REVUE D’ÉTUDES INTERCULTURELLES DE L’IMAGE JOURNAL OF CROSS-CULTURAL IMAGE STUDIES
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“Contemporary Arab Music Video Clips: Between Simulating MTV’s Gender Stereotypes and Fostering New Ones” Ouidyane Elouardaoui August 27, 2013
To Cite this Article: Elouardaoui, Ouidyane. “Contemporary Arab Music Video Clips: Between Simulating MTV’s Gender Stereotypes and Fostering New Ones” Imaginations 4:1 (2013): Web (date accessed) 112-133. DOI: 10.17742/IMAGE.scandal.4-1.12
To Link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.17742/IMAGE. scandal.4-1.12
The copyright for each article belongs to the author and has been published in this journal under a Creative Commons Attribution NonCommercial NoDerivatives 3.0 license that allows others to share for non-commercial purposes the work with an acknowledgement of the work’s authorship and initial publication in this journal. The content of this article represents the author’s original work and any third-party content, either image or text, has been included under the Fair Dealing exception in the Canadian Copyright Act, or the author has provided the required publication permissions. CONTEMPORARY ARAB MUSIC VIDEO CLIPS
CONTEMPORARY ARAB MUSIC VIDEO CLIPS Between Simulating MTV’s Gender Stereotypes and Fostering New Ones
OUIDYANE ELOUARDAOUI
MTV was the first 24-hour cable network MTV est la première chaîne de télévision to continuously broadcast music videos à diffuser en permanence des clips in the 1980s, thus establishing the genre. musicaux 24/24 dans les années 80, Generally, Arab music video clips differ établissant ainsi le genre. Généralement, from Western-produced music videos, les clips musicaux arabes diffèrent des because artists are compelled to abide by clips occidentaux parce que les artistes the conservative cultural norms of Arab se sentent obligés de respecter les normes societies. However, most Arab music culturelles conservatives des sociétés videos, particularly those produced in arabes. Néanmoins, la plupart des clips the last decade, reaffirm Western gender musicaux arabes, surtout ceux produits stereotypes intrinsic to those produced by dans la dernière décennie, réaffirment les MTV. Contemporary Arab music videos for stéréotypes occidentaux du sexe hérités the most part simulate an MTV aesthetic de ceux produits par MTV. En général, vocabulary of a gaze that features female les clips musicaux arabes contemporains sexuality and narratives of seduction. Some imitent le vocabulaire esthétique de MTV new Arab producers, nonetheless, have en lien avec la sexualité féminine et l’art de attempted to avoid reproducing MTV- séduction. Certains nouveaux réalisateurs based gender clichés, but have instead ont essayé d’éviter les clichés sur le sexe created new gender misconceptions. These crées par MTV, mais ils ont créé des productions emphasize depictions of idées falsifiées à leur place, à savoir, des women as untrustworthy and impetuous. représentations où la femme est impérieuse Finally, I discuss how young Arab singers et n’est pas digne de confiance. Cet article have constantly been confronted by the montre que les artistes arabes doivent sans ire of regionally prominent religious cesse défier les personnalités religieuses figures who denounce the music videos’ locales dénonçant l’approbation des endorsement of “anti-Islamic” principles. principes « anti-islamiques » qu’ils voient I contend that Stuart Hall and Paddy dans ces clips musicaux. On emploie ici Whannel’s early analysis of reactions les stratégies d’analyse de Stuart Hall et against popular music styles among British de Paddy Whannel, développées l’origine youth as a form of cultural transgression pour démontrer que la musique populaire remains relevant to understanding the est une forme de transgression culturelle cultural style of Arab youth as expressed de la jeunesse britannique. Ces stratégies through popular musical performance. se avèrent fort utiles afin de comprendre le style culturel de la jeunesse arabe exprimé dans la musique populaire.
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MTV was the first 24-hour cable videos for the most part simulate an network to continuously broadcast MTV aesthetic vocabulary of a gaze music videos in the 1980s thus that features female sexuality and establishing the genre. Music videos narratives of seduction. In this regard, are typically short in duration, deploy relevant to Angela McRobbie’s analysis cinematic camerawork and fast editing of the concept of post-feminism that techniques as well as post-production rationalizes the objectification of female computerized effects that have attracted bodies in different platforms of popular viewers (Goodwin 60). MTV-style culture by the logic of personal choice, music videos are also characterized by the stagnant sexualized images of Arab the fragmented nature of their narration female singers have been often justified and characterization and do not usually by the same rhetoric of “free will.. Some embrace the classical Hollywood cause new Arab producers, however, have and effect-oriented narrative pattern. attempted to avoid reproducing MTV- They also rarely feature full-fledged based gender clichés, but have instead protagonists and villains because their created new gender misconceptions. focal point is the showcasing of the star. These productions emphasize As a result of their lack of narrative depictions of women as untrustworthy coherence and motivational characters, and impetuous. In these clips, women the possible meaning that can usually be typically take advantage of a kind, deduced from music videos is contingent caring man, but in the end choose an on the juxtaposition of visual objects abusive and heartless one. These new in relation to singers (Vernallis 138). gender stereotypes generally refer to a Generally, Arab music video clips] differ female lack of personal integrity instead from Western-produced music videos, of perpetuating clichéd sexualized primarily because artists are compelled representations of women. In this to abide by the cultural norms of Arab context, I draw on McRobbie’s analysis societies. Arab television is usually of “new sexualities” promoted by censored for the depiction of sexuality, youth magazines, among other popular graphic violence and, in the case of media outlets, that shun conventional Saudi Arabia, any reference to religion prejudiced images of women on the other than Sunni Islam (Rinnawi 29). one hand, while emphasizing women’s In addition, contemporary Arab music sexually lustful tendencies on the other. clips have found inspiration in music sketches characteristic of Egyptian films In the end, I examine public of the 1950s and 1960s. controversies through an analysis of the reactionary discourse of religious Most Arab music videos, however, figures as well as a number of media particularly those produced in the experts and academics. Just as the last decade, reaffirm Western gender depiction of gender and racial relations stereotypes intrinsic to those produced in music videos have evoked criticism in by MTV. Contemporary Arab music the Western media, Arab youth music
113 • ISSUE 4 - 1, 2013 • IMAGINATIONS CONTEMPORARY ARAB MUSIC VIDEO CLIPS videos have been attacked for their focus While discussing the effects of political on the physical and sexual attributes events during that period on the thematic of female singers and models at the qualities of songs, Mounir Alwassimi, expense of promoting progressive social the former head of the Egyptian and cultural values. In addition, young Musicians’ Union, affirms that songs Arab singers are constantly confronted “[were] very much influenced by the by the ire of regionally prominent social, political and the economic order religious figures who denounce the of the day. Production venues were music videos’ endorsement of “anti- aligned with the politics of the regime Islamic” principles. Stuart Hall and and worked within its directives in most Paddy Whannel’s early analysis of case(92). By contrast, contemporary reactions against popular music styles Arab music is seen as largely apolitical among British youth as a form of and based on the commercial success of cultural transgression remains relevant songs (Hammo142). It should be noted to understanding the cultural style that the apolitical nature of the lyrics of Arab youth as expressed through in most contemporary Arab music popular musical performance. videos is shored up by an emphasis and fascination with the iconography of the The Classical Format of Music Clips in performer. the Arab World The emergence of Egyptian television The modern prototype of Arab music in the 1960s initially diminished the video clips is partly inspired by the popular role that Egyptian radio used musical performances that dominated to play as the source for Arab songs. In Arab films and theatrical performances contrast to the radio age where listeners of the 1950s. Media professional had to rely on their own imagination Moataz Abdel Aziz points out that regarding the appearance of the singer staged performances or music sketches and band, television facilitated the in early Egyptian films of the 1950s used audience’s visual recognition of the to be the central attraction to audiences. performer in relation to visual effects that They typically featured the most include lighting and décor (Nassar 72- popular music artists, such as Abdel 73). In fact, the period of classical Arab Halim Hafez, Mohamed Fawzy, Shadia music identified as the “goldentaring and Najat Saghi(29). Moreover, due to lasting from the early fifties till the the colorful political events of the 1960s late seventies, was known for its main and the 1970s, political and national characteristic of being tarab. The most songs were among the most successful accurate English equivalent to tarab is audio records, specifically Abdel Halim “art music,” which implies the intrinsic Hafez’s and Umm Kalthum’s national artistic value of music. The word tarab, songs such as Hekayat Sha’b (Story of as “art music,” also refers to the strong a People), Fidaii (Freedom-fighter) and effects of “enchantment” and “ecstasy” Sawt Biladna (Our Country’s Voice). experienced by the audience (Racy 6).
