Greek Colonization: Small and Large Islands Mario Lombardo

Home , Abantes, Borysthenes, Erice, Euboea, Greek colonisation, Lesbos

Mediterranean Historical Review Vol. 27, No. 1, June 2012, 73–85

Greek colonization: small and large islands Mario Lombardo

Dipartimento di Beni Culturali, Universita` degli Studi del Salento, Lecce, Italy This article looks at the relation between insular identity and colonization, in Greek thought but also in Greek colonial practices; more precisely, it examines how islands of different sizes are perceived and presented in their role of ‘colonizing entities’, and as destinations of colonial undertakings. Size appears to play an important role: there seems to have been a tendency to settle small to medium sized islands with a single colony. Large islands too, such as Corsica and Sardinia, follow the pattern ‘one island – one polis’; the case of Sicily is very different, but even there, in a situation of crisis, a colonial island identity emerged. Similarly, a number of small to medium-sized single- polis islands of the Aegean acted as colonizing entities, although there is almost no mention of colonial undertakings by small and medium-sized Aegean islands that had more than one polis. Multi-polis islands, such as Rhodes or Crete – but not Euboea – are often presented as the ‘collective’ undertakers of signiﬁcant colonial enterprises. Keywords: islands; insularity; identity; Greek colonization; Rhodes; Crete; Lesbos; Euboea; Sardinia; Corsica; Sicily

1. Islands are ubiquitous in the Mediterranean ecosystem, and particularly in the Aegean landscape; several important books have recently emphasized the important and manifold role played by insular locations in Antiquity.1 As ubiquitous presences in the Mediterranean scenery, islands also feature in the ancient Greek traditions concerning ‘colonial’ undertakings and practices. (Despite its anachronistic overtones, I shall use the traditional vocabulary of colonization, for lack of a ready alternative.2) The aim of this article is to examine the ways in which islands of different sizes are perceived and presented both in their role of ‘colonizing entities’, and as loci of ‘colonial foundations’ or, to put it differently, as the destinations of colonial undertakings. Because I am concerned here with forms of perception and representation of the ‘colonial’ Greek experience within the ancient Greek traditions, I am not going to address the complex issue of the historical reliability of the Greek foundation stories, with their apoikistic language and ‘models’, in reference to Greek experiences of overseas mobility and settlement in archaic age.3 The earliest horizons of the ancient Greek tradition already highlight the existence of a special relationship between insularity and Greek colonial experiences: it is sufﬁcient here to refer to the well-known Homeric passage on the colonization of Rhodes by Tlepolemus, or to the description of the goats’ island near the land of the Cyclopes as a ‘wooded island, on which there are countless wild goats, for the coming and going of men does not drive them away, nor do hunters enter it’, an island rich in water and in pasturable and arable land, and moreover possessing a good harbour – an island thus well suited for a Greek colonial settlement, as the poet himself seems explicitly to suggest.4 The foundation of the

*Email: [email protected]

ISSN 0951-8967 print/ISSN 1743-940X online q 2012 Taylor & Francis http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09518967.2012.669150 http://www.tandfonline.com 74 M. Lombardo

Phaeacian city in Scheria by Nausithoos – or, if we follow Demand, the relocation of the Phaeacian community to Scheria – also offers a good example, even though Homer never qualifies Scheria as an island.5 Not coincidentally, these three Homeric passages feature prominently in the recent debate about early Greek ‘colonization’.6 The accent put on the strong relation between islands and ‘colonization’ is not a feature limited to the Homeric poems: abundant evidence from later periods likewise points to islands – small or large, close to the mainland or far from it – as destinations of colonial undertakings, and more specifically as locations of apoikıái. Islands, moreover, frequently figure as the starting contexts of such undertakings. It is sufficient here to refer to the well- known passage in Thucydides that presents Minos as ‘the earliest of all those known to us by tradition who acquired a navy; he made himself master of a very great part of what is now called the Hellenic sea, and