varying numbers of each art form. The data indicate that for most of the Northwest Coast art forms besides silkscreen prints, respondents tended to have bought one or two pieces. Regarding silkscreen prints, more respondents had bought three to five prints than one or two (22% versus
17%). The table also shows that silkscreen prints, wood carvings, and jewellery were bought in greater numbers by some individuals than were the other art forms: for instance, 23% of the respondents had bought more than ten prints, 6% had bought more than ten wood carvings, and 6% had bought more than ten items of jewellery. The final column, headed "Total
Respondents", lists the total number and percentage of respondents who had bought each art form. Silkscreen prints, wood carvings, and jewellery were the most commonly purchased art forms: silkscreen prints were purchased in varying amounts by 79% of the respondents, while wood carvings and jewellery were each purchased by 60% of the respondents.
Basketry, Cowichan knitting, and argillite carvings followed in popularity (31, 29, and 22% of the respondents purchased these arts respectively). Art forms in other media were purchased by 1 to 16% of the respondents.
Question 3 is concerned with certain buying trends that indicate additional aspects of the respondents' experiences as Northwest Coast art consumers. The question asks where the respondents have usually purchased
Indian arts. As shown in Table XVIIIa, the majority of respondents (88%) bought Northwest Coast arts in a specialty shop or gallery. Thirty-four - 243 -
TABLE XVIII TYPE OF STORE AND LOCATION OF PURCHASE
(a) Type of store in which Northwest Coast Indian arts were purchased
Total Respondents N %
Specialty Indian arts shop or gallery 126* 88
Directly from the artist 49 34
Store selling Indian arts in addition
to other merchandise 30 21
Auctions 6 4
Private collector, friend 3 2
Trade shows 2 1
Wholesale 1 1
no answer 1 1
Total 218 N respondents 143
(b) Location at which Northwest Coast Indian arts were purchased
Total Respondents N %
Vancouver, B.C. 123** 86
Victoria, B.C. 49 34
'Ksan, B.C. 21 15
Other B.C. 34 24
Other Canada 8 6
Seattle, Wa. 8 6
Other U.S.A. 7 5
no answer 1 1
Total 251 N respondents 143
* To be read: 126 out of a total of 143 respondents (88%) purchased Northwest Coast Indian arts from a specialty Indian arts shop or gallery. ** To be read: 123 out of a total of 143 respondents (86%) purchased Northwest Coast Indian arts in Vancouver, B.C. - 244 -
percent of the respondents purchased items: directly from the artists. Also important as sources of Northwest Coast arts were stores selling Indian arts in addition to other merchandise (e.g. a general gift shop, or a department store). Other means of purchasing Northwest Coast arts (e.g. from auctions, collectors, or trade shows) were not as commonly selected.
However, it should be noted that some respondents (41%) purchased arts from more than one type of source.
Table XVIIIb shows the geographical locations in which, respondents usually purchased Northwest Coast Indian arts. Locations within British
Columbia were the most common responses: 86% of the respondents had purchased items in Vancouver, 34% in Victoria, and 39X in other areas of
B.C. (this combines the totals for '"Ksan B.C." [15%]and "other B.C." [24%]).
Other locations included Seattle, other areas of Canada (including Ontario,
Edmonton, and Banff), as well as: other areas of the United States (including
Washington, Oregon, Minnesota, and Alaska). Other locations in British
Columbia that were mentioned by respondents included many small towns along the coast as well as Indian reserve villages. As with, the responses presented in Table XVIIIa, some respondents (48%) purchased arts from more than one location.
Question 9, which asked respondents to state the reasons for which they had usually bought Northwest Coast Indian arts, was answered only by those Individuals who had previously purchased Northwest Coast wood carvings (total of 86 respondents) or silkscreen prints (total of 113 respondents). Respondents selected their answers from the list provided and/or contributed their own answers. The column headed "Total Respondents" - 245 -
in Table IXXa shows that the majority of the respondents (73% of the 86 individuals) bought the carvings for "aesthetic" reasons (i.e., primarily for their aesthetic appeal). The second most important reason, selected by 38% of the respondents, was "decorative" (i.e., for the carvings' use as decorative objects). Other reasons for which carvings were often purchased included "gift" (29% of the respondents), "investment"
(20%) , and "to support native Indians (19%) . Nine individuals (10%) provided additional reasons of their own (e.g. "to promote appreciation in others", "it's our heritage - it's Canadian", and "We like to acquire indigenous art from the area we live in") . Only three individuals (4%) stated that they bought carvings as souvenirs, which seems a very low figure, since many of the respondents from outside the Northwest Coast area were presumably tourists who might buy native art as a marker of their visit to British Columbia. However, the word "souvenir" often connotes a low quality, mass produced item, which the respondents possibly did not consider they were buying.
In answering question 9, 66% of the respondents chose more than one response as their reasons for buying carvings. In order to check for possible imbalances that may result in the comparative weight of individuals' responses, the column headed "Adjusted Tabulation" in Table
IXXa tabulates responses so that each respondent has equal weight in the survey (see footnote to Table IXXa for explanation). In the adjusted tabulation the relative importance of the different choices remains the same as that shown in the "Total Respondents" column.
Responses to the same question, this time dealing with the purchase of silkscreen prints, are presented in Table IXXb. As with the carvings, - 246 -
TABLE IXX REASONS FOR PURCHASE OF CARVINGS AND PRINTS
(a) Reasons for purchase of Northwest Coast Indian wood carvings (Answered only by respondents who had bought carvings)
Total Respondents Adjusted Tabulation1 N % N %
Aesthetic 61* 73 35** 41
Decorative 32 38 16 19
Gift 24 29 12 14
Investment 17 20 8 9
To support native
Indians 16 19 6 7
Souvenir 3 4 1 1
Other reasons 9 10 5 6
no answer 3 3 3 3
Total 165 86 100 N respondents 86 86
A Responses were added up and tabulated so that each individual respondent received equal weight in the survey. For individuals who chose more than one answer in response to the question, each answer was given a partial value, so that the combined value of each individual's response equals one. Thus, for example, a respondent who made two choices of answer received one-half point value for each choice made.
* To be read: 61 out of a total of 86 respondents (73%) purchased Northwest Coast Indian wood carvings for aesthetic reasons.
** To be read: 35 out of a total of 86 respondents (41%) purchased Northwest Coast Indian wood carvings for aesthetic reasons (adjusted tabulation). - 247 -
TABLE IXX continued
(b) Reasons for purchase of Northwest Coast Indian silkscreen prints (Answered only by respondents who had bought prints)
Total Respondents Adjusted Tabulation1 N % N %
Aesthetic 89* 79 44** 39
Investment 52 46 22 19
Decorative 42 37 19 17
Gift 39 34 15 13
To support native
Indians 20 18 7 6
Souvenir 2 2 0 0
Other reasons 10 9 3 3
no answer 3 3 3 3
Total 257 113 100 N respondents 113 113
1 See footnote (i), page 246.
* To be read: 89 out of a total of 113 respondents (79%) purchased Northwest Coast Indian silkscreen prints for aesthetic reasons.
** To be read: 44 out of a total of 113 respondents (39%) purchased Northwest Coast Indian silkscreen prints for aesthetic reasons (adjusted tabulation). - 248 -
the majority of respondents (79%) indicated that they usually bought
Northwest Coast Indian prints for "aesthetic" reasons. Second in importance was the "investment" reason, selected by 46% of the respondents.
Third and fourth in importance were the purchasing of prints for
"decorative" reasons (37%) and as gifts (34%)_. Also important to 18% of the respondents was the "support of native Indians" as a reason. Again, only a small percentage of the respondents (2%) stated that they bought prints as souvenirs, and only few other reasons were suggested (e.g.
"personal" and "professional" reasons).
Eighty percent of the respondents, to this: question made more than one choice in their responses. The column headed "Adjusted Tabulation" in
Table IXXb shows that when individuals' responses are divided in value so as to provide each, respondent with equal weight In the survey (see footnote
[i], page 246, for explanation), the relative Importance of the different choices remains the same as. that shown in the "Total Respondents" column.
In comparing the reasons given for purchasing contemporary Northwest
Coast Indian carvings and prints, buying for "aesthetic" reasons emerges as most important for both art forms. The main difference between the two art forms in terms of the reasons given for their purchase appear with regard to the "investment" factor. Investment as a reason for buying was significantly more important to purchasers of silkscreen prints (46% of the respondents) than to purchasers of wood carvings (20% of the respondents); as mentioned In Chapter Three, the purchase of Northwest Coast silkscreen prints for investment purposes has constituted a significant market trend, particularly evident in the late 1970's. Purchase of Northwest Coast carvings and prints as decorations and gifts was: of proportionately similar - 249 -
importance to buyers of each art form, as was "supporting native Indians."
Since the structure of the question did not allow for a clarification of each individual's interpretation of the different choices, it is difficult to suggest what the significance of such a response as "to support native
Indians" is in terms of general buying trends. The importance of the latter reasons, as well as the others, does however provide an indication of the ways in which judgements and purchases of Northwest Coast Indian arts are affected by contextual factors beyond aesthetic appeal.
Responses to the final question included in this category of
"Buying tendencies and patterns" are presented in Table XX. The responses indicate which contemporary arts the respondents buy besides
Northwest Coast Indian arts. The results show that only 14% of the respondents did not buy other arts; the majority (a total of 85%) purchased
3 4 one or more other art forms. Eskimo art and non-native Western art emerged as the most commonly collected art forms among the respondents in this survey (47 and 46% of the total number of respondents respectively).
Also commonly bought were Woodlands/Ojibway art (23%), Southwest American art (20%), Oriental art (20%), and African tribal art (17%). Other contemporary arts, as listed in Table XX, were purchased by far fewer numbers of individuals. The high percentage of individuals who purchased
Eskimo art, together with the numbers who bought Indian, African, and aboriginal arts, may indicate a wider interest among many of the respondents in native or "primitive" arts. The high percentage of respondents who purchased non-native Western arts, however, also indicates a wider interest in "mainstream" art not associated with native traditions. - 250 -
TABLE XX PURCHASE OF CONTEMPORARY ARTS (NON-NORTHWEST COAST)
Total Respondents
N %
Eskimo 68* 47
Non-native Western 66 46
Woodlands/Oj ibway 33 23
Southwest American Indian 28 20
Oriental 28 20
African tribal 25 17
Plains Indian 9 6
South, Central, and Latin American 6 4
Australian/Maori 3 2
New Guinea, Sepik River 1 1
Indonesian, Malaysian 1 1
Russian 1 1
none 20 14
no answer 2 1
Total 291 N respondents 143
* To be read: 68 out of a total of 143 respondents (47%) purchased Eskimo arts. - 251 -
Knowledge and Perceptions of Northwest Coast Art
Responses to question 6, which asked respondents how they were introduced to Northwest Coast Indian arts, are presented In Table XXI.