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Also, the singers or artists during that in the Arab media sphere. As Andrew time period were seen as divinely gifted Hammond explains, “The late 1990s because of their unique vocal aptitudes saw a second wind for Arab pop. With and their ability to emotionally engage the advent of Arabic satellite private the audience. In addition, audiences stations, pop video culture has taken were assumed to be musically informed off and new sounds have developed or sami’ah, possessed of an intuitive that are much closer to Western pop knowledge of the auditory and technical but still distinctively Middle Eastern” features of “good” music and express (150-151). Arab music producers their enchantment with the songs came to realize that the key point for through their facial expressions and the success of music performances is verbal exclamations (Racy 40-41). This, to introduce modern techniques while however, has completely changed today, simultaneously adhering to local tastes given that the physical appeal of singers in terms of music rhythms and lyrics has become the most viable criterion (Abdel Aziz 85). Perhaps unsurprisingly, for success. According to some local the older generation was less tolerant of intellectuals and music professionals, the visual content of modern video clips this transformation from a primarily that they considered violating essential auditory genre to an increasingly visual cultural norms. one has led to the disappearance of “clean art” associated with classical References to sex and religion in singers such as Mohammed Abdel the Arab media were studiously Wahab and Abdel Halim Hafez. By avoided, particularly any criticism or contrast, the contemporary approach to negative portrayal of Islam. Despite “singing with the body” by young Arab the presence of a significant Arab singers has become widely popular Christian population, particularly in (Alwassimi 94). the Levant area, media productions typically emphasize the social and The contemporary model of Arab music religious conditions of Arab Muslims. video clips began to emerge in the late Further, positive representations of 1980s on largely government-owned atheism, heresy and magic are generally Arab television stations. This genre forbidden. Moreover, scenes depicting catered to the growing population of explicit sex, nudity, revealing clothing Arab youth, who demonstrated their for female characters as well as the use of interest in watching music concerts and obscene language are generally censored entertainment TV shows. The national because they challenge Islamic practices Egyptian television channel aired a that enhance traditional moral values music program that presented staged and endorse modesty in clothing, speech musical numbers of the famous classical and behaviors (Shafik 34-35). In more Egyptian singers. Along with this conservative Arab countries like Saudi traditional music style, a new Western- Arabia, depiction of gender mixing and inspired music trend began to take shape the presentation of unveiled women
115 • ISSUE 4 - 1, 2013 • IMAGINATIONS CONTEMPORARY ARAB MUSIC VIDEO CLIPS are subject to censorship (Kraidy, “The Jack Banks points out that MTV’s main Social and Political Dimensions of goal is to increase its source revenues. Global Television Formats” 295). Banks believes that MTV’s commercial- based music video model has impacted Thus, afraid of offending spectators, local markets rather than adjusted its particularly considering that watching format to correspond to their cultural television is a collective family event in specifics (266). almost all Arab countries, the state-run television stations resisted airing music Subsequent to their exposure to Western clips in order to avoid controversy in pop music styles, Arab youth rapidly the public sphere. However, the liberal became avid consumers of private Arab visual content of music videos found a music TV channels that include Melody niche in the private satellite television Arabia, Melody Hits, Mazzika, Rotana stations. Walid El Khashan alludes to and Rotana Clip. Music TV channels this phenomenon in an ironic way as in the Arab world only began to emerge he says: in 1992 and by 2009 included some seventy channels (Kraidy amd Khalil There is a difference between what 58). Techniques such as fetishism and a “grounded” (terrestrial) national exhibitionism, that MTV music videos TV channel can broadcast and have long been famous for, are easy to the greater freedom–of aesthetics discern in the Arab music clips shown and taboo-breaking–enjoyed by on these local music TV channels. On channels deterritorialized via satellite. the other hand, a new group of Arab Traditional “grounded” channels producers are now attempting to shun (for example Egypt’s Channel 1 and MTV’s gender clichés. These music Channel 2) show “safe” clips, while directors usually avoid framings that satellite channels show the hot stuff. objectify the bodies of female singers. (270) Instead, they rely on familiar narrative patterns and fashionable but relatively I should also emphasize that during modest clothing of female singers to roughly the same period, Arab youth gain the highest possible viewership. were exposed to international music In this respet, Marwan Kraidy and channels, particularly the American Joe Khalil state that “with their music conglomerate MTV and the content clearly inspired by Western European music television channel counterparts and with a transnational VIVA. MTV has been able to reach audience that spans Arab societies with 140 countries around the globe with various degrees of social liberalism and the claim that it presents Western conservatism, music channels were from images with “local essence.” In fact, the the beginning at the forefront of cultural American music corporation asserts translation between the global and the that its main slogan is “think globally, l” (60). However, while adjusting the act locally” (Banks 266). Nonetheless, iconography of the music video clips to
IMAGINATIONS • ISSUE 4 - 1, 2013 • 116 ELOUARDAOUI approximate the Arab cultural context, clips, directors tend to overuse close- subtle new gender misconceptions ups of the singers’ faces. For example, have developed which tend to depict Asala’s clips are punctuated by the women as lacking an integral personal close-ups of her face at the beginning character thus being more susceptible and end of her videos. The same holds to transgressive behavior. true for the well-known Egyptian female singer Angham in which her Simulating MTV’s Gender Stereotypes face, particularly her “expressive” eyes are featured in extreme close-ups in Several highly-acclaimed Arab singers, several of her music clips. This approach such as Asala, Hani Shaker, Angham, matches the romantic themes of the Latifa, Wael Jassar, Kadem Saher, and majority of Angham’s songs, such as Fadil Shaker, present video clips that Omry Maak (My Life with You) 2003. conform to the mainstream norms of Several of these singers, especially the Arab culture. Clips by these singers Asala and Kadem Saher, are famous are often shot outdoors, emphasize for performing the long poetic lyrics of beautiful natural landscapes and renowned Arab poets, particularly the employ intriguing storylines to catch the regionally popular Syrian poet Nizar attention of young viewers. For instance, Qabbani. the songs of the Lebanese singer Wael Jassar are habitually characterized Along with this relatively modern trend, by nostalgia and melancholy. Two of there has been a growing movement of his recent music videos, Mchit Khalas young singers headed by Haifa Wahbi, (You Walked Away) 2005 and Youm Aline Khalaf, Nicole Saba and Ruby Zifafik (On Your Wedding Day) 2007 who primarily rely on their physical are about his break up with a woman attributes and glamorous image for he loves, but whose wedding to another success. In fact, even the relatively man he later attends. Similarly, Asala traditionalist singers such as Asala felt relies on sensationalist stories in order the need to change her looks to fit into to compensate for the frequent lack of the video age where the artist’s image young female dancers. In one of her has become increasingly significant. latest music clips Meta Shoufak (When Hammond explains that “Asala was Will I See You?) 2004, she plays the role once dumpy-looking singer of long of an angel spreading love everywhere poems by poet Nizar Qabbani. Now she goes while in Feen Habibi (Where she’s shaped for the video era, with is My Beloved?) 