became lord ( rj1) of the Cyclades islands and first colonizer (o kisth` 6 prv˜ to6) of most of them’: Minos moves from an island base, Crete, and, having acquired an important navy, extends his control over the other islands.7 In what follows, I shall first rapidly review the general features that characterize the nexus of insularity and colonization in our literary sources; I shall then develop two specific case studies. The first concerns the four largest islands of the Aegean, and the different ways in which they are perceived and presented as colonizing entities. The second looks at the three largest islands of the central Mediterranean, and examines the different ways in which they feature as destinations of colonial undertakings or as locations of colonial foundations. On the basis of these case studies, and taking as our point of departure the illuminating work on islands and insularity produced by Christy Costantakopoulou and other scholars,8 I hope to be able to shed new light on the relation between insularity, or, rather, insular identity and colonization, in Greek thought but also in Greek colonial practices. 2. I shall begin by looking at islands as the end-point of colonial undertakings, and more specifically by looking at the very small offshore islands, ubiquitous in the Mediterranean landscape, to which Greek tradition sometimes attributes a meaningful role as offshore trading posts settled by Phoenicians and also by Greeks.9 Piero Guzzo has recently addressed this topic in a paper in which he reviews the literary evidence about the numerous ancient toponyms, mostly referring to islands, which exhibit the Greek (and perhaps Anatolian) suffix -oussa, and which in the past have been variously connected with early Greek colonization or with pre-colonial trade.10 It is worth highlighting here that, when these toponyms refer to islands, they feature either as the ancient names of well-known polis-islands, such as Anthemoussa for Samos and Pityoussa for Chios, or as the names of mostly small and offshore islands (but also of at least one big island, Ichnoussa for Sardinia), which never became colonial poleis.11 Thus, it seems that these toponyms refer to a horizon of Greek experiences of mobility and settlement earlier than that which saw the ‘crystallization’ of the polis in the eighth century BCE and the foundation of most colonial poleis. It is not by chance that there is only a single exception, that of Pithekoussai, the medium-sized island in the Bay of Naples that saw the oldest, and in many aspects atypical, Greek colonial foundation in the western Mediterranean around 770 BCE.12 Another point that emerges clearly from both the literary sources and the archaeological evidence is the role played by small offshore islands as bridge-heads for later colonial settlements. The most famous case is probably that of the little island of Ortygia, the seat of the first Corinthian settlers in Syracuse, which would later lose its insular status to become the inner city of the great colonial polis.13 Another instance is the offshore islet of San Martı` d’Empuries, which, according to Strabo – and to the results of Mediterranean Historical Review 75 archaeological investigations – was for a long period the seat of a Phocaean or Massaliote trading post, before becoming the ‘Old City’ of the larger mainland settlement of Emporion.14 At the other extremity of the Mediterranean, the little island of Berezan on the northern shore of the Black Sea formed the bridge-head for the later foundation of the Milesian colony of Borysthenes-Olbia.15 And, in a sense, Pithekoussai too could be seen as a sort of bridge-head for the joint foundation by the Chalcidians and the Cymaeans, some years later, of the colony of Cumae on the nearest part of the opposite mainland coast. This same Pithekoussai is otherwise typical of a number of colonies, and of colonial poleis, each occupying a small to medium-sized island, located more or less near to the mainland or to the coast of a large island, like Sicily. Instances are numerous: they comprise the Corinthian colonies of Kerkyra and Leucas in Ionian Sea, opposite to the coasts of Epirus and Acarnania respectively; Parian Thasos and Samian Samothrake in the northern Aegean; Milesian Prokonnesos in the Propontis, and Cnidian Lipara in the Tyrrhenian Sea, not far from the Sicilian and south Italian coasts. These are all cases of single-polis islands, that is of colonial settlements that gave rise to poleis occupying an entire island each; in other words, these colonial settlements managed