The column headed "Total Respondents" shows that the majority of respondents
(55%) were introduced to the arts through, museum exhibits. Forty-seven percent of the respondents were introduced through family, friends, or associates; and 39% were introduced through books. Also important for many respondents were introductions to Northwest Coast arts through noticing the art in stores (26%) , courses and lectures (.22%) , newspaper and magazine articles and television (18%), and through. Indian acquaintances (17%)..
Less commonly selected as answers were such factors as: advertisement (5%), and factors suggested by respondents themselves (totalling 10%), who stated that they received an introduction to the arts through their living environment, travel in the Northwest, osmosis or general exposure, their working environment, an interest in crafts generally, and through. Indian activities and organizations.
In answering question 6, 66% of the respondents, selected more than one factor as being a means of introduction to Northwest Coast Indian arts.
For this reason, the responses were also tabulated in such a way that each respondent received equal weight in the survey (see footnote [ij, page 246, for explanation). As Table XXI shows, no significant differences appear between the columns headed "Adjusted Tabulation" and "Total
Respondents", in terms of the proportionate ranking of the various responses.
Table XXII presents the responses to question 7, where respondents were asked to choose up to four words from a list (or use words: of their own) that they most strongly associate with contemporary Northwest Coast - 252 -
TABLE XXI MEANS OF INTRODUCTION TO NORTHWEST COAST INDIAN ARTS
Total Respondents Adjusted Tabulation1
N % N %
Museum exhibits 79* 55 35** 25
Family, friends, or
associates 67 47 34 24
Books 56 39 20 14
Noticed it in stores 37 26 16 11
Courses, lectures 31 22 12 8
Newspaper and magazine
articles, television 26 18 7 5
Indian acquaintances 24 17 10 7
Advertisement 7 5 2 1
Other means 14 10 6 4
no answer 111 1 Total 342 143 100 N respondents 143 143
1 See footnote (i), page 246.
* To be read: 79 out of a total of 143 respondents (55%) were introduced to Northwest Coast Indian arts by means of museum exhibits.
** To be read: 35 out of a total of 143 respondents (25%) were introduced to Northwest Coast Indian arts by means of museum exhibits (adjusted tabulation). - 253 -
TABLE XXII WORDS ASSOCIATED WITH CONTEMPORARY NORTHWEST COAST INDIAN ARTS
Total Respondents Adjusted Tabulation
N % N %
"Indian" 105* 73 28** 20
"fine art" 103 72 30 21
"British Columbia" 87 61 23 16
"authentic" 53 37 14 10
"craft" 47 33 12 8
"investment" 45 31 12 8
"modern" 15 11 4 3
"primitive" 14 10 4 \ 3
"exotic" 11 8 3 2
"souvenir" 4 3 1 1
"old" 2 1 1 1
Categories of additional words:
Affective 13 9 3 2
Design 11 8 3 2
Native culture/traditions 10 7 2 1
Meaning/Message 9 6 2 1
no answer 1 1 1 1
Total 530 143 100 N respondents 143 143
See footnote (i), page 246.
* To be read: 105 out of a total" of 143 respondents (73%) associated the word "Indian" with contemporary Northwest Coast Indian arts. ** To be read: 28 out of a total of 143 respondents (20%) associated the word "Indian" with contemporary Northwest Coast Indian arts (adjusted tabulation). - 254 -
Indian arts. The words chosen by the majority of respondents were "Indian"
(73%), "fine art" (72%), and "British Columbia" (61%). Also chosen by a
large percentage of the respondents were the words "authentic" (37%) ,
"craft" (33%), and "investment" (31%). The other five words listed
("modern", "primitive", "exotic", "souvenir", "old") were each chosen by
1 to 11% of the respondents. A number of words were added to the list by 30% of the respondents. These included words referring to affective qualities (9%) , design qualities (8%) , native culture and traditions (7%) , and meaning or message (6%).
The main purpose of this question was to elicit responses which might reflect the respondents' general perceptions and expectations of
Northwest Coast Indian arts. The design of the question, however, did not allow the respondents to clarify their personal interpretations of the words they selected, and so for the purposes of response analysis, assumptions are made on the part of the researcher that a general understanding exists among the respondents regarding the meanings of the words.
Keeping this problem in mind (and it is a problem characteristic of survey research generally), it is nevertheless possible to place some
interpretation on the word associations.
The words "Indian"and "British Columbia" may seem obviously associated with Northwest Coast Indian arts, but this association is an
important aspect of consumers' categorizations of the arts within the wider realm of "art". The souvenir-like way in which Northwest Coast arts, even fine arts, are associated with British Columbia and "Indian" has been discussed in Chapter Two. The high percentage of individuals who chose "fine art" (72%) over "craft" (33%) is also of special interest. - 255 -
As mentioned in Chapters One and Two, an image of native art as "fine art"
has been difficult to achieve in the wider art market. Perhaps the
emphasis on the word that was obtained in this survey is a result of the
fact that many of the respondents are collectors of Northwest Coast arts, who see their collections as "fine art". "Authentic" is a word often
associated with native arts, and as noted in Chapter Two, it carries with
it expectations of native traditions and ethnicity, as well as quality.
Respondents' expectations regarding dimensions of "authenticity" will be
further examined in their responses to question 8. The association of
Northwest Coast arts with "investment" has also been previously noted; this
association has become increasingly strong throughout the past decade, as monetary values of the contemporary as well as the old arts have risen
sharply. It is interesting, in contrast to the words chosen most often
by the respondents, to review the words selected by comparatively few
respondents: "modern", "primitive", "exotic", "souvenir", and "old".
For most respondents to this survey, these words were not strongly
associated with contemporary Northwest Coast arts as they perceive or
categorize them.
Words that were contributed by respondents in addition to those
on the list may also illustrate specific perceptions, expectations, and valued qualities of Northwest Coast Indian arts. Such words as "powerful" and "uplifting" illustrate individuals' affective responses to the art.
Admired qualities of design are implied by such words as "balance",
"abstraction", and "intricate". Associations of Northwest Coast Indian arts with traditions and history are evidenced by words classified in the
"native traditions" category of responses. Finally, the meaning or - 256 -
message conveyed by Northwest Coast arts, as perceived by some respondents,
are illustrated by such words as "transformation" and."spiritual".
Since 19% of the respondents chose less than four words in answer
to question 7, the responses were also calculated on the basis that each
individual receives equal weight in the survey. The column headed
"Adjusted Tabulation" presents the responses calculated in this way (see
footnote [i], page 246, for explanation), and there are no significant
differences from the column headed "Total Respondents" in terms of the
proportionate ranking of each response.
Aesthetic and Buying Criteria
Question 10 was directed only at those respondents who had purchased Northwest Coast Indian carvings and/or prints in the past.
These respondents were asked to choose the five factors that most strongly 5
influence their decision when buying a carving or print. Table XXIIIa,
concerning the purchase of carvings, lists the twelve factors the
respondents chose from and summarizes how many respondents chose each
factor. The five factors chosen by the majority of respondents included
"quality of workmanship" (89% of the respondents), "design" (82%) , "price"
(65%), "subject matter" (62%), and "artist's name" (49%). Other factors chosen by respondents as influential included "materials" (36%) ,
"investment potential" (15%), "colour(s)" (14%), "artist's tribe" (13%),
"size" (12%), "advice of the dealer" (12%), and "dealer's reputation" (3%).
Table XXIIIb presents the responses to question 10 with regard to silkscreen prints. The five factors (out of a total of thirteen) considered influential when buying prints for the majority of respondents - 257 -
TABLE XXIII FACTORS INFLUENCING PURCHASE DECISIONS
(a) Factors that most strongly influence respondents' decisions when buying Northwest Coast Indian wood carvings (Answered only by respondents who had bought carvings; each respondent could choose up to five factors)
Total Respondents N %
Quality of workmanship 77* 89
Design 71 82
Price 56 65
Subject matter 53 62
Artist's name 42 49
Materials 31 36
Investment potential 13 15
Colour(s) 12 14
Artist's tribe 11 13
Size 10 12
Advice of the dealer 10 12
Dealer's reputation 3 3
incomplete choice** 6 7
no answer 7 8
Total 402 N respondents 86
* To be read: 77 out of a total of 86 respondents (89%) are influenced by quality of workmanship when buying a Northwest Coast Indian wood carving.
** "Incomplete choice" = the number of respondents who chose fewer than five factors. - 258 -
TABLE XXIII continued
(b) Factors that most strongly influence respondents', decisions when buying Northwest Coast Indian silkscreen prints (Answered only by respondents who had bought prints; each respondent could choose up to five factors)
Total Respondents N %
Design 96* 85
Quality of workmanship 92 81
Artist's name 82 72
Price 66 58
Subject matter 58 51
Investment potential 36 32
Edition size 31 27
Colour(s) 27 24
Advice of the dealer 12 11
Size 11 10
Dealer's reputation 10 9
Artist's tribe 8 7
Materials 7 6
incomplete choice** 14 12
no answer 3 3
Total 553 N respondents 113
* To be read: 96 out of a total of 113 respondents (85%) are influenced by design when buying a Northwest Coast Indian silkscreen print.
** "Incomplete choice" = the number of respondents who chose fewer than five factors. - 259 -
included "design" (85% of the respondents), "quality of workmanship" (81%) , the "artist's name" (72%), "price" (58%), and "subject matter" (51%).
Other factors considered influential by fewer individuals included
"investment potential" (32%), "edition size" (27%), "colour(s)" (24%),
"advice of the dealer" (11%), "size" (10%), the "dealer's reputation" (9%), the "artist's tribe" (7%), and the "materials" used (6%).
A comparison of the responses to question 10 regarding wood carvings and silkscreen prints reveals that the five factors which most influenced buyers' decisions were the same for both art forms. Differences lie in the relative importance of each of the five factors; for example,
"quality of workmanship" was the most influential factor for buyers of wood carvings whereas "design" was the most influential factor for buyers of silkscreen prints (see Tables XXIIIa and b). Greater differences appear when comparing the relative degrees of importance of the remaining eight factors: for example, "investment potential" was considered an influential factor for 32% of the buyers of silkscreen prints, but only for 15% of the buyers of wood carvings. Similarly, "materials" (i.e., the kind of wood used, etc.) was a factor more strongly influencing purchases of wood carvings than prints (36% versus 6%). "Edition size", selected by 27% of the respondents, is of course a factor that applies only to silkscreen prints.