2005, she is portrayed good looks and well-crafted pop tunes as a loving mother travelling the world for private Arab music channels” (151). in search of her lost son and the story An important number of the singers ends with her reuniting with him after that belong to this new music trend he has become a successful young man. are Lebanese, given that Lebanon is While lip-synching is not a frequent culturally more liberal than other Arab convention in these Arab music video countries. It is also the fashion and
117 • ISSUE 4 - 1, 2013 • IMAGINATIONS CONTEMPORARY ARAB MUSIC VIDEO CLIPS the most artistically creative capital place in the academy reflects their thirst of the Arab world. Hammond points for effective participation in the public out that “Lebanon has a recognized life where their voices would be truly place in the Arab world as the testing counted rather than maligned as part ground for how the latest Western of a fictionalized 90-98% majority. trends will be received in the on” Kraidy suggests that Star Academy (273). Lebanon has habitually been the has created a hybrid context in which Arab country that takes the initiative the traditional and the modern have to produce and broadcast Western- been contested. Kraidy claims that this inspired entertainment TV genres. For alternative modernity is seen as rival, example, LBC (Lebanese Broadcasting given that it challenges the religious, Center) has aired different seasons of social and political norms of Arab Star Academy, the Arabic version of societies. He points out that reality TV American Idol, which led to public shows in the Arab world “have spurred debates though the show has been heated controversies about the role of adjusted to fit the Arab cultural context. Islam in public life, Western cultural The regionally diverse participants, influence, gender relations and political who live together in a mansion named participation” (Kraidy, “Rethinking the “the Academy” where they take music, Local-Global Nexus through Multiple dancing and theatre classes, have Modernites,” 31). separate gender rooms and are strictly forbidden to flirt or show a sexually The same can be argued regarding the provocative attitude. presence of the imported style of music videos on the private Arab TV channels. Therefore, Lebanon could be seen as a Despite the fact that Arab music videos site where Western visual prototypes are have retained local elements in terms reproduced but in a more transcultural of technique and content such as the manner for the aim of making them use of the ’ud (the Arabic lute) and culturally acceptable in the Arab the frequent featuring of belly dancing, milieu. In this regard, Marwan Kraidy media critics and public figures, as I will pointed out the existence of creative discuss later, see them as incompatible adaptation that involves institutional with mainstream Arab social norms. and cultural agencies in his analysis In any case, Arab viewers, to a certain of the way Star Academy has been extent, accept the culturally divergent adapted to appeal to local audiences ideas initiated by young Lebanese in Lebanon and across the Arab world. artists for the reasons mentioned Kraidy argues that the popularity of earlier. Accordingly, the Lebanese ex- Star Academy cannot be separated model Haifa Wahbi, known only by her from the political circumstances of first name “Haifa” is one of the most the Arab world. He suggests that the significant pioneers of this new music enthusiastic voting participation from trend. While most of the Arab singers the Arab youth when nominations take that belong to this liberal current
IMAGINATIONS • ISSUE 4 - 1, 2013 • 118 ELOUARDAOUI are quite young, Haifa constitutes an early “sexualized European looks” for exception since she started her singing similar reasons of maximizing pro(234- career in her thirties and reached the 235). peak of fame in her mid-thirties. The explanation might be her notable Armbrust’s analysis of the criteria for physical beauty as well as her ability to feminine beauty criteria that dominate get big music production companies to Arab mass media is quite pertinent, as produce and sponsor her CDs and later a large number of contemporary pop her music clips. music figures such as Roula Saad, Razan, Madeline Mattar and Noura Rahal, are The standards of female beauty in Arab blond, have fair skin color and they mass media have been influenced by the wear color eye contacts to endorse European prototype of beauty in terms their “European” look. All these singers of clothing, hair style and skin color are Lebanese. Lebanon is not only the starting from the early twentieth century. primary site of fashion, as explained Walter Armbrust examined the physical earlier, but it has also become known representation of women in popular as one of the capitals for plastic surgery Egyptian magazines of the 1920s and in the Arab world (Fattah 278). These 1930s, such as al-Fukaha (The Humor) Lebanese female singers represent what and al-Sarih (The Sincere). Armbrust is currently known in the Arab media remarks that the majority of the sexually culture as the “Lebanese look,” which attractive women depicted in the is generally characterized by having a magazine covers embrace a European high small nose, full round lips, and look, discerned in their liberal clothing high tattooed eyebrows. (such as short dresses and décolleté), hair fashion and skin color, and such However, in addition to this category a depiction was commercially used to of European-looking female singers, attract more readers. Armbrust builds an there has been a very recent move analogy between these representations towards adopting a more “Arab look” of female Arab beauty to the physical by the most popular singers including attributes of the female singers and the controversial Nancy Ajram, Haifa models in modern music videos, while Wahbi and Ruby, as well as other also assuming that music videos have prominent singers, such as Elissa, Cyrine simply reproduced the same standards Abdelnour, Maya Nasri and Dolly of female beauty of earlier decades. Shahine. These stars have assumed He provides the example of Maysam an Arab look exemplified in their Nahas, a contemporary aspiring long dark hair and their continuous Lebanese singer that embodies the use of culturally-specific make-up, European look through her blond hair, particularly the kohl, black eye paint revealing clothes and relatively fair skin usually applied to the outside edges of color. According to Armbrust, modern the eyes, to enhance their sexual appeal. Arab music videos have perpetuated Nancy Ajram and Haifa Wehbi also had