to establish themselves in such a way that the political boundaries coincided with the geographical, natural boundaries. The story of the foundation of Corinthian Kerkyra, as narrated by Plutarch, is particularly interesting in this respect, because we are told that the Corinthian colonists proceeded to expel the Eretrian settlers who had previously colonized the island.16 This seems to imply that it was considered inappropriate, or even unfeasible, to establish a colony on a small to medium-sized island where another group of colonists were already present, and that it was considered normal practice to settle an island of such a size with a single colony. Conversely, we find a number of small to medium-sized single-polis islands of the Aegean acting as colonizing entities, entering into their own colonial undertakings. Instances include the small island of Thera, itself a colony of Sparta and a single-polis island, which founded the would-be great colony of Cyrene in Libye; the small island of Paros, founder of Thasos in the northern Aegean, and later of Pharos – also an island colony – in the Adriatic; Andros, which founded or co-founded several colonies in the northern Aegean; and Samos, the alleged metropolis of a number of colonies in the Propontis and on the Black Sea shore. It is also worth noting that there are almost no mentions of colonial undertakings by small and medium-sized Aegean islands that had more than one polis, such as Keos, with its three or four poleis, or Amorgos or Mykonos; nor of such undertakings by just one of the poleis located on those islands.17 The reason for this is not clear, but must have something to do with the process of crystallization of several poleis in a relatively limited insular space: perhaps this process had involved too much sharp competition between small neighbouring communities to allow later cooperation, or to give to one of them the opportunity of taking an autonomous initiative. 3. Small and medium-sized islands with a single polis therefore seem to have been more likely to embark on colonial undertakings than multi-polis islands of similar size; moreover, whenever settlers chose a small to medium-sized island, they appear to have generally founded a sigle polis on it. On the other hand – and I come here to my first case study – we find among the exceptions to the general rule that in ancient Greece a colony was usually founded by a single mother-city not only the cases of colonies attributed to ethne (e.g. the Achaian colonies of Southern Italy) or to two cooperating poleis (e.g. the aforementioned Cumae), as one might expect, but also those of colonies whose foundation was credited to large multi-polis islands. It is not rare to find large multi-polis islands presented as ‘collectively’ undertaking significant enterprises in the colonial field. 76 M. Lombardo

This happens for instance with Lesbos, listed by Strabo as one of the seven largest islands of the Mediterranean Sea,18 and comprising some six or seven different poleis. It is not these poleis, but ‘the Lesbians’ as such who are credited, in the Periegesis attributed to Scymnos of Chios, with the foundation, in the Hellespontine region, of the two colonies of Sestos and Madytos.19 Much better documented are the cases of two other multi-polis large islands, Rhodes and Crete. On Rhodes there were three poleis, Lindos, Camiros and Ialysos, mentioned in the Iliad as providing the contingents led by Tlepolemos; they functioned as independent poleis at least until the synoecism (political unification) of 408 BCE, which gave rise to the unified polis of Rhodes.20 As for the much larger Crete, it is mentioned in the Homeric poems as the island of the 100, or of the 90 cities.21 Strikingly, both Rhodians and Cretans are credited, together or separately, but always as a group, with a number of colonial foundations. The most famous is that of Gela in Sicily, whose foundation Thucydides attributes to Antiphemus from Rhodes and Entimus from Crete.22 The tradition reported by Diodorus gives further details: according to him: Antiphemos and Entimos, who founded Gela, made inquiry of the Pythian priestess, who gave them the following answer: ‘Entimos and you, prudent son of the illustrious Craton, go you both to Sicily, to dwell on her fair soil, having built a town of Cretans and Rhodians together besides the mouth of the holy river Gela, and of the same name as it’. The Greek text is very explicit on the joint aspect of the colonial enteprise, stressing its dual character twice, in reference first to the oikistai (‘both’, mwv, Antiphemos and Entimos), then to the colonists themselves (ptoli´1uron moy˜ Krhtv˜ n odi´vn,‘a community of Cretans and Rhodians’).23 It is worth noting that our earliest source on Gela’s foundation, Herodotus, attributes the colony specifically to ‘the Lindians from Rhodes’.24 However, in the text of the same Herodotean Histories, which were certainly written before the Rhodian synoecism of 408 BCE (which in Rhodes also resulted in the foundation of a new city), Rhodes is mentioned as one of the ‘poleis that had founded together the so-called Hellenion’ at Naucratis and which provided the overseers of this trading port in Egypt.25 Thus, if in at least one instance Herodotus distinguishes between the Rhodian poleis as acting subjects, he also cites instances in which the Rhodians acted as a collective. And if we are to trust the wording of Stephanos of Byzantion, even before Herodotus, Hecataeus in his Asia mentioned Korydalla as a ‘city of the Rhodians’, that is, as a Rhodian foundation.26 In later tradition, too, we find several references to Rhodian colonial foundations, in particular in Strabo’s geographical work: thus, talking of Southern Italy, Strabo records that ‘According to some, however, both Siris and the Sybaris which is on the Teuthras were founded by the Rhodians ( odi´vn kti´sma)’;27 he also attributes to ‘the Rhodians’ several ancient colonial foundations in Campania (Parthenope-Neapolis) and in Apulia (Elpiae), as well as in Spain (Rhodes and the Balearic Islands).28 As for the Cretans: a late tradition, reported by Aelian, mentions the Cretan foundation of Hamaxitos in the Troad;29 but much more important are some well-known passages in the Laws of Plato. In the third book, Cleinias states that ‘the greater part of Crete is undertaking to found a colony, and it has given charge of the undertaking to the Cnosians’ ( ga` rpl1i´sth th˜ 6 Krh´ th6 pix1ir1˜i tina poikián poih´ sasuai, kai`prosta´ tt1i to˜i6 Knvsiói6 pim1lhuh˜ nai toy˜ pra´ gmato6); when the Athenian interlocutor inquires, slightly later, whether the colony will include ‘all that wish to go from any part of Crete’ ( j pa´ sh6 Krh´ th6 u1´lvn), we learn that indeed, ‘It will probably be from the Mediterranean Historical Review 77 whole of Crete’ ( kt1 Krh´ th6 sympa´ sh6 oik1ng1nh´ s1suai), although other groups of Greeks, in particular from the Peloponnese, may eventually join.30 These examples show how, in the Greek perception and presentation of ‘colonial’ undertakings and colonial foundations, the collective insular identity of the large multi- polis islands of Rhodes and Crete may come to the fore, leaving to the backstage the well- established knowledge of the existence on those islands of more than one polis, or even several. In colonial matters, the Rhodians and the Cretans, as well as the Lesbians, could be perceived and presented as acting as collective insular entities; and their colonial undertakings and foundations could be credited to collective insular entities (or subjects) rather than to one of the poleis existing on each of the islands.31 This is indeed not so surprising, when we consider that the Homeric Catalogue of Ships already hints at a perception of those islands as collective entities, even regarding their behaviour in international matters. In the Iliad, the Rhodian and Cretan contingents are presented as military units, each under a single general – Tlepolemos for the Rhodians and Idomeneus for the Cretans.32 Rhodes is presented in a substantially unitary way in Pindar’s Seventh Olympian Ode; and the Cretans are credited by Herodotus with a unitary political behaviour in the wake of Xerxes’ invasion of Greece.33 Moreover, a number of Olympic victors of the fifth century BCE are qualified, in both literary and epigraphical sources, as Rhodians or Cretans, a significant phenomenon that concerns not only these two islands, but also several other multi-polis islands – a fact recently highlighted by numerous scholars.34 All these data combine to ‘show that the islanders had a sense of their own unity as islanders, despite their being divided into fully separate and autonomous poleis’;35 we may add that they were also perceived as collective acting entities in matters relating to colonization.36 As we have seen, this phenomenon also concerns Crete, the largest island in the Aegean Sea, which for this very reason has been substantially excluded from discussions concerning insularity in Christy Constantakopoulou’s recent book.37 It is all the more interesting then to note the entirely different picture presented by