The difficulty many respondents may have had in selecting the five factors which most influenced their buying decisions is well stated by one individual. This respondent noted that,
It (choosing five factors) is not quite that simple. Factors acquire significance by their presence in or absence from combinations. For instance, the more expensive an object is, - 260 -
the more I worry about investment potential and/or artist's name. The larger it is, the more I require exceptional beauty to compensate for the impact on my living space. Some objects are simply too large or too expensive for me to purchase, yet I would not say that size or price would affect my choosing among potential purchases.
I. guess my decision network for buying Northwest Coast art is first the art, then the craft, then the economic implications. That is, I would choose an object that is beautiful but technically flawed over one that has superb workmanship but is aesthetically blah. I want my purchases to have investment potential, but will not invest in art that doesn't please me - after all, I have to live with it.
Responses to question 8 further elaborate on the criteria by which respondents would purchase a Northwest Coast wood carving or silkscreen print. Since the question was open-ended, a wider range of responses that pertain more specifically to Northwest Coast Indian art was possible, as compared to question 10. Also, the question was answered both by individuals who had previously purchased Northwest Coast carvings and prints, and by those who had not. Thus respondents could describe those qualities and subject matter which they would ideally like a contemporary
Northwest Coast Indian carving or print to exhibit, were they to buy such a piece.
Table XXIVa categorizes the responses made with regard to qualities and subject matter desired in Northwest Coast wood carvings. The qualities listed by the respondents fell into eight categories: qualities of workmanship (57% of the respondents) , traditional or innovative qualities
(38%), design qualities (36%), affective qualities (27%), subject matter/ meaning (20%) , the artist (10%) , miscellaneous qualities such as price and size (8%) , and materials (6%).
The majority of respondents (57%) specified that they would look - 261 -
TABLE XXIV QUALITIES AND SUBJECT MATTER DESIRED IN CARVINGS AND PRINTS
Qualities and subject matter respondents would look for in a contemporary Northwest Coast Indian wood carving
Total Respondents First Choice
N % N %
Qualities of workmanship 82* 57 36** 25
Tradition/Innovation 54 38 24 17
Design qualities 52 36 29 20
Affective qualities 38 27 12 8
Subject matter/Meaning 29 20 8 5
The artist 15 10 1 1
Miscellaneous qualities 12 8 4 3
Materials 9 6 1 1
do not know 1 1 1 1
no answer 27 19 27 19
Total 319 143 100 N respondents 143 143
* To be read: 82 out of a total of 143 respondents (57%) would look for qualities of workmanship in a contemporary Northwest Coast Indian wood carving.
** To be read: 36 out of a total of 143 respondents (25%) first listed qualities of workmanship as the qualities they would look for in a carving. - 262 -
TABLE XXIV continued
(b) Qualities and subject matter respondents would look for in a
Total Respondents First Choice N % N %
Design qualities 63* 44 39*** 27
Tradition/Innovation 54 38 34 24
Affective qualities 40 28 18 13
Qualities of workmanship 38 27 9 6
Subject matter/Meaning 28 20 6 4
The artist 27 19 7 5
Edition qualities 12 8 3 2
Miscellaneous qualities 6 4 5 4
Materials 3 2 0 0
do not know 2 .1 2 1
no answer 20 14 20 14
Total 293 143 100 N respondents 143 143
* To be read: 63 out of a total of 143 respondents (44%) would look for design qualities in a contemporary Northwest Coast Indian silkscreen print.
** To be read: 39 out of a total of 143 respondents (27%) first listed design qualities as the qualities they would look for in a print. - 263 -
for qualities of workmanship in a contemporary Northwest Coast Indian wood carving. There were 54 comments that the item should exhibit good craftsmanship, "flawless carving", and technical skill, and one comment that the carving should exhibit "a mastery of Northwest Coast wood carving techniques". Twenty-one comments referred to "precision",
"clean lines", and "attention to detail". Fourteen respondents stated that they would look for"polish" and a smooth finish, with one preferring
"an oiled finish". On the other hand, three respondents stated that they would look for "texture", "surface interest", and depth of carving.
Finely executed painting was mentioned by five respondents.
The degree to which, the carving adheres, to Northwest Coast tradition or innovates upon that tradition was referred to as an important quality by
38% of the respondents. There were eighteen comments specifying such, qualities as: "traditional forms", "traditional motifs Cwhale, frog, bear, etc.)", "traditional colours", and "traditional subject matter (no cougar masks, thank you)". Thirty-one comments elaborated on this quality:
"assurances that the craft processes are close to the 'old ways'", "authentic design and motif", "traditional interpretation", "pieces that resemble the original, old Haida style", and "traditional, not modern Innovative".
Twelve respondents, on the other hand, stated that they might look for some innovative qualities: "an understanding of traditional forms and taking it further", "traditional authentic materials, techniques, design (with. tasteful innovation acceptable)", "contemporary expression of the old/ traditional", and "originality, uniqueness".
Thirty-six percent of the respondents listed specific design qualities that they would look for in a Northwest Coast carving, including: "good - 264 -
design" (17 comments); "artistic quality, a work of art"(17 comments); and such qualities as composition, balance, symmetry, "flowing forms and lines", "use of negative space", good use of colour, and "simplicity"
(27 comments).
The affective qualities of a wood carving were specified by 27% of the respondents as being of importance. These qualities included:
"personally appealing" (14 comments) and "visual and tactile appeal" (5 comments); one respondent mentioned "purely personal and undefinable qualities", and another that "the items, 'speak tome'". Other comments referred to such qualities as "beauty", "power", "vitality", "expressiveness",
"has character", and "has a quality of illusion" (23 comments!.
Twenty percent of the respondents stated that they would look for specific kinds of subject matter or meaning in a carving, with, seven specifying particular animal images, and five specifying "mythological" or
"supernatural" figures. Five respondents desired a relationship between the carving and a particular legend ("meaning from Indian lore"), others stated simply that the carving should have "history and meaning", "symbolism", and an "understandable image", and one respondent stated that he would look for "a contemporary and meaningful statement in the Northwest Coast tradition".
Regarding the artist who carved the piece, 10% of the respondents stated that they would consider "the reputation of the artist", and that the artist should be "a 'name' carver", "up and coming", and "experienced".
One respondent added that he would like a carving "to show a progression in the artist's powers".
In the miscellaneous category of responses-, 8% of the respondents stated that they would look for such qualities as "not overpriced", "good - 265 -
resale value", "usefulness", specific object types such as rattles or masks, small size, that the carving is signed by the carver, and that "it must fit into my house decor".
Finally, only 6% of the respondents stated that they would be concerned with the quality of materials, specifying that the carving should be made of red or yellow cedar and good quality wood.
Since almost all respondents listed more than one quality that they would look for in a wood carving, Table XXIVa includes a column headed
"First Choice", in which only the first quality listed by each individual was tabulated. In this way each individual receives equal weight in the tabulation. A comparison of this column with the column headed "Total
Respondents" (in which respondents are tabulated according to all of their responses), shows no major differences in the order in which the different categories of responses are ranked according to their relative importance to respondents.
Table XXIVb. categorizes the responses to question 8 with regard to qualities desired in contemporary Northwest Coast silkscreen prints. The qualities listed by the respondents fell into nine categories: design qualities (44% of the respondents), traditional or innovative qualities
(38%) , affective qualities (28%), qualities of workmanship (27%), subject matter/meaning (2Q%), the artist (19%), edition qualities (8%), miscellaneous qualities such as price and size (4%), and materials (2%).
Forty—four percent of the respondents specified design qualities that they would look for in silkscreen prints. There were 27 comments that the print should exhibit "good design", and 15 comments that it have
"artistic quality" and that it is "fine art". Twenty-nine comments - 266 -
referred to such, qualities as "balance", "composition", "artistically
correct formlines", "use of space", "flowing as a complete image", "symmetry",
"assymmetry", "complexity of design", and "bold simplicity". There were
16 comments regarding colour, including "two or more colours" and "graphical
perfection in design and colour combination".
The adherence of the print design to tradition, or the degree to
which, the design is innovative, was mentioned by 38% of the respondents as a
quality they would look for in a silkscreen print. There were fifteen
comments that the design should he traditional in form, subject matter,
colours, and motifs. Twenty-eight comments elaborated on this quality:
"authentic designs, subjects, and craftsmanship", "a design which is
traditional rather than modern", "use of the classic design forms", and "a
sense of continuity with past form and content". Nineteen comments made
reference to innovative qualities as well: "breaking new ground without
sacrificing the principles of the traditional design modes", "a new or
interesting concept, but still based on traditional subject matter", "based
on traditional motifs but containing modern individual innovations", "an
understanding of traditional forms and taking it further", "knowledgeably,
i.e., intellectually innovative (no 'Ksan crap, thank you)", "contemporary
expression of the old", and "it must be 'different' and modern".
Twenty-eight percent of the respondents stated that the print should
have certain affective qualities. Their comments included: "aesthetically
pleasing" (22 comments); "design and subject appeal" and "that aesthetic
intuitive sense that says it works" (4 comments); "how the print affects my inner self" (2 comments).; and such, qualities as "power", "a beautiful
or evocative image", "has spirit", "suggests movement and aliveness", and - 267 -
"subtlety".
Qualities of workmanship were specified by 27% of the respondents.
There were twenty-four general comments on good craftsmanship and technical skill, and seven comments on detail and "crisp and controlled lines".
Thirteen respondents stated that the print should show good quality silkscreening with good registration of colours. One respondent added that, "Unless I find the print overwhelmingly powerful, I will not buy it if it has been poorly printed and has poor line definition, fuzzy edges, and bleeding colours".
Twenty percent of the respondents specified particular subject matter or meaning that they would look for in a print, including specific animal themes (8 comments), supernatural figures (3 comments), "visual puns"
(1 comment), and "features of transformation" (1 comment). Seventeen respondents referred to "symbolic meaning", "meaning from Indian lore",
"a story behind the image", "new versions, of old legends", and "the print should reflect the artist's appreciation of nature".
For 19% of the respondents, the name and reputation of the artist was a factor considered important in choosing a silkscreen print.
Comments included: "the reputation of the artist", "by a well known artist", "excellent examples of an artist's output", and "University backing of the artist".
Eight percent of the respondents mentioned edition qualities in response to question 8; these individuals stated that they would look for a print that is limited in edition, and they would check for the edition size ("under 50" and "under 200") and that "the print Is signed and numbered by the artist". - 268 -
Included in the miscellaneous category are the responses of 4% of the respondents, who were concerned with the price or investment value of the print ("good resale value"), and the print's size ("not too big"). Three respondents remarked that they would never buy Northwest Coast silkscreen prints, with one stating that they are "phoney".