119 • ISSUE 4 - 1, 2013 • IMAGINATIONS CONTEMPORARY ARAB MUSIC VIDEO CLIPS silicone implants to endow their bodies water highlights every part of her body. with more curves, culturally a very By the end of the clip, she adopts a sexually attractive physical attribute. In savage look, exemplified in her heavy the same vein, Nancy Ajram dyed her make-up, red dress and untidy hairstyle, natural blondish hair dark as part of which ultimately conveys the idea that her image transformation in the early she is wild and insatiable. 2000s. All of these stars have also been featured wearing the Arabic jalabiya, Correspondingly, Haifa is often taken in a long wide sleeved type of dress that high-angle shots to call attention to her comes in different fabrics and colors, in fragility and submissiveness. In Haifa’s music videos such as Ya Romoush (Oh Ma Toulch Li Had (Don’t Tell Anyone) Eyelashes) 2008 and Akhasmak Ah 2008, she is shot lying down on the floor (I’ll Taunt You) 2003, though the type with her glimmering nightgown as she of jalabiya worn in these clips becomes seductively touches parts of her body. tighter to draw attention to the singers’ Her music clip Hassa Ma Benna Fi Haga body curves. Hence, the present female (I Feel Something Is Going on Between beauty norms in the Arab music video Us) 2008 embraces the same content. realm are rather diverse and mixed, in She is shot lying on the ground as she which every female singer strives to have keeps twirling in a way that underlines her own signature in terms of looks and her bodily charms. She also poses while music style in order to reach significant walking on a sunny day as the camera degree of fame. Nevertheless, the most draws attention to her sweaty naked popular female singers are those who body. I should indicate that Haifa relies embody the Arab look, including Haifa, on her physical attributes, fashionable Ruby, and Nancy Ajram, who are clothing, and remarkably excessive (but currently seen as the emblem of female seen as culturally specific) make-up to beauty and femininity (Fattah 285). cover up for the fact that her vocal aptitude is considered very mediocre not The Western influence is more only by music experts but by almost all pronounced in the visual techniques categories of Arab audiences including used in modern Arab music videos. her fans who see her more as a stage One can easily discern the technique performer than a singer. of exhibitionism in all of Haifa’s music video clips starting from early 2000s. Haifa’s spectacular music videos and In Haifa’s music clips, camera angles stage shows have appealed to the and movements, such as the vertical taste of Arab youth who see her as the pan shots, are used to highlight Haifa’s epitome of feminine beauty. Haifa’s physical charms. Her clip Mosh Adra style and clips are equally reminiscent of Astanna (I Cannot Wait Anymore) Madonna’s personal mode of dancing 2008 begins with Haifa walking out of and staging. This detail is brought up a swimming pool, the extreme close-ups by Y. Euny Hong who notes that “a and the slow depiction of her leaving few aspects of Arab pop music are
IMAGINATIONS • ISSUE 4 - 1, 2013 • 120 ELOUARDAOUI borrowed from Western pop. The songs freedom” where relations of power of Haifa Wehbe (stage name: Haifa W), are being ideologically constructed a top Lebanese pop star, have a breathy, and protected by the logics of female gasping quality reminiscent of Madonna consent and freedom of choice. In or the young David Cassiidy.” On talk other words, the focus on the sexual shows and interviews, Haifa confirms appeal of women in popular culture her “feminine” and simultaneously started to be seen liberating as long as assertive image. She usually adopts a soft women were free to make the choice of vocal intonation but looks confident, objectifying themselves. and calmly refuses to answer questions that she thinks are “inappropriate” The image of Haifa fits very well with or too personal. In fact, the way what McRobbie describes as “the ethic Haifa presents herself in different of freedom.” Haifa invariably expresses media outlets is emblematic of Angela her appreciation for Arab and Islamic McRobbie’s observation about the cultural values while at the same post-feminist forms of communication time describing herself as a female across various platforms of popular artist who is proud of her beauty and culture. Post-feminism, she asserts, is femininity and who aspires to bring the belief that women’s rights have happiness to the audience through her already been secured and that debates unique singing style. Haifa enhances about female inequality or sexist media her assertive character by engaging in depictions have become obsolete. NGOs that promote social work in the region. Haifa served as ambassador McRobbie thus remarks that feminism for the Red Ribbon Commission that is presently, in most cases, evoked by raises AIDS awareness in Africa and young women only to be repudiated. the Arab world in 2008. Likewise, the McRobbie analzses a TV ad that features music clips of another Lebanese singer Claudia Schiffer taking off her clothes Nicole Saba point to their consciously as she walks down the stairs, arguing culturally rebellious content, starting that “this is a self-consciously sexist ad” with the song titles. For instance, in because it stresses that the behaviors the music clip Ana Tabee Keda (This is of the well-known and highly paid The Way I am) 2007, Saba dances in a supermodel are out of her free choice. very provocative manner in a nightclub McRobbie contends that “by means amidst swaying young night-clubbers. of the tropes of freedom and choice The song’s lyrics express the overall that are now inextricably connected unruly mood of the visuals, she sings: with the category of ‘young women,’ “this is the way I am, this is the way I feminism is decisively ‘aged’ and made love, and I want to live this way, this to seem redundant” (Tasker and Negra is my own life, whatever happens, 27). McRobbie concludes that sexist I will still be the way I am…” Saba’s images in media are currently justified subsequent music clip Brahti (As I Like) by what she refers to as “the ethic of 2008 conveys similar meaning. In this
121 • ISSUE 4 - 1, 2013 • IMAGINATIONS CONTEMPORARY ARAB MUSIC VIDEO CLIPS one, she wears a revealing nightgown “untouchable” female singers of her as she expresses her feelings of distress era due to her socially conservative towards her nagging partner. As is the background and her culturally case with Haifa, Saba is presented as appropriate attire (Racy 30). conscious of the culturally transgressive nature of her video clips manifested in The change that took place in the Arab the extreme sensuality of her attire and music video realm in terms of gender gestures. Drawing on the rhetoric of depiction is the offshoot of both the post-feminism tenets, Saba is depicted as exposure to Western style of pop music simultaneously powerful and feminine. as well as the rapid transformation of Thus, to criticize the sexist depiction of modern technologies that resulted in the female body in this clip would be the growing importance of the image. inappropriate, precisely because it is Yet, this more vigorously liberal all couched within the framework of female attitude in music videos is tied sensuality as a form of conscious choice. to the increasing social and political However, the prejudiced depiction of empowerment of women in the Arab female characters in popular culture world, in general. The well-know whether in TV ads or music video clips Egyptian feminist Nawal El Saadawi are currently more than often concealed founded one of the first prominent under the post-feminist “ethic of women’s organizations called Arab freedom.” Women’s Solidarity Organization in 1982, which was composed of activists In fact, modern Arab female singers of both genders that called for the end such as Haifa and Nicole Saba have of the long-standing social and cultural attained a level of freedom of expression patriarchal system in the Arab world (El in terms of body and language that their Saadawi 24). El Saadawi remarks that earlier counterparts could not have though the development of women’s envisioned. During the classical period movement in the Arab world has been of Arab music, women’s decision to slow, the women’s political groups pursue a career as a singer was strongly have, with some success, advanced their discouraged because it contradicts agenda within the Arab nationalist the moral code of hasham (propriety movements. The main challenge for of conduct) upon which women gain the women’s groups remains the respect from their social surroundings. exclusion that they occasionally face For this reason, the classical diva of from male-dominated mainstream the Arab world, Umm Kalthum, solely political movements because they have sung religious texts at the beginning been unable to form a large feminist of her career while she was dressed in force. Arab women have also me a ‘abaya, a large flowing long-sleeved significant progress in the socially more cloak that covers everything from head conservative gulf countries, as they have to toe (Racy 16-17). Umm Kalthum successfully entered previously male- was thus considered as one of the most designated domains, such as politics