another large Aegean island, Euboea, which is also excluded because of its size from discussions concerning insular identity. Like Lesbos, Rhodes and Crete, Euboea is a large island with more than one polis, and, like its counterparts, it was presented in the Homeric Catalogue of Ships as the ‘Land of the Abantes’, whose several poleis furnished a single contingent under the command of Elephenor.38 In the Homeric Hymn to Apollo, Euboea appears as an insular entity, like Aegina.39 Nevertheless, even if we are accustomed to hear scholars speak of ‘Euboean colonies’ founded in Sicily and Southern Italy, in the northern Aegean, in the Adriatic and even on the African coasts, there is not a single source in the ancient Greek tradition that refers in such terms to the numerous and significant colonial undertakings and colonial foundations attempted by people living on the island of Euboea.40 Ancient sources only mention colonies founded by the Chalkidians and/or the Eretrians. Thucydides speaks only of Chalkidian colonies in Sicily; 41 as for Strabo, even if he mentions an Euboea in Sicily, a secondary colony of Leontini, he carefully distinguishes, within the unitary context of foundations in the Chalkidic peninsula and Macedon, between the colonies founded by Eretrians on the two aktaı´ of Pallene and Athos, and those founded by Chalkis in the central akte´ – which would be controlled by the Olynthians first and Philip II of Macedon later – and then adds that ‘there are also many settlements in Italy and Sicily founded by the Chalkidians’.42 Even in the case of Pithekoussai, the only colony known to have been founded jointly by Chalkidians and Eretrians, Strabo does not speak of an Euboean 78 M. Lombardo foundation, but of a joint foundation by Eretrians and Chalkidians (Piuhkoy´ssa6 d’ r1tri1˜i6 kisan kai` Xalkid1˜i6).43 How can we explain the striking difference between this picture and that presented by the traditions concerning the colonial undertakings of Rhodians, Cretans and Lesbians? Admittedly, Euboea is an atypical island, not only because of its size, but also – as stressed by Christy Constantakopoulou – because of its extraordinary closeness to the mainland, from which it is separated only by the very narrow channel of Euripus.44 And yet this fact is hardly sufficient to explain the difference, especially since the perception and presentation of Euboea as an island, however atypical, is well established in Greek tradition, from Homer onwards. I suggest, rather, that a significant role should be attributed to the very early growth, in the island, in the course of the eighth century BCE, of the two rich and powerful poleis of Chalkis and Eretria, two poleis in competition and even in conflict, a phenomenon which probably prevented the formation of a dominant island identity in the field of colonial matters, or at any rate, its perception and representation in Greek tradition. It is certainly no accident that Thucydides presents the early war between Chalkis and Eretria, fought for control of the fertile Lelantine plain lying between the two, as the first historical context after the Trojan War in which a conflict involved ‘the rest of the Hellenic people (to` llo llhniko`n)’ in taking sides with one of the two Euboean cities.45 And Pithekoussai, the only colony allegedly jointly founded by Chalkidians and Eretrians, is not accidentally the oldest and most atypical among the western Greek colonies.46 It is also interesting to note that the toponym Euboia figures in Pseudo-Scylax as the name of an island with a polis, situated offshore from the harbour of a Pithekoussai on the Libyan coast west of Carthage, where according to Boardman, people from Euboea would have settled, side by side with Phoenicians, in the early days of exploration of the western Mediterranean.47 4. I move now to the second case study, a set concerning the three largest islands in the central Mediterranean – Sicily, Sardinia and Corsica – as destinations of Greek colonial undertakings. Here, too, we are confronted with very differing cases. In narrating the events that led to the foundation of Alalia, the only Greek ‘colony’ in Corsica (ancient Kyrnos), which had been settled by the Phocaeans slightly before the middle of the sixth century BCE, Herodotus affirms that the foundation had been prompted by an oracular response from the Pythia, exhorting the Phocaeans ‘to found Kyrnos (to`n Ky´rnon ... kti´sai)’. This response they interpreted – erroneously as it was later said – as an injunction to ‘colonize the isle of Kyrnos’, and accordingly they