Finally, the materials used in silkscreen prints were mentioned only by 2% of the respondents, who stated that they would look for "100 W rag paper" and generally good paper quality.
Respondents to question 8 generally listed more than one quality that they would look for in a silkscreen print. The column headed "First
Choice" in Table XXIVb attempts to correct for unequal weighting of responses that may result from varying numbers of responses given by different individuals. This column tabulates only the first quality listed by each respondent. A comparison of this column with the column headed "Total Respondents" (in which respondents are tabulated according to all of their responses) , shows no major differences in the relative importance of each category of responses.
When comparing the responses to question 8 in terms of the qualities respondents would look for in wood carvings versus silkscreen prints, some differences become apparent. One main difference lies in the relative importance of qualities of workmanship in carvings and prints:
57% of the respondents specified aspects of workmanship that they would look for in a carving, whereas only 27% of the respondents specified those qualities for prints. Qualities of workmanship ranked first in importance for carvings, but only fourth in importance for prints. Qualities of design, on the other hand, ranked first in importance for prints, and third - 269 -
in importance for carvings. Other qualities, including those encompassed by the categories of "tradition/innovation", "affective qualities", and
"subject matter/meaning", were of relatively equal significance to
respondents for both carvings and prints. The second main difference
between the responses regarding wood carvings and silkscreen prints can be
seen in the relative importance of the name and reputation of the artist.
Nineteen percent of the respondents stated that "who the artist is" would
be an important consideration when purchasing a silkscreen print, versus
10% of the respondents who would make it an important consideration when
purchasing a carving. This second difference may be related to the
apparently greater concern with the "investment potential"(which, is
connected to the artist's reputation) of silkscreen prints as opposed to
carvings (see Tables XXIIIa and b).
Summary
This questionnaire survey revealed some of the buying practices
and preferences of consumers of contemporary Northwest Coast Indian arts.
These in turn suggested some of the criteria by which consumers judge and
purchase Indian arts, and indicated some factors which may qualify these
criteria.
In summarizing the general characteristics of the sample of
respondents to the questionnaire (totalling 143 individuals), survey
results indicated that: 85% of the respondents had bought other
contemporary arts besides Northwest Coast Indian arts (e.g. Eskimo,
Oriental, etc.); 54% started buying Northwest Coast arts since 1975, and
the same percentage of respondents had spent between 100 and 1000 dollars
on Northwest Coast Indian art between 1978 and 1980. In addition, - 270 -
silkscreen prints, wood carvings, and jewellery were the most commonly purchased Northwest Coast art forms. Respondents usually purchased the arts in specialty shops, gift shops, or directly from the artist, primarily in British Columbia (particularly Vancouver and Victoria).
This information about the respondent sample was an important element of the survey, in that it helped to discern aspects of the respondents' buying tendencies and background as art buyers that may be considered elements of the respondents' aesthetic/buying criteria for Northwest
Coast arts.
In stating their reasons for purchasing Northwest Coast Indian wood carvings and silkscreen prints, respondents indicated that they usually bought the art for more than one reason, and that reasons for buying carvings differed from reasons for buying prints. While buying for "aesthetic", "decorative", "gift", and other reasons was of proportionately similar importance to buyers of carvings and buyers of prints, buying for "investment" reasons emerged as particularly important for prints. The different reasons given by the respondents suggest more generally some of the ways in which individuals perceive and use Northwest Coast arts (e.g. as "investments"), and also suggest that the criteria by which consumers judge and buy the arts are shaped by such perceptions and intended uses.
The means by which respondents were introduced to Northwest Coast arts may also play a role in shaping consumer expectations and preconceptions of the arts, thus influencing aesthetic criteria. While many respondents were introduced to the arts by more than one method, museum exhibits served to introduce Northwest Coast arts to a majority of - 271 -
respondents (55%). Also of particular importance were family, friends, and associates, books, stores, and courses and lectures. The responses to this survey did not, however, specify particular impressions or knowledge of Northwest Coast arts gained through these means of introduction.
Thus, although the question was asked on the assumption that individuals' expectations of Northwest Coast arts may be influenced by their sources of information on the arts, and by the contexts in which they have experienced the arts, the responses obtained through this survey can only indicate, for example, that museum exhibits are an important means by which individuals are introduced to Northwest Coast Indian art. The ways in which museum exhibits have shaped consumers' expectations and aesthetic and buying criteria for contemporary Northwest Coast Indian art remains a subject to be investigated.
In a survey question requiring word association, a majority of respondents associated contemporary Northwest Coast Indian arts with the words "Indian" (73%), "fine art" (72%), and "British Columbia" (61%).
Other words, including "authentic", "craft", and "investment" were also of particular significance to respondents. The intent of the word association question was to elicit responses that might indicate how individual respondents perceive and categorize contemporary Northwest
Coast Indian arts. The most frequently selected words, listed above, suggest a strong link between the arts and their place of origin (e.g.
"British Columbia"), between the arts and their ethnicity (e.g. "Indian",
"authentic"), and between the arts and their classification or use for the consumer (e.g. "fine art", "craft", "investment"). Respondents who contributed words not provided in the list indicated a connection - 272 -
between Northwest Coast arts and their affective qualities, their design qualities, the native culture/traditions from which they derive, and the meaning or message of the arts. These responses again suggest the extent to which contextual aspects of the arts (as opposed to purely aesthetic aspects) are a major part of the consumers' perceptions of contemporary Northwest Coast Indian arts.
An important part of the survey involved respondents selecting the five factors that most strongly influence their decisions when buying
Northwest Coast carvings or prints. The five factors selected most often by respondents were the same for both carvings and prints: quality of workmanship, design, price, subject matter, and the artist's name.
The responses give an indication of the degree to which such factors are considered significant and influencial by some consumers of Northwest Coast arts. The responses also show that consumers' buying decisions are influenced not only by qualities intrinsic to the objects themselves (e.g. workmanship and design) , but also by such contextual aspects of the objects as the value of the object (price) and the'reputation of the artist in the market context.
The more specific qualities which the respondents would look for in Northwest Coast carvings were listed as qualities of workmanship, the degree to which the carving adhered to tradition or showed innovation, and design qualities. For prints, respondents generally emphasized design qualities, the degree of tradition or innovation, and affective qualities.
While many of the qualities seem applicable as criteria for art in general
(e.g. "good form", "composition", "aesthetically pleasing", and "good craftmanship") , those qualities categorized under the headings of "Tradition/ - 273 -
Innovation" and "Subject matter/Meaning" most clearly revealed respondents' expectations of Indian arts in particular. For both carvings and prints, respondents referred to qualities concerned with the contemporary arts' adherence to tradition, listing such criteria as traditional forms, traditional subject matter, and closeness to the "old ways". Respondents also specified the kinds of subject matter and meaning they would like contemporary Northwest Coast carvings and prints to exhibit, including animal subjects, figures from legends, and a relationship to mythology and ceremony. These qualities, which respondents often listed together with specific qualities of design, workmanship, etc., indicate that aesthetic judgements of contemporary Northwest Coast Indian arts are often qualified by consumers' perceptions of the use and meaning of the object for themselves, by notions of artistic quality deriving from both personal and culturally-learned aesthetic sensibilities, and by previously formed expectations of what constitutes "acceptable" or "good" Indian art.
The results of this survey regarding aesthetic judgements are corroborated by the results of the museum visitor survey discussed in
Chapter Four. By defining the bases upon which most aesthetic judgements and purchasing decisions are made, the survey results give us an insight into the relationship between the consumers and the contemporary
Northwest Coast Indian arts they buy. - 274 -
Notes
I acknowledge the following shops and galleries whose owners and managers kindly consented to distribute the questionnaires: in Vancouver, the Arctic Loon Gallery, Bent-Box Gallery, Children of the Raven Gallery, Heritage House Gallery of Indian Art, Hill's Indian Crafts, Images for a Canadian Heritage, Marion Scott Gallery of the Arts, Potlatch Arts, UBC Museum of Anthropology Gift Shop, Vancouver Museum and Planetarium Gift Shop, and Wilp's Tsak; in Victoria, Art Mosaic, Arts of the Raven Gallery, B.C. Provincial Museum Gift Shop, Cowichan Trading Co., Longhouse Gallery, Open Pacific Graphics, and the Soulcatcher Gallery; elsewhere in British Columbia, the Campbell River Museum Shop and the 'Ksan Craft Village Shop; and in Seattle, The Legacy and Snow Goose Association.
2 As discovered later through personal communication with the dealers. 3 The term "Eskimo" was used instead of "Inuit" simply because it is probably a more familiar term for most people. 4 The category "non-native Western art" is, of course, a very broad category. For the purposes of this study, it may have been useful to separate the category into "folk art", "crafts", etc. 5 Pre-testing of the questionnaire revealed that asking respondents to choose the one factor that most influenced buying decisions, or to rank the five choices from strongest to least strong, was considered difficult or impossible since the ranking would differ according to each specific item purchased. Selecting a group of influential factors was considered more meaningful by these individuals. - 275 -
CONCLUSION
In the course of this thesis I have examined the Northwest Coast
Indian art market in terms of the role and significance of the art within its contemporary social context, focusing on the relationship between the consumers and the art they collect. Through such an examination, I have attempted to make clearer the contemporary use and meaning of Northwest
Coast art within the non-native context, as well as the significance of
Northwest Coast traditions for both consumer and native societies.
In the introduction I pointed out that contemporary Northwest Coast
Indian art has attained new forms and functions relevant to the changed
social context in which it is now located. The fact that the arts are now produced for sale to non-Indians is thus an integral aspect of the meaning
of Northwest Coast art, which the study of contemporary art production must
address. This thesis has shown that the revival of Northwest Coast art
has involved not only the artists who create the contemporary work, but also
the consumers, anthropologists, museums, and dealers, who have participated
with the artists in a reconstruction and redefinition of Indianness and
tradition, and in the development of an audience and a market to support
art production.
While contemporary Northwest Coast Indian art derives from centuries
old native traditions, and is produced by native artists for the market and
increasingly for native use, it has also been appropriated to a large extent
by non-Indians, for whom it has become a part of their own culture and is
used variously as art, heritage, souvenir, decoration, and investment.