IMAGINATIONS • ISSUE 4 - 1, 2013 • 122 ELOUARDAOUI and the workplace. For example, on their sexual and physical attributes. Nada Haffadh became the first cabinet Hence, apart from the music videos that minister in Bahrain and was later underline women’s yearning to exhibit appointed Minister of Health in 2004. their bodies, there are other Arab music clips that emphasize women’s In addition, the conventional own sexual desires. For example, Aline appropriate gender behaviors are Khalaf’s video clip Baadak Albal (I am progressively changing. In Qatar, Still Thinking of You) 2008 portrays couples increasingly walk side by side her abandonment by her lover when he and even hold hands in public in contrast learns that she is pregnant. In the clip, to the previous decade where men used she changes her clothes in front of the to walk a few steps ahead of their wives camera and exposes her naked back (Torstrick and Faier 114). Also, the gulf’s before her whole nude body is shown traditional values that center on the in soft focus. Then, the Lebanese singer cherishing of family relations displayed drives her car and begins throwing her in integrity, structured nature of family lover’s ties and belts out of the car while relationships as well as submission to also begging him to return to her. patriarchal authority are constantly in flux. The younger generations are Ruby’s music clips are equally increasingly more in favor of choosing controversial. In clips such as Enta partners from their educational and Aref Leih (You Know Why?) 2003, Leh professional backgrounds than showing Beydary Keda (Why is He keeping it interest in arranged marriages, and thus to Himself?) 2004 and Kol Ma A’ollo the parents’ role has changed from Ah (Whenever I say Yes) 2004, Leeh command to consultation (Torstrick Ghawi (Why Do You Like it This and Faier). Way?) 2005, Omry Mastaneit Had (I Never Waited for Anyone) 2005 and What is also interesting is the escalating Eb’a Abelny (Keep Meeting Me) one financial power of contemporary would might wonder about the true Lebanese female singers who are mostly nature of these clips since she performs fthe middle and working class families. dancing sketches in all of them and For instance, Haifa and Nancy Ajram throughout the clips. Interestingly, her have rapidly ascended in social and clips invariably consist of her dancing economic status, after their remarkable starting from her very first clip Enta Aref popular success, which drove big Leih (You Already Know Why) 2003 in companies such as Pepsi and Coca- which she playfully dances, wearing a Cola to designate them as the official belly dancing costume, while walking representatives of their local advertising in the streets of Prague. Despite Ruby’s campaigns during the early 2000s. acclaimed vocal talent, she supports her However, the image that most of these music clips by performing outstanding female singers represents in their music stage dancing. videos is very stagnant as it concentrates
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The music clips of Khalaf and Ruby Generating New Gender Misconceptions also exemplify the trend that governs post-feminism, discussed earlier. Martin Both female and male attitudes in these Roberts in his study of the economic music clips have been challenged by and social implications of the BBC local media critics and the public. The fashion TV show What Not to Wear depiction of young women who do not (2001) points out that the show fosters object the advances of male strangers is a model of gender identity inseparable a source of local debate. Many media from sexual appeal, which is primarily critics and religious clerics are worried gained through the consumption of about the transfer of these problematic cosmetics and “fashionable” clothing. behaviors to the Arab street. Their He claims that the show endorses “one concern centers on how images that of the central tenets of post-feminist strongly conflict with the cultural ideology: that sexual attractiveness is a norms of Arab societies get legitimized source of power over patriarchy rather in these clips and might affect the actual than the subject to it” (Tasker and Negra attitudes and behaviors of Arab youth. 233). Robin Roberts has also argued In this respect, Hammond mentions the that women’s ability to articulate their concerned statement of the Egyptian sexual desires through their bodies and academic Ashraf Galal who contends song lyrics is an empowering feminist after having looked at the modern style tool as it reverses the old tradition of of Arab videos that there is an “absence reducing them to sexual ots (68). This of Arab identity and positive values, applies to the image that Khalaf and and there is no presence for the Arab Ruby attempt ject about of themselves, environment, and there is a complete as they both consciously draw attention cancellation of higher meanings and to their sexual desires and physical va” (151). attractiveness. Additionally, in the case of Ruby, she has consistently expressed A similar controversy came about with her love for dancing, an aspiration to the advent of pop music videos in the famous Egyptian dancers, and desire to West that were seen as predominantly achieve a high level of professionalism apolitical and detached from lived in dancing. However, as McRobbie reality. Hip Hop and country music and Martin Roberts have noted, among other genres have been criticized stereotypical images of women in which for their traditional representation of their physical and sexual attributes are women who are mainly featured as sex the focal point have been justified by the objects (Railton andson 18). The images rhetoric of free choice or searching for of female performers and models, a new model of female empowerment. considered conflicting with how women look and behave in real life, were also denounced because of their ability to spread negative social values. However, Diane Railton argues that music videos