founded their colony of Alalia there.48 This means that in the sixth and fifth centuries BCE, when the story first took shape and when it was retold, it was possible to conceive and accept the notion of a single colonial undertaking investing an island as large as Corsica. A similar and even clearer picture can be gained from Herodotus’ narrative concerning the Ionian colonial projects regarding Sardinia, an island considered by the ancients to be the largest in the Mediterranean.49 Herodotus says in the context of Cyrus’ conquest of western Asia Minor: When the Ionians, despite their evil plight nonetheless assembled at Panionion, Bias of Priene, I have learned, gave them a very useful advice, and had they followed it, they might have been the most prosperous of all the Greeks: for he advised them to put out to sea and sail all together to Sardo and then found one city for all the Ionians; thus, possessing the greatest island in the world and ruling others, they would be rid of slavery and have prosperity.50 Even if the idea was never realized, it is fascinating to note that, according to Herodotus, it was possible for the Ionians to dream of founding a single ‘colony’, a collective foundation Mediterranean Historical Review 79

‘of all the Ionians’, occupying the substantial island of Sardinia in its entirety; and that the audience of the Histories could conceive of entertaining such a notion, and consider it as the way to prosperity.51 If we now remind ourselves of what was observed earlier about the ‘normal practice’ of founding a single colony on a small to medium-sized island, we could advance the hypothesis that the equation ‘one island – one colonial polis’ was intrinsic to Greek thinking about islands as the seat of colonial settlements. But, again, a significantly different picture is offered by Sicily, where Greek tradition locates many Greek colonies of varying origins, coexisting not only with native peoples (Sikels, Sikanians and Elymians), but also with Phoenician and Carthaginian colonies, as Thucydides stresses in his ‘Sicilian archaeology’, at the opening of Book six. In sketching the context of the great Athenian expedition to Sicily, Thucydides has himself as narrator, Alkibiades and Nikias all in turn stress ‘the large dimensions of the island and the number of its inhabitants, Hellenic and Barbarian’, the polyandrıá of the Sicilian cities with their mixed population, and the existing Hellenic towns, ‘very numerous for one island’.52 We have here an ‘objective’ point of view, that of the Thucydidean narrator; this is followed by the point of view of two of the main actors, Nikias and Alkibiades, two ‘outsiders’ who, although for very different reasons, agree on the issue of the great number of cities and the ample if diverse population of Sicily. As I was born in the Sicilian colony of Akragas, I would like to point out the contrast offered by another well known Thucydidean passage, that in which the historian offers us the climax of Hermokrates’ speech at the Congress of Gela in 424 BCE: There is no shame in giving way one to another between oikeioi, a Dorian to a Dorian, or a Chalkidian to his brethren; above and beyond this, we are neighbours, live in the same country, are girt by the same sea, and go by the same name of Sikeliotai.53 This is the earliest appearance of the term Sikeliotai, which singled out the Greek colonial settlers in Sicily, introduced as an identity badge, and as the basis of a sort of ancient ‘Monroe doctrine’, at a moment when the Sicilian Greeks were confronted with the threat of a foreign aggression, even if by another Greek people, the Athenians.54 Here we can see how the longstanding and manifold processes of Greek colonial undertaking and colonial settlement on the vast island of Sicily, which had given rise to so many differing and conflicting Greek colonial poleis, could result in the formation of an insular colonial identity, precisely that of the Sikeliotai.55 5. We have seen in this article that, since the oldest horizons of ancient tradition, the Homeric poems, it is possible to discern a meaningful relation between islands and Greek colonial experiences and that such a relation emerges even later with extensive evidence relating to islands as destinations of colonial undertakings – sometimes, in the cases of small offshore islands, as bridge-heads for later colonial settlements, but more often as definite locations of apoikıái – as well as to islands as starting contexts of such undertakings. In most cases we are dealing with small to medium-sized ‘single-polis’