Thus, what may appear to be an anomaly - that an art, which is strongly tied
to an ancestral native tradition and form of cultural expression, can be - 276 -
meaningful to non-native consumers within a market context - may actually reflect the significance of the art to the consumers. As suggested in the preceding chapters, it is the "otherness" of Northwest Coast.Indian culture and traditions, as presented through .the art, that appears to be of primary significance to consumers in the ethnically-defined "Indian art" market. This otherness is manifested most clearly by "traditional" form and subject matter, and by the successful presentation of "Indianness" according to consumer expectations. The significance of Northwest Coast traditions to consumers is a value shared by some native artists and other members of native society, who are referring to their heritage and traditions not only in terms of "salvage" and "preservation", but in terms of an active redefinition of Indianness within the contemporary social context.
The process by which a new context and role for Northwest Coast
Indian art and tradition developed was discussed in Chapter One, "The
Revival of Northwest Coast Indian Art." This chapter focused on the factors influencing the growth of an appreciative non-Indian consumer public.
It was necessary for this new public to develop in order to replace the native social structure that had traditionally supported art production, but had disintegrated through the ongoing effects of European contact.
The traditional art was closely bound to the social structure, particularly
in its expression of social relationships and ceremonial privileges. This function of the art could not continue for the art that was sold to non-Indians, however. The sale of Northwest Coast art to traders and collectors in the late 1700's and throughout the 1800"s was the first
"recontextualization" of the art, in that it was collected and perceived by
the recipients as curios and specimens of native culture, much of it to be - 277 -
stored in museums of ethnology and natural history. A further reclassification of these Northwest Coast Indian "specimens" into the category of "fine art" was a process integral to the development of the
Indian art market. Exhibits and museum promotion, together with other social, economic, and political factors, were outlined in Chapter One as contributing to this process. In this regard it was also pointed out that a shift in societal attitudes toward Indian culture was vital to the development of a milieu supportive of a revival of Northwest Coast art.
Part of this shift involved a growing emphasis on native traditions by native people seeking to construct a positive collective Indian identity.
Also important was a perception of Northwest Coast Indian traditions by
non-Indians as a unique and valued component of national heritage and
culture. By the late 1970's, the marketing of Northwest Coast Indian art
had become a several million dollar industry, involving several hundred
native artists, and supported by a primarily non-Indian consumer public.
Chapter One included a discussion of the process of reconstruction,
reinvention, and reinterpretation of traditions which has been central to
the revival of Northwest Coast Indian art. Not only the styles and forms,
but also the traditional meanings and contexts of the art are now
reconstructed by artists, anthropologists, and art historians from such
sources as museum collections, ethnographies, and memories. The
production of art for the native context has, in addition, resulted in the
re-creation of an artistic.channel through which knowledge.can be
transferred from the old people to the young. Chapter One suggested that
this process of reconstruction has resulted not simply in a re-creation of
the past, but in the creation of a new understanding and expression of
Northwest Coast traditions for native and non-native participants alike. - 278 -
Chapter Two, "Art for the Marketplace", focused on changes in
Northwest Coast arts that have occurred in response to the contemporary non-Indian market context for art production. It was emphasized that the art that is now made for sale primarily to consumers outside of native society, and the traditions upon which it is based, assume new roles relevant to the consumers' lifestyles, notions about "art", aesthetic criteria, and relationship to Northwest Coast culture. In this way the traditional function of a Northwest Coast object is no longer relevant for the consumer, but the object can assume a new function so that it is regarded as useful and meaningful from the consumer's point of view. In addition to changes in use and meaning, changes in materials and techniques
(e.g. the new medium of silkscreen prints), subject matter, and forms and styles (e.g. the utilization of simplification and realism in the 'Ksan style) were discussed as reflections of both market demand and artistic innovation. It was shown that these changes can combine to make the contemporary art more accessible to the consumer in terms of both aesthetic appreciation and the meaning being communicated. At the same time the images remain recognizably Northwest Coast Indian, a seemingly necessary condition from the point of view of many participants in the contemporary revival.
The concept of "tradition" as it pertains to Northwest Coast Indian art was also discussed in Chapter Two. It was noted that traditions change as the contexts to which they refer change, and as influences from both within and without the culture are incorporated. "Tradition" is, therefore, not static, as references to "traditional art and culture" may imply. Innovations are part of this process of change, since they reinterpret, and innovate upon, the traditional. The chapter went on to examine consumer definitions of "traditional", which are generally - 279 -
constructed out of previously-formed notions.of authentic native art.
It was found that when contemporary native arts are evaluated in terms of
their re-creation of the past, a departure from the traditional is often
interpreted as a degeneration of the art. As mentioned previously, it is
the "otherness -of native culture" that is considered important to
"preserve", and this otherness is most easily identified through traditional
forms and subject matter. However, such an emphasis seeks to restrict native artistic expression to a particular historic phase or static form of the "traditional" art, that suits a model of authenticity constructed by the viewer. This definition of "traditional", widely reflected in the marketplace, was contrasted with a notion of "tradition as process." In
the latter definition, the importance of achieving a full understanding of the formal principles of Northwest Coast art is stressed as a prerequisite
to successful innovation. "Tradition" is therefore viewed as the essential basis of contemporary art production, to which innovations and new interpretations refer.
The contemporary art's adherence to tradition is only one commonly held criterion of authenticity that is reflected in the marketplace.
In Chapter Two, two additional criteria were examined, by which the authenticity of contemporary Northwest Coast Indian art is often judged.
These include the ethnicity of the artist, and the purpose for which the
art was produced. It was suggested that an important, if not the most
important, quality of contemporary native art for many participants in the
Northwest Coast art market is its ethnicity: the connection between the art and the culture of the producer is primary. The art, whether it is viewed as souvenir or fine art, by tourists, collectors, or curators of museums and art galleries, is rarely considered apart from its connection
to native culture. Thus, the ethnicity or "Indianness" of the art is often - 280 -
its saleable quality, and almost always its defining quality. It can also be a restrictive quality for. artists attempting to make inroads into the wider fine art market, where art created by Indians is readily regarded as
"Indian art", but more rarely and reluctantly accepted as "contemporary art" without ethnic definition. Where the "authentic" purpose for art production is considered to be native use, the production of art for sale to non-Indians is sometimes perceived as an indicator of cultural loss.
Chapter Two concluded with an examination of the "relevance" of
revived Northwest Coast art traditions in the present day. Criticisms of the art as nostalgic and archaic, referring only to the past, were contrasted with perceptions of the art as personal artistic expression, a means of communication between native and non-native societies, and a way of establishing a sense of cultural continuity that is meaningful for native and non-native people in the contemporary context. The contrasting perceptions of contemporary Northwest Coast art are also reflected in viewpoints of the art as "preserving" remnants of vanishing traditions, as opposed to "building upon" native traditions in order to achieve growth and a new life in the art. In the marketplace, these viewpoints may be broadly translated into an evaluation of the contemporary art as reminders
of the original ethnographic objects, versus an evaluation of the art
aesthetically as fine art.
In Chapter Three the marketing of Northwest Coast Indian art was examined in terms of both market strategies and consumer buying preferences.
The art market was described as a network of relations and processes
involving the artists and consumers as well as the dealers and distributors, museums and academics, art critics, and writers. Involvement of these participants in the market is both direct and indirect, the latter three - 281 -
creating standards of quality and acceptability that influence "value", promoting the art through exhibits and published writings, and influencing the ways in which the art is viewed and judged. Similarly, the saleability of contemporary Northwest Coast Indian art objects is affected by factors both intrinsic and external to the object. An examination of market trends suggested that the art is not necessarily purchased on the basis of design quality and aesthetic appeal alone; other factors affecting purchasing decisions can include the reputation of the artist, the suitability of the object for the buyer's living room, the price, the degree of "tradition" or "innovation" in the piece, and many additional factors.
Marketing strategies can influence the criteria by which consumers judge and purchase Indian art, at the same time that they reflect and respond to consumer preferences. A discussion of the different ways in which souvenirs, handicrafts, and fine arts are marketed illustrated the qualities in each category of product that dealers promoted, and that consumers emphasized when making purchasing decisions. The relative importance to consumers of the kinds of qualities listed above (e.g. price, size, artistic quality, and artist's name) differs according to each category of product; for this reason, marketing strategies can be used to define and protect the category of fine art from souvenirs by emphasizing the former's artistry, investment quality, authenticity, and the collectibility of the artist.
"Value" in the marketplace was also examined as being primarily a function of artist reputation, which is in turn created by promotion through exhibitions, publications, and collections, as well as by the artistic qualities exhibited in the art object itself.
The bases upon which consumers make aesthetic judgements and purchasing decisions in the contemporary Northwest Coast Indian art market - 282 -
were further examined in Chapters Four and Five. These chapters described and presented the results of two surveys which I conducted in 1980 with viewers and consumers of contemporary Northwest Coast art. In Chapter
Four, a survey of 100 visitors to the UBC Museum of Anthropology was discussedj The visitors were asked questions that were designed to elicit responses to a selection of Northwest Coast silkscreen prints and carvings exhibited for the purposes of the survey. Through these responses, the criteria by which the respondents made aesthetic judgements of the arts became apparent, as did the ways in which these aesthetic judgements were qualified by viewers' expectations or preconceptions of Northwest Coast
Indian art and culture, and their ideas of "art" in general. While the prints and carvings drew mixed reactions from the respondents, definite trends were suggested by the data. There were two main kinds of responses to the art: (1) aesthetic, emphasizing qualities of design and form; and
(2) contextual, emphasizing the degrees of "Indianness" or "authenticity" of the art, and its perceived meaning or message. Viewers' aesthetic decisions were often made in conjunction with judgements of the contextual
aspects of the-arts. An emphasis on such qualities of the arts as
"traditional", "Indian", "authentic", "commercial", and "meaningful" emerged
from the responses to specific prints and carvings, again suggesting that
the ways in which viewers perceive and react to the cultural context for
art production are strong factors influencing such aesthetic judgements as
"good design and colours". Generally stated, survey results indicated
that the meaningfulness of contemporary Northwest Coast Indian art for
viewers seems to be based, to a large extent, on its successful
communication of an identifiable ethnicity (Indianness). For many
respondents, this ethnicity was most recognizably and understandably
presented by means of forms and subject matter that viewers could identify - 283 -
as "traditional" or appropriately "Indian". For some respondents,
"innovative" and "modern" forms and subject matter could also present this identity successfully.