IMAGINATIONS • ISSUE 4 - 1, 2013 • 124 ELOUARDAOUI should not be studied merely from Lebanese singer) and stays with him for the perspective of how they manifest a few days in an isolated placter hehad representations of reality because rescued her from her abusive boyfriend. she refutes the idea that music videos Unlike her previous boyfriend, he has can actually either convey negative or been tremendously caring and kind. positive images of women. For instance, However, instead of rewarding him, Railton states that though Pink’s Stupid she leaves him in the end and reconciles Girls (2006) criticizes the traditional with the abusive boyfriend. The young concept of femininity as contingent on woman, though modestly dressed, is consumer culture, particularly cosmetic depicted as insensitive: she dispenses surgery and fashion, it also conveys with men easily and is attracted to the the contested idea that adopting a abusive one. masculine identity embodied in showing interest in contact sports is a viable Saber Elrebai’s Daet Beek (Did You means to avoid becoming a “stupid girl Give Up?) 2008 transmits the same (34-35). Another irony, according to type of misconception about women. Railton, is the fact that this criticism of The clip features a young woman who “commodified femininity” is articulated attracts the compassionate Tunisian by a sexually attractive star persona singer only to soothe her pains, as she (Pink) who is already entrenched in eventually reunites with her previous popular consumerist culture. Hence, uncaring boyfriend. Ghady’s Redda Alay music videos can yield different and (Answer Me) 2009 carries an even more complex feminist messages that do not misogynist message about women’s necessarily fit the binary opposition of unfaithfulness: the Lebanese singer positive or negative. showers his girlfriend with gifts and proposes to her while the remarkably To skirt grueling debates regarding attractive girl has been planning to kill the representation of gender roles in him as part of a conspiracy. Elmajdoub’s Arab music clips, some Arab directors music clip Ana Aamal Eiih (What determinably evade the focus on Should I Do?) 2010 is centered on women’s sexualized bodies. Ziad the same message: the Syrian singer’s Borji’s clip Aal Eih (What Did She girlfriend let him down and starts Say?) 2007, for example, does not dating one of their classmates despite focus on the model’s physical beauty. In the singer’s extreme kindness. Similarly, fact, the model wears casual tops and Rachid Elmajid’s Minek Minkeher (I am pants and she is generally portrayed So Disappointed in You) 2010 depicts a as an adorable fragile girl. The gender heartbroken man who finds out that his stereotype in this video clip does not fiancée has been cheating on him and pertain to the model’s physical charms is so hurt that he deserts her without as much as to her unscrupulous a word. As it can be inferred, this personal code of conduct: she runs category of clips presents a different away with a man she barely knows (the type of gender misrepresentation. There
125 • ISSUE 4 - 1, 2013 • IMAGINATIONS CONTEMPORARY ARAB MUSIC VIDEO CLIPS is effectively no objectification of female images of women, they simultaneously bodies in the majority of these clips but advocate the idea that seeking the rather an emphasis on the depravity perfect body for women is essential for of the personal conduct of the female a successful heterosexual relationship, characters. Women in these clips make thus generating body anxieties for use of gentle and caring men but choose girls to achieve the assumed perfect the ones who mistreat them. As is the case body image. Analogous to McRobbie’s with classical gender misconceptions argument about how the “new represented in the first part of the essay, sexualities” depicted in popular girls’ this particular depiction of women magazines have been harmful, the being characteristically untrustworthy music videos under discussion follow and impetuous is equally problematic. the same pattern. While shunning conventional sexist depiction of female McRobbie has pointed out that a characters, they perpetuate new gender feminist critique of popular girls’ misconceptions that judge women magazines, such as More!, Sugar, 19 to be lacking an integral personal and Just Seventeen, that address gender character. Thus, these popular media and sexuality as their man focus, hasd forms, instead of decisively spurning gone through different stages. The first stereotypical images of women, simply is the “angry repudiation” classical replace them with other types of gender stage in which feminists criticize the misrepresentations that are equally objectified representation of women injurious. before more recently shifting their attention to ‘‘women’s pleasure” that Controversy in Public Life foregrounds women’s sexual and emotional concerns. This generated As stated earlier, Arab conservative a “return to the reader” for more entities have expressed their concern inclusive analysis. McRobbie points that these controversial values might out that popular youth magazines have transcend the fictional world of the advanced “new sexualities” by moving clips to influence the mainstream away from stories about romance and cultural mode of Arab societies. In this love to topics about safe sex and sexual regard, Ruby’s music clips are seen as pleasure. She argues that the images the most culturally subversive types of and articles in these magazines “break contemporary Arab music videos. The decisively with the conventions of well-known Egyptian intellectual Abdel- feminine behavior by representing girls Alwahab Elmessiri condemns Ruby’s as crudely lustful young women” (50). type of music video clips of “killing” the notion of subtlety in songs that She also argues that the approach of deal with romantic themes. Elmessiri magazine editors is ambiguous and is not concerned about the visual contradictory: while they attempt to degradation of these clips as much as advance confident and unconventional their lack of substantial aesthetic values
IMAGINATIONS • ISSUE 4 - 1, 2013 • 126 ELOUARDAOUI that he believes art should embrace Western trends of music rhythms and including music videos (165-166). For clothing fashions rather than importing this reason, he describes these clips extraneous cultural values. as simply presenting a “flesh parade” and he contends that Ruby’s risqué In a similar context, Stuart Hall and approach advocates that “girls are Paddy Whannel have discussed the cute and cuddly, receptive and playful. prejudiced social attitude adopted by Ruby’s character is sexy, perhaps sweet, the older British generation toward but not inspiring” (169). the popular music styles of the youth. Hall and Whannel note that as a These clips have also led the Arab result of their preference of particular youth to clash with an older generation types of popular culture (songs, films, that does not only disapprove of the comic etc.) the youth can be argued music clips’ culturally transgressive to have formed their own subculture content but believes that they have no that is not necessarily reverent of the useful message. In this regard, Kraidy traditional values of the family, school and Khalil point out that there is a and religious institutions (Storey 62- significant gap between the young Arab 63). Hall and Whannel attribute this generation and their parents in terms of behavior of social non-conformity to exposure to new media genres, as they the youth’s desire to articulate “their explain: adolescent emotional dilemma” (Storey 64). Further, the emphasis on teenage While people who are currently emotions is manifest in youth music eighteen years old or younger were through two forms. The first is the lyrics born into the vibrant and diverse of the songs which are mostly about love commercial satellite television era, (falling in love, longing for or suffering their parents are likely to have grown from love) and the delivery of these up with one or two staid national songs by typically young singers with channels. Elements of global media whom the young audience can identify. culture that are familiar to these They add that though the settings of children are completely alien to their the songs are usually not authentic, parents (57). the feelings expressed are genuine and reflect the youth’s emotional and social Thus, this visual cultural discrepancy concerns. They also conclude that has put the youth in a real dilemma. Due the youth’s music, though different in to their strong familiarity with different character, is in kind similar to other types of new media, particularly the entertainment music is in that it is internet, Arab youth already know a “intended for dancing, singing, leisure great deal about the Western prototype and enjoyment” (Storey 66). They of music videos that they cherish. For also contend that pop music plays a many of them, the Arab model of music functional role that it is basically an video clips is catching up with the latest emotional outlet for the youth, which
127 • ISSUE 4 - 1, 2013 • IMAGINATIONS CONTEMPORARY ARAB MUSIC VIDEO CLIPS is the reason for its typical dismissal by Saba’s two songs clearly express a adults. desire for a social acceptance even if the person is rebellious in the sense of not Hall and Whannel’s observations about conforming to mainstream social norms. the British youth pop music fit well into This is also obvious in the visuals of the the social prejudice that Arab pop music clips that include the singer’s untidy has faced from both the older generation clothing style, strange and even ugly and the religious clerics. Regardless of make-up and the depiction of young the sexist image in a number of modern people frantically swaying in nightclubs, Arab music clips that depict highly in addition to the fast-paced music that debatable gender relations, many of reinforces the rebellious ambiance. Some these videos serve to voice the social of Ruby’s clips also attempt to speak to and emotional dilemmas experienced the emotional sensibilities of the youth by the Arab youth. Saba’s videos, for despite her consistent dependence on instance, are especially rebellious. The dancing sketches. For example, in her lyrics of Saba’s songs express a yearning Omry Mastaneit Had (I Never Waited for freedom from all social and cultural for Anyone) 2005, she expresses her constrictions. In Ana Tabee Keda (This nonchalant spirit and readiness to fall is The Way I am) 2007, Saba sings “this in love with only the man who would is my character and I like it this way, value her feelings. Thus, following my life is all mine and I should live it Hall and Whannel, Arab pop songs the way I want, I live my age by singing are characteristically very analogous to and loving life and I do what I want other national pop music. Their focal and feel, I will enjoy my life second by point is also the desire for love fulfillment second. I want to laugh, dance and be and the fear of falling in love with the happy, it is only one life and I should wrong person. In addition, these Arab live it up. And I turn a deaf ear to singers are also quite young which all those who keep blaming me...” facilitates the youth’s identification Saba’s subsequent song Brahti (As I with their songs and help generate more Like) 2008 conveys the same defiant feedback from them. In fact, Ruby more message. In this one, she sings “I will than often claimed that she always do as I like, no one will control me or provides dancing shows in her music pull me down. Why should I believe his videos because she wants to share her made-up stories and be happy with his passion for belly dancing with other character? No I don’t like it this way, I Arab young girls who equally adore the am a woman who loves freedom and I art of Middle Eastern dancing. Thus, don’t want a lover who will control me, pop Arab music is also customarily frankly no one deserves that I go to bed entertaining, aiming at providing space upset because of him. Life is a game, we for leisure and enjoyment for the Arab either lose or win and I want to be the youth. Also, though the general settings winner at the end…” of contemporary Arab music videos are not as authentic as claimed to be
IMAGINATIONS • ISSUE 4 - 1, 2013 • 128 ELOUARDAOUI given that they are detached from their Though this might be an austere cultural and geographical context, they statement, al-Qaradawi’s concern, serve to reflect the socially rebellious like that of the majority of religious mood of the artists, as in the case with authorities in the Arab world, is the Saba and Ruby’s clips. assumed culturally invasive qualities of music videos that can cause the younger What is also specific about the generation to be less reverent of their controversy surrounding Arab pop Islamic traditions. Similar fatwas have music is that Arab pop singers constantly been issued regarding other types of face scrutiny from official religious Western-inspired TV shows, as was the clerics in the region. Conservative case with Star Academy. Saudi religious Arab communities in the gulf area clerics have urged Arab viewers of both have demanded the censorship of the sexes to stop watching Star Academy modern style of Arab music clips. Their because it fosters gender mixing in the argument is that these music videos private sphere.2 The harsh criticism introduce “non-Islamic” values that was due to the fear that such Western- might negatively impact the religious based TV shows “would teach women integrity of young Arabs. Patricia Kubala to ‘display their charms’ and ‘lose their refers to the religious discourse that modesty’ while leading men to succumb strongly condemns the dissemination to their impulses and lose their status as and consumption of modern Arab guardians of familial honor.”3 music clips. She quotes the prominent Egyptian religious figure Dr. Yusuf al- This type of allegation also targeted the Qaradawi who affirms: content of contemporary Arab music videos, which religious clerics see as Of late there has appeared a kind of being culturally incompatible with the female dance that is more dangerous, Arab-Islamic context. Nonetheless, provocative and effective in arousing despite the fact that Saudi and Egyptian the worldly instincts […] This has sheikhs use religious references become famous on singing and to substantiate their fatwas that amusement channels, and it has presumably aim to protect the Arab become a profitable business to those society from “external” social ills, such who deem permissible illicit earnings, as adultery and gender mixing, their even if [this money] is gained by statements are politically-motivated. dishonoring [hatk] inviolable things, Kraidy touches on this important point and disdaining morals and degrading when discussing the opposing stand ethical virtues, and raising the logic of of the religious authority Wahhabiya the body above that of the spirit, and (Kraidy, Reality Television and Arab treating the human as if he were an Politics 14) that relentlessly promotes animal! (194). the strictest form of gender segregation in order to preserve the ideal Islamic characteristics of both genders,