In Chapter Five, a questionnaire survey of 143 consumers of contemporary Northwest Coast Indian art was discussed. This survey was intended to complement and provide data for comparison with the museum visitor survey discussed above. This survey examined the buying practices and preferences described by the respondents, and attempted to identify the factors that influence consumers' aesthetic criteria and purchasing decisions. The responses to this survey, as to the museum visitor survey,
indicated the extent to which contextual aspects of the art (as opposed to purely aesthetic aspects) were a major part of the consumers' perceptions and expectations of contemporary Northwest Coast Indian art. For example,
the different reasons given by the respondents for purchasing carvings or prints (primarily aesthetic, decorative, gift, and investment reasons),
suggest some of the ways in which individuals perceive and use Northwest
Coast art (e.g. as an investment), and also suggest that the criteria by
which consumers judge and buy the art are shaped by such perceptions and
intended uses. In addition, responses to the survey indicated five
important factors (both intrinsic and external to the objects themselves)
that influence purchase decisions: workmanship, design, price, subject
matter, and artist's name. In terms of the more specific qualities
respondents stated they would look for in a carving or print, qualities of
design, workmanship, and affective response were significant, as were
"traditional" and/or "innovative" qualities. Those qualities under the
headings "traditional/innovative" and "subject matter/meaning" most
clearly revealed respondents8 expectations of Northwest Coast Indian art in
particular, and indicated an emphasis on adherence to "tradition" in both - 284 -
categories.
Chapters Four and Five describe the methods by which the surveys were conducted, and point out the uncontrolled variables that may have influenced survey results. The results of both surveys corroborate each other, suggesting trends in the qualities consumers and viewers desire in contemporary Northwest Coast Indian art, the expectations they have of
Northwest Coast art; and how they perceive, classify, and respond to the
art. By identifying the bases upon which respondents made aesthetic
judgements and purchasing decisions, these preliminary surveys give us an
insight into the relationship between consumers and the Indian arts they
buy.
To conclude this thesis, I wish again to emphasize the connection
between the contemporary significance of Northwest Coast Indian art to the
non-Indian consumer, and the reconstruction of Indianness and tradition by
consumer and native societies in the modern context. Referring to the
museumization of "premodern" cultural forms, MacCannell (1976:8,9) has
written:
Interestingly, the best indication of the final victory of modernity over other sociocultural arrangements is not the disappearance of the nonmodern world, but its artificial preservation and reconstruction in modern society. The separation of nonmodern culture traits from their original contexts . . . , embedded in modern society, are the spoils of victory of the modern over the nonmodern world. They establish in consciousness the definition and boundary of modernity by rendering concrete and immediate that which modernity is not.
While MacCannell's statement may particularly, apply to the recontextualized
traditional Northwest Coast Indian arts of the 19th century, consumer
expectations of contemporary Indian arts in today's marketplace suggest
that this statement may apply to contemporary native arts as well. Modern - 285 -
man's search for authenticity in the "otherness" of primitive cultures as
a function of its disappearance in Western culture was noted in Chapter One
as a factor stimulating the revival of Northwest Coast Indian art. As
MacCannell (1976:83fli has noted, "Restored remnants of dead traditions are
essential components of the modern community and consciousness. They are
reminders of our break with the past and with tradition, even our own
tradition." Throughout this thesis it has become apparent that an
important and valued quality of contemporary Northwest Coast art for the
modern consumer is its "otherness" or "Indianness". In much contemporary
art production, Indianness assumes a static form marketable on the basis
of its reaffirmation of consumer expectations of Indian art and tradition.
In the best of the contemporary art, however, Northwest Coast art traditions
are not simply "artificially preserved" or "restored" remnants, but they are
used in a contemporary expression that refers to the value of tradition and
heritage to both the native and consumer societies. As native art and
traditions continue to evolve as part of the artistic process and in
response to ongoing contextual change, their role and significance to
non-Indian consumers will continue to shape and be reflected by the
Indian art market.
i i - 286 -
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Marks, Gerry 1980 Interview by Susan Davidson (unpublished), Masset B.C., Mar. 19.
Massey, Vincent, Georges-Henri Levesque, et al. 1951 Report. Royal Commission on National Development in the Arts, Letters and Sciences, 1949-1951. Ottawa: Edmond Cloutier, Printer.
Mertens, Susan
1974 "Haida Art Alive Again," The Vancouver Sun, Nov. 8, p. 6A.
1982 "A heart of art," The Vancouver Sun, Feb. 5, p. L6.
Mintz, G.A. 1982 Personal interview, Vancouver B.C., May.
1983 Personal interview, Vancouver B.C., Jan. 6.
Mowatt, Ken 1980 Personal interview, Hazelton B.C., June 7. Native Brotherhood of British Columbia 1980 The Development of Native Tourism in British Columbia. Dept. of Regional Economic Expansion (Government of Canada) and Ministry of Industry and Small Business Development (Province of British Columbia). - 293 -
Nicoll, Michael
1980 Interview by Susan Davidson (unpublished), Masset B.C., Mar. 12.
Nuytten, Phil
1982 The Totem Carvers. Vancouver: Panorama Publications.
Ostry, Bernard
1978 The Cultural Connection. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart.
Pasco, Duane 1982 Personal interview, PoulsboWa., Feb. 10. Patterson, E. Palmer 1972 The Canadian Indian: A History Since 1500. Don Mills: Collier MacMillan Publishers. Pemberton, Kim 1982 "Native Artists Consider Co-operative," The Native Voice, Sept./Oct., p. 12 (Reprinted from the Prince Rupert Daily News, Sept. 10, 1982). Perry, Art 1979 "West Coast Prints: For soul or for sale?" The Province, Nov. 22, p. D-l.
1980 "It's a sham, rather than shamanism," The Province, May 1, p. D-l.
Porter, Frank 1982 Personal interview, Victoria B.C., May 9.
Ravenhill, Alice 1944 "A Cornerstone of Canadian Culture," Occasional Papers, No. 5. Victoria: British Columbia Provincial Museum.
Redfield, Robert, R. Linton, and M.J. Herskovits 1936 "A Memorandum on Acculturation," American Anthropologist, Vol. 38, pp. 149-152.
Reid, Bill 1976 "An Interview with Bill Reid" (Interviewed by Lynn Maranda and Robert D. Watt), Canadian Collector, May/June, pp. 34-37.
1981 "A New Northwest Coast Art: A Dream of the Past or a New Awakening?" Paper presented at "Issues and Images," New Dimensions in Native American Art History Conference, Arizona State University, April 22-24.
Reserve Management Ltd. 1978 Retail Survey. Unpublished study prepared for the B.C. Indian Arts and Crafts Society, n. pag.
Richter, Dolores 1980 Art, Economics and Change. La Jolla, California: Psych/Graphic Publishers. - 294 -
Rickard, Vincent 1982 Personal interview, Victoria B.C., May 9.
Rosenberg, Harold 1970 "The Art Establishment," The Sociology of Art and Literature (ed. Milton C. Albrecht, James H. Barnett and Mason Griff). New York: Praeger Publishers, pp. 388-395.
Scott, Marion
1980 "The Print Market," Arts West, May/June, p. 37.
Shadbolt, Doris 1967 "Forward," Arts of the Raven (Wilson Duff). Vancouver: Vancouver Art Gallery, n. pag. Shils, Edward 1981 Tradition. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
1980 Speaking of our Culture. Federal Cultural Policy Review Committee Discussion Guide. Ottawa.
Stewart, Hilary 1979a Looking at Indian Art of the Northwest Coast. Vancouver: Douglas and Mclntyre.
1979b Robert Davidson: Haida Printmaker. Vancouver: Douglas and Mclntyre.
Swanton, John R. 1905a "Contributions to the Ethnology of the Haida," AMNH-M, Vol. 5, Part 1.
1905b "Haida Texts and Myths," BAE-B, No. 29.
1908 "Haida Texts - Masset Dialect," AMNH-M, Vol. 14, Part 1.
1942-
1982 Vancouver City Directories.
Vastokas, Joan M. 1975 "Bill Reid and the native renaissance," Artscanada, Vol. XXXII, No. 2, pp. 12-20. Vickers, Roy 1977 "Introduction," Northwest Coast Indian Artists Guild 1977 Graphics Collection (George MacDonald, et al.). Ottawa: Canadian Indian Marketing Services, n. pag.
Warner, John Anson 1978 "Contemporary Algonkian Legend Painting," American Indian Art Magazine, Vol. 3, No. 3, pp. 58-79.
1980 "Contemporary Graphic Arts of the Northwest Coast," Four Winds, Vol. 1, No. 4, pp. 22-30. - 295 -
White, Henry
1980 Interview by Susan Davidson (unpublished), Masset B.C., Mar. 9.
Yeltatzie, George
1980 Interview by Susan Davidson (unpublished), Masset B.C., Mar. 28.
Yeomans, Don
1980 Interview by Susan Davidson (unpublished), Masset B.C., Mar. 21.
Young, David 1983 Personal interview, Vancouver B.C., Jan. 5.
LIST OF INDIVIDUALS INTERVIEWED
The following list acknowledges the individuals I interviewed for the purposes of this thesis, between 1980 and 1983. Those persons quoted in the text are listed in the bibliography as well. The others, although not directly quoted, have also contributed to my knowledge and understanding of the Northwest Coast Indian art market.
Fah Ambers Myron Arndt, Canadian Impressions, Victoria Mardonna Austin-McKillop, The Legacy, Seattle Bill Birmingham Jim Bisekowsky, Art Mosaic, Victoria Patricia Blankenship, University of Washington, Seattle Joan Bomford, The Quest, Victoria Cathy Cohen, Wilp's Tsak, Vancouver Daryl Foster, Sasquatch Trading, Victoria Dave Franklin, Whalehouse Gallery, Seattle Bill Holm, Thomas Burke MembrialcWashington State Museum, Seattle Leona Latimer,.-. Vancouver Museum and Planetarium Gift Shop, Vancouver John Livingston, Arts of the Raven Gallery, Victoria Norman Lougheed, Cowichan Trading Co., Victoria Peter Macnair, British Columbia Provincial Museum, Victoria Peggy Martin, Postscripts Gallery, Vancouver G.A. Mintz, Potlatch Arts, Vancouver Ken Mowatt, 'Ksan, B.C. Duane Pasco Frank Porter, Indian Craft Shoppe, Victoria Barbara Priestlay, Arctic Loon Gallery, Vancouver Vincent Rickard, Open Pacific Graphics, Victoria Howard Roloff, Soulcatcher Gallery, Victoria Ede Ross, British Columbia Provincial Museum Gift.Shop, Victoria Marion Scott, Gallery of the Arts, Vancouver Norman Tait Art Thompson Roy Vickers Robin Wright, University of Washington, Seattle David Young, Bent-Box Gallery, Vancouver - 296 -
APPENDIX I A SELECTIVE CHRONOLOGY OF EVENTS SIGNIFICANT TO THE REVIVAL OF NORTHWEST COAST INDIAN ART AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE MARKET*
Pre-1900
1778 Captain James Cook landed at Friendly Cove on Vancouver Island; collected ethnographic materials.
1820 Haida began to carve argillite for sale to Europeans.
1835 Sea otter near extinction; Indians supplemented their trading with other goods, including carvings and other arts.
1875 James G. Swan of Port Townsend commissioned by the Smithsonian Institution to assemble a collection of Northwest Coast Indian art for the United States Centennial Exposition (commissioned again in 1883).