129 • ISSUE 4 - 1, 2013 • IMAGINATIONS CONTEMPORARY ARAB MUSIC VIDEO CLIPS particularly women that are seen as the visual content of contemporary Arab bearers of national identity and family music videos. honor (Kraidy, Reality Television and Arab Politics 14). Kraidy attributes the Conclusion fierce controversy that imported and Western-inspired media have evoked Contemporary Arab music video in Saudi Arabia to Wahhabiya’s fear of styling has roots in the short sketches losing power and public legitimacy. He of Egyptian films produced in the contends that the discourse of protecting 1950s and 1960s. While songs and the pure Islamic practices against the staged musical performances of that era conflicting ones in imported media is a reflected upon contemporary political façade for the religious clerics to secure and social issues specific to the Arab their power in the Arab public sphere. context, contemporary Arab music videos emphasize the visual appeal Also, with the very recent thriving of performers while integrating a of Islamist groups in the Arab world, Western prototype of pop music to the subsequent to the public uprisings, detriment of qualities that undergird there has been a consistent demand national constructions of gender. In for reviving an Arab identity where this way, several of the clips under cultural and religious authenticity are discussion rely upon objectified images seen as the most feasible means for of women as part of a corporate address social development. Egypt’s current to commodification of the body. The president, Mohamed Morsi Isa El- sexualized female iconography presented Ayyat, took office in June 2012. He exchanges sexism as the embodiment has been a leading figure in the Muslim of the purported free will of the female brotherhood, which used to be the performer to exhibit her sexuality. fiercest opposing political group during However, following McRobbie, this Mubarak’s regime. As a result of the post-feminist address conceals the increasing political power of religiously perpetuation of media stereotypes more conservative parties, Arab TV organized around gender and sexuality. channels, particularly the government- Other Arab producers and singers have controlled ones, feel the need to abide introduced images that generate novel by the socio-religious redlines set by gender misrepresentations that are those pressure entities and this applies more subtle forms of stereotyping in to both locally produced and imported order to allay public controversy. As is media. Consequently, in addition to the case with the number of American the frowned-upon attitude that the girls’ magazines that shun conventional new Arab youth music style faces sexist images, on the one hand, and from the older generation and media produce bigoted “new sexualities” that critics, young Arab singers feel at odds stress the social and sexual significance regarding the Islamists who propagate of embracing the “perfect” female conservative views that denounce the body on the other, as McRobbie has
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described, these video clips highlight Elmessri, Abdel-Alwahab. “Ruby and the the depraved personal code of conduct Checkered Heart.” Music and Media in the Arab World. By Michael Aaron Frishkopf. of women rather than present them as Cairo: American University in Cairo, 2010. objects of pleasure. Finally, despite these 163-72. Print. stereotyped images, some of these clips Fattah, Wael Abdel. “The Biographies of can also be seen as an alternative forms Starlets Today: Revolution in Sound and of expression that allow Arab youth to Image.” Music and Media in the Arab World. interpret their concerns and emotions, By Michael Aaron Frishkopf. Cairo: American University in Cairo, 2010. 277-90. Print. analogous to other national popular musical forms. Goodwin, Andrew. Dancing in the Distraction Factory: Music Television and Popular Culture. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota, 1992. Works Cited Print. Abdel Aziz, Moataz. “Arabic Music Videos Hammond, Andrew. Pop Culture Arab World: and Their Implications for Arab Music and Media, Arts, and Lifestyle. Santa Barbara: Media.” Music and Media in the Arab World. ABC-CLIO, 2005 Print.. By Michael Aaron Frishkopf. Cairo: American University in Cairo, 2010. 77-89. Print. Hong, Y. Euny. “In the Arab World, Pop Alwassimi, Mounir. “Arab Music and Changes Stardom Can Be A Touchy Subject.” The in the Arab Media.” Music and Media in the Washington Post. 5 June 2005. Web. 26 Arab World. By Michael Aaron Frishkopf. Mar. 2011.
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Kubala, Patricia. “The Controversy over Vernallis, Carol. “Strange People, Weird Satellite Music Television in Contemporary Objects: The Nature of Narrativity, Characters, Egypt.” Music and Media in the Arab World. and Editing in Music Videos.” Medium Cool: By Michael Aaron Frishkopf. Cairo: American Music Videos from Soundies to Cellphones. By University in Cairo, 2010. 173-224. Roger Beebe and Jason Middleton. Durham, NC: Duke UP, 2007. 111-51. Print. McRobbie, Angela. In the Culture Society: Art, Fashion and Popular Music. London: Routledge, 1999. Print. (Endnotes) Nassar, Zein. “A History of Music and Singing 1 Music videos are known as video clips in the on Egyptian Radio and Television.” Music and Arab world. I will be using both expressions Media in the Arab World. By Michael Aaron interchangeably. Frishkopf. Cairo: American University in Cairo, 2010. 67-89. Print. 2 Gender mixing in the private sphere is forbidden from an Islamic point-of-view only Racy, Ali Jihad. Making Music in the Arab when it takes place between men and women World: The Culture and Artistry of Tarab. that are not mahrim to each other, that is Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2003. Print. they are not sisters and brothers or fathers and daughters and thus there is a possibility Railton, Diane, and Paul Watson. Music Video for them to develop a romantic or sexual and the Politics of Representation. Edinburgh: relation that are considered haram (religiously Edinburgh UP, 2011. Print. forbidden) in Islam. Rinnawi, Khalil. Instant Nationalism: 3 The Wahhabiya or Wahhabism is an Islamic McArabism, Al-Jazeera, and Transnational movement that began in Saudi Arabia in the Media in the Arab World. Lanham: University eighteenth-century by a religious reformer of America, 2006. Print. named Muhammad ibn Abdal-Wahhāb, who advocated the exclusive reliance on Qur’an Roberts, Robin. Ladies First: Women in Music and Sunna (the practices of the Prophet Videos. Jackson: University of Mississippi, Muhammad). Today, Wahhabism is known as 1996. Print. a zealous religious trend that strives to revive the prophetic tradition like Salafism but is Saʻdāwī, Nawāl. The Nawal El Saadawi more strict in its dictation of what is haram Reader. London: Zed, 1997. Print. (religiously forbidden) and halal (religiously allowed) particularly in terms of gender issues, Shafik, Viola. Arab Cinema: History and punishment laws and dress code. Cultural Identity. Cairo, Egypt: American University in Cairo, 2007. Print. Storey, John. Cultural Theory and Popular Culture: A Reader. Athens: University of Georgia, 1998. Print.
Tasker, Yvonne, and Diane Negra. Interrogating Postfeminism: Gender and the Politics of Popular Culture. Durham N.C.: Duke UP, 2007. Print. Torstrick, Rebecca L., and Elizabeth Faier. Culture and Customs of the Arab Gulf States. Westport, CT: Greenwood, 2009. Print.
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Ouidyane Elouardaoui is a Fulbright PhD Ouidyane Elouardaoui est doctorante candidate (ABD) in the film and media Fulbright dans le département d’études du department at the University of California, cinéma et des médias à l’Université de Californie Santa Barbara. Her current research interests à Santa Barbara. Elle mène des recherches sur include contemporary Arab media, melodrama les médias, le mélodrame et les publics arabes and spectatorship. Her publications that contemporains. Ses publications « Morocco : include “Mexican Telenovelas in Morocco: The Localization Process and its Limitations The Localization Process and its Limitations” » et « Arabs in Post 9/11 Hollywood Films : and “Arabs in Post 9/11 Hollywood Films: A A Move toward a more Realistic Depiction ? Move toward a more Realistic Depiction?” », ont paru dans le journal international de appear in the international journal of Amity Amity School of Communication et dans les School of Communication, 2011 and in e-Pubs de l’Université Purdue en 2011. Purdue University e-Pubs, 2011. Copyright Ouidyane Elouardaoui. This article is licensed under a Creative Commons 3.0 License although certain works referenced herein may be separately licensed, or the author has exercised their right to fair dealing under the Canadian Copyright Act.
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