1878 George M. Dawson collected ethnographic materials on the Queen Charlotte Islands.
1879 Dr. Israel Powell collected ethnographic materials on the Queen Charlotte Islands for the Canadian Indian Affairs Department (also collected in 1881 for the American Museum of New York).
1880s Collecting of ethnographic materials by the 3 major collectors began: - Lt. George Thornton Emmons collected for 60 years for several museums, including Chicago's Field Museum of Natural History, the United States National Museum, the American Museum of Natural History, as well as museums in Canada and England; collected over 15,000 pieces. - Johan Adrian Jacobsen collected for Berlin's Royal Ethnological Museum from 1881 to 1883; collected 6700 pieces from the Northwest Coast and Alaska. - CF. Newcombe of Victoria collected for Chicago Field Museum, BCPM, and dozens of other museums around the world.
Cowichan sweater knitting industry established; silver-smithing well established as an art among the Kwagiutl, Haida, and Tsimshian.
1884 Section 149 banning the potlatch inserted into the 1876 Indian Act.
1886 Franz Boas made his first visit to the Northwest Coast.
1893 World Columbian Exhibition, Chicago (brought together several important Northwest Coast collections, including the collections of Swan, Emmons, Fillip Jacobsen, George Hunt, and others; also included performances by Kwagiutl Indians brought to Chicago by Boas); to 1884.
1900 to 1949
1904 St. Louis World's Fair (included an exhibition of 10 Kwagiutl Indians and Nootka Indians, a Haida house and Haida Indians, and 7 tons of material, collected by Newcombe). - 297 -
1905 John R. Swanton's "Contributions to the Ethnology of the Haida" published.
1922 Dan Cranmer potlatch raided; confiscated paraphernalia shipped to the National Museum of Canada in Ottawa.
1927 Franz Boas' Primitive Art published.
1939 American Indian Art exhibition at the Golden Gate International Exposition, San Francisco; Erna Gunther curated Northwest Coast section, "Pacific Cultures".
"The Society for the Furtherance of B.C. Indian Arts and Crafts" established in Victoria.
1946 "Northwest Coast Indian Painting" exhibit at Betty Parsons' New York gallery.
1949 Ellen Neel hired by UBC as a consultant for the restoration of totem poles.
1950's
1950 Mungo Martin of Fort Rupert engaged to supervise totem pole restoration project at UBC; also carved two totem poles (1950-51).
R.B. Inverarity's Art of the Northwest Coast Indians published (2nd ed. 1967).
Marius Barbeau's "Totem Poles" (2 vols.) published.
1951 Potlatch Prohibition law lifted.
Royal Commission on National Development in the Arts, Letters and Sciences made special recommendations regarding Indian arts and crafts as part of broader Canadian cultural policy recommendations.
1952 Mungo Martin began a program of replicating old totem poles at the BCPM.
1953 Marius Barbeau's "Haida Myths: Illustrated in Argillite Carvings" published.
1954 Henry Hunt began carving part-time at the BCPM.
1956 "People of the Potlatch" exhibit at the VAG, curated by J.A. Morris and Audrey Hawthorn.
1957 Bill Reid and Doug Cranmer commissioned to design and construct Haida houses and poles for UBC (completed 1962).
1958 "100 Years of B.C. Art" exhibit at the VAG, curated by R.M. Hume.
Skeena Treasure House at Hazelton founded (museum purpose). - 298 -
Creation of silkscreen prints designed for commercial sale began in the late 1950's.
1960's
1962 "Northwest Coast Indian Art" exhibit at the Seattle World's Fair Fine Arts Pavilion, curated by Erna Gunther.
Henry Hunt became chief carver at the BCPM (to 1974), and Tony Hunt became assistant carver (to 1972).
1964 Cultural Development Department within DINA formed; DINA art collection established.
1965 Bill Holm's Northwest Coast Indian Art - An Analysis of Form published.
1966 'Ksan project was established (planning started).
1967 Expo '67 celebrated the Canadian Centennial.
"Arts of the Raven" exhibit at the VAG, curated by Doris Shadbolt.
Teaching programs at 'Ksan began; Tony Hunt taught Tsimshian design and carving techniques.
1968 Robert Davidson taught carving at 'Ksan.
"Age of Edenshaw" exhibit at the VCM, curated by Wilson Duff (to 1970).
1969 Totem pole carved by Robert Davidson raised in Old Masset, August 22.
Duane Pasco began teaching design at 'Ksan; remained for about 2 years.
"Mungo Martin Retrospective" exhibit, curated by Audrey Hawthorn.
"Henry Speck" exhibit at New Design Gallery, Vancouver, curated by Audrey.Hawthorn.
"The Northwest Coast" exhibit at Man and His World, curated by Audrey Hawthorn (to 1970).
The National Indian Arts and Crafts Corporation was established.
1970's
1970 The Canadian Indian Marketing Services corporation was formed (dissolved in 1979).
Robert Davidson and Bill Reid demonstrated carving at "Man and His World".
Tony Hunt's "Arts of the Raven" studio/gallery/training centre opened in Victoria. - 299 -
Doug Cranmer taught at 'Ksan.
'Ksan, including the Kitanmax School of Northwest Coast Indian Art, officially opened on August 12.
Heritage Program at the VCM set up to teach Indians their culture and art (to 1979).
1971 "Robert Davidson" exhibit at the VCM, curated by Lynn Maranda and Peggy Martin.
"The Legacy" exhibit at the BCPM, curated by Peter Macnair.
Totem pole carved by Walter Harris raised at Kispiox.
Totem pole carved by Henry and Tony Hunt raised in Alert Bay to honour Mungo Martin.
Salish Weavers' cooperative formed.
1973 Totem pole carved by Norman and Josiah Tait raised in Port Edward.
Richard Hunt became assistant carver to Henry Hunt at the BCPM (later became chief carver).
1974 "Bill Reid: A Retrospective" exhibit at the VAG, curated by Doris Shadbolt.
"Canadian Indian Art '74" exhibit in Toronto, organized by the World Craft Council.
"People of the Cedar", a travelling exhibit of contemporary Northwest Coast Indian art sponsored by DINA, curated by Doreen Jensen.
1975 "Images Stone B.C." exhibit at the Art Gallery of Greater Victoria, curated by Wilson Duff.
"Northwest Coast Renaissance" exhibit at the VCM, curated by Lynn Maranda.
1976 The new UBC Museum of Anthropology opened, with "The Legacy" exhibit.
Indian Arts and Crafts Society of B.C. incorporated.
Opening of the BCPM Anthropology gallery, by Peter Macnair et al.
Opening of the Children of the Raven gallery at the Museum of Man in Ottawa, by Marie-Francois Guedon.
1977 Northwest Coast Indian Artists Guild formed; exhibit of graphics collection at the VAG gift shop and other locations in Canada and U.S.
U'Mista Carvers' program initiated under the direction of Doug Cranmer in Alert Bay. - 300 -
"The 'Ksan Show" exhibit at the VCM, organized by the gift shop.
"Roy Vickers: Beginnings" exhibit at UBC, curated by Hindy Ratner. First of a series of one-man shows at UBC.
"The Lightbawn Collection" exhibit at the VCM, organized by the gift shop.
"Norman Tait, Nishga Carver" exhibit at UBC, curated by Hindy Ratner.
"Silver Workshop: Northwest Coast Carvers at Work" at the VCM, organized by Robert Watt.
1978 "Joe David" exhibit at UBC, curated by Hindy Ratner.
"Northwest Coast Indian Artists Guild 1978 Graphics" exhibit at UBC, curated by Hindy Ratner (simultaneously exhibited at other locations in Canada and U.S.).
Housefront pole carved by Bill Reid raised in Skidegate at the new Skidegate Band Council administration building (June).
Housefront and associated houseposts carved by Robert Davidson and apprentices for the Charles Edenshaw Memorial House in Masset completed. Commissioned by National Historic Sites, Parks Canada. Burned to the ground 26 August 1981.
1979 "Cycles: the Graphic Art of Robert Davidson" exhibit at UBC, curated by Marjorie Halpin and Hilary Stewart.
Hilary Stewart's Looking at Indian Art of the Northwest Coast published.
Northwest Coast Indian Artists Guild dissolved.
"Northwest Coast Indian Artists 1979 Graphics" exhibit at UBC, curated by Hindy Ratner; simultaneously exhibited at other locations in Canada and U.S.
Kwakiutl Museum at Cape Mudge opened.
"Donnervogel und Raubwahl" exhibition of Northwest Coast art at the Hamburg Museum fur Volkerkunde, West Germany; curated by Wolfgang Haberland.
1980's
1980 U'Mista Cultural Centre opened in Alert Bay.
"The Legacy II" exhibition at the Edinburgh International Festival, a travelling exhibition from the BCPM curated by Peter Macnair, Alan Hoover, and Kevin Neary.
"Raven and the First Men" sculpture by Bill Reid completed for UBC. - 301 -
Robert Davidson's Haida cultural celebration "A Tribute to the Living Haida" held in Masset.
1981 "The Legacy" exhibition at UBC (to August 1982).
"Northwest Coast Indian Graphics" exhibit at the Thomas Burke Memorial Washington State Museum in Seattle.
"Art Amerindian '81" exhibit at the National Arts Centre in Ottawa; sponsored by DINA, organized by Robert Houle.
1982 Opening of "Maritime Peoples of the Arctic and Northwest Coast", a new permanent exhibit at the Field Museum of Natural History, Chicago. Accompanied by the raising of a totem pole carved by Norman Tait.
* This chronology includes a selection of events which have been significant to the revival of Northwest Coast Indian art and the development of the Indian art market. The focus is on events in British Columbia, although several events are included that occurred elsewhere. The chronology should not be considered exhaustive.
References which were particularly useful for the compilation of this chronology include Ames (1981), Cole (1978, 1982), and Macnair et al. (1980).
Abbreviations used: BCPM British Columbia Provincial Museum DINA Department of Indian and Northern Affairs UBC University of British Columbia Museum of Anthropology VAG Vancouver Art Gallery VCM Vancouver Centennial Museum - 302 -
APPENDIX II VANCOUVER AND VICTORIA RETAIL SHOPS SPECIALIZING IN NORTHWEST COAST INDIAN ARTS
(a) Vancouver Retail Shops (in chronological order of opening date*)
Owners, Directors, Year Year Shop Name and Address or Managers Opened Closed
Lando Furs and Crafts N.L. Lando, 1918 1983 856 Granville Harold Lando (formerly 306 Granville)
The Scenery Shop William Webber 1923 1952 (sold) Hastings St. (near CPR) (later 800-block Granville)
Pappas Indian Traders Ted Pappas 1938 449 Hamilton
The Wigwam Frank Gowen, 1940 c. 1959 314 Granville R.H. Gowen, E. Hearn
Totem Poles Ellen and Edward Neel 1946 1957 359 Powell (later 770 Denman)
Totem Art Studios Ellen and Edward Neel 1949 1957 Stanley Park (Third Beach) (also 348 Glen Drive)
Canadian Cabin Crafts H.S. Howson and T.L. 1962 c. 1975 750 Robson Farnworth (to 1968); Al Pierce, Bill Birmingham, and Minnie Croft (from 1968)-
Gallery of BC Arts E. Clarke 1963 1982 1974 West Georgia (Indian art since 1969)
B.C. Indian Designs F. Bardal 1964 c. 1965 #770-367 Water
The Talking Stick A.J. Scow, Dick Bird, 1964 c. 1967 (The Coast Carvers) Doug Cranmer 2306 Granville
Images for a Canadian Heritage Bill Ellis (to 1976), c. 1965 1192 Burrard (to 1976; retail Sidney Oreck outlet for Canadian Native Prints) 779 Burrard (from 1976) - 303 -
Owners, Directors, Year Year Shop Name and Address or Managers Opened Closed
Canadian Art Products Gyula Mayer, 1966 c. 1975 976 Granville P. Taylor
Vancouver Museum and Peggy Martin (to 1975) 1968 Planetarium Gift Shop Leona Latimer (from 1100 Chestnut 1975)
Tempo Canadian Crafts Len McGookin (to 1976) 1971 1979 1029 Robson Brent Johnson (from 1107 Robson (final year) 1976)
Khot-La-Cha Arts and Crafts Simon and Emily Baker 1971 270 Whonook, North Vancouver
The Arctic Loon Gallery Barbara Priestlay 1971 3095 Granville (from 1974) (Indian art (formerly "Robson Fine Art discont'd Prints" on Robson St.) 1983)
Maple Leaf House (Woodward's) Brent Johnson 1972 1982 (formerly "B.C. House") 142 Water
Kil-Sli Native Arts & Crafts D. Cook, D. Jensen 1973 1978 1055 West Georgia (Indian Homemakers' Association)
Marion Scott Gallery of Marion Scott 1974 the Arts 671 Howe
Hill's Indian Crafts Frances Hill 1975 151 and 165 Water Street
UBC Museum of Anthropology Museum Shop Volunteers 1977 Gift Shop 6393 N.W. Marine Drive
Krieger Gallery (formerly Hal Krieger 1977 Children of the Raven Gallery; retail outlet for Canadian Native Prints [now Canadian Art Prints] from 1977)
The Bent-Box Gallery David Young 1977 1520 West 15th Avenue
Heritage Canada Brent Johnson 650 West Georgia 1977 356 Water Street 1982 - 304 -
Owners, Directors, Year Year Shop Name and Address or Managers Opened . Closed
Potlatch Arts G„A. (Bud) Mintz 1978 8161 Main (formerly Potlatch Enterprises, 163 West Hastings [to 1979])
Canadian Impressions at Lenora Darling 1978 Hudson House 321 Water Street
Heritage House Gallery of Peggy Martin, 1979 1981 Indian Art Sue Erb 1055 West Georgia
Wilp's Tsak Gallery Norman Tait 1980 1982 3626 West 4th Avenue
Postscripts Gallery Peggy Martin, 1981 1982 2243 Granville Sue Erb
* List compiled from conversations with dealers, consultations with Vancouver City Directories (1942-1982), and references to Nuytten (1982) . Some shops may have been unintentionally omitted. In some cases, dates of opening and/or closing of shops are estimated. The list does not include department stores and other shops that may sell Indian art but do not specialize in it. - 305 -
(b) Victoria Retail Shops (in chronological order of opening date*)
Owners, Directors, Year Year Shop Name and Address or Managers Opened Closed
Cowichan Trading Company Norman Lougheed 1946 1328 Government
Indian Craft Shoppe Frank and John Porter 1947 905 Government
The Quest for Handicrafts Bessie Fitzgerald c. 1952 1023 Government (to 1975); Joan Bomford (Indian art (from 1975) discont'd 1977)
Sasquatch Trading and Daryl Foster 1965 Upstairs Gallery 1233 Government
Open Pacific Graphics Vincent Rickard 1968 (formerly "Open Pacific Screenprint") #43 Market Square
Arts of the Raven Tony Hunt, 1970 45 Bastion Square John Livingston
B.C. Provincial Museum Ede Ross and 1971 Gift Shop volunteers 675 Belleville
The Longhouse Gallery Deirdre Ingram 1974 907 Government
Canadian Impressions Myron Arndt 1978 811 Government
Art Mosaic Jim Bisekowsky; 1978 #207-910 Government Frances Hill (from late 1982)
Soulcatcher Gallery Howard Roloff c. 1978 1982 10 Bastion Square
* List compiled from conversations with dealers. Some shops may have been unintentionally omitted. In some cases, dates of opening and/or closing of shops are estimated. The list does not include department stores and other shops that may sell Indian art but do not specialize in it. - 306 -
APPENDIX III QUESTION GUIDE FOR MUSEUM VISITOR SURVEY
1. Do you live in Vancouver? If not, where?
2. (a) I'd like you to take a look at these prints. What words might you use to generally describe these pieces? What words come to mind when you look at them?
(b) What words might you use to generally describe these carvings? What words come to mind when you look at them?
3. (a) Are there anyLof- these prints that you particularly like? Which one(s)? Why?
(b) Are there any of these prints that you particularly dislike? Which one(s)? Why?
4. (a) Are there any of these carvings that you particularly like? Which one(s)? Why?
(b) Are there any of these carvings that you particularly dislike? Which one(s)? Why?
5. What would you consider to be an "authentic" piece of Northwest Coast Indian art?
6. How do you feel about the fact that most contemporary Northwest Coast Indian art is made for sale to non-Indian people? Do you think it has an effect on the art?
7. Do you think that a general message is presented through these contemporary Indian arts? If so, what do you think the message is?
8. Do you own or have you ever bought any Northwest Coast Indian art? If yes, what?
9. What other kinds of art do you collect or own?
10. Your age: under 25 12. Your occupation: -Professional .. 25 to 34 Executive 35 to 44 Sales 45 to 54 Clerical 55 and over Skilled labour Unskilled labour 11. Your sex: male Homemaker female Retired Unemployed Student None - 307 -
APPENDIX IV QUESTIONNAIRE FOR CONSUMER SURVEY
QUESTIONNAIRE
FOR BUYERS OF NORTHWEST COAST INDIAN ARTS
Please note: This questionnaire is concerned only with contemporary Northwest Coast Indian arts, as opposed to antiques or items over 25 years old. Instructions: Unless otherwise directed, indicate your choice of answer with a check (/). Several questions may have more than one answer.
1. When did you first start buying Northwest Coast Indian arts?
(please state year)
2. Please state (using a number) how many of the following contemporary Northwest Coast Indian arts you have bought in the past:
silkscreen prints jewellery basketry wood carvings (masks, totem poles, plaques, etc.) argillite (black slate) carvings knitted sweaters, hats, etc. leather goods, beadwork weavings or other textiles other
(please specify)
3. Where did you usually purchase these Indian arts?
(a) type of store: specialty Indian arts shop or gallery store selling Indian arts in addition to other merchandise (e.g. gift shop, department store) directly from the artist other
(please specify)
(b) location: Vancouver, B.C. Victoria, B.C. 'Ksan, B.C. Seattle, Washington other
(please specify)
(continued on following page) - 308 -
4. Approximately how much money have you spent on contemporary Northwest Coast Indian arts?
(a) within the past 10 years: (b) within the past 2 years:
under $100 under $100 $100 to $500 $100 to $250 _ $500 to $1000 $250 to $500 $1000 to $5000 $500 to $1000 more than $5000 $1000 to $5000 more than $5000
5. Which contemporary arts do you buy besides Northwest Coast Indian arts?
Eskimo Woodlands/Ojibway Plains Indian Southwest American Indian African tribal Oriental non-native "Western" art other (please specify) none
6. How were you introduced to Northwest Coast Indian arts?
books newspaper and magazine articles museum exhibits family, friends, or associates Indian acquaintances courses, lectures advertisement noticed it in stores other (please specify)
(continued on following page) - 309 -
7. Choose up to 4 words from the list below that you most strongly associate with contemporary Northwest Coast Indian arts:
British Columbia ______souvenir craft ______fine art _____ Indian modern primitive investment authentic old exotic other
(please specify)
8. If you were considering buying some contemporary Northwest Coast Indian art, what qualities and subject matter would you look for in:
(a) a wood carving
(b) a silkscreen print
Please note: Questions 9 and 10 are directed toward buyers of Northwest Coast Indian wood carvings and silkscreen prints. If you have never purchased these items, please skip to question #11.
9. For what reasons have you usually bought Northwest Coast Indian wood carvings and/or silkscreen prints?
Carvings Prints
gift _____ souvenir _____ decorative _____ aesthetic ______investment ______to support native Indians ______other (please specify)
(continued on following page) - 310 -
10. Choose the 5 factors that most strongly influence your decision when you are buying a Northwest Coast Indian wood carving and/or silkscreen print.
Carvings Prints
. price subject matter , , ^ design size __ colour (s) quality of workmanship materials artist's name artist's tribe ____ edition size (for prints) investment potential advice of the dealer dealer's reputation
Statistical Data:
11. Where is your permanent residence?
Greater Vancouver Victoria elsewhere in British Columbia (please specify) other (please specify province, state, country)
12. Your age: 13. Your approximate family income:
below 25 less than $10,000 25 to 34 $10,000 to $14,999 35 to 44 $15,000 to $19,999 45 to 54 $20,000 to $24,999 55 and over $25,000 to $29,999 $30,000 to $39,999 $40,000 to $59,999 $60,000 or more 14. Your sex:
male female
Thank-you for completing this questionnaire! Postage and mailing address are provided on the back of this page. Please fold questionnaire, seal, and mail by Sept. 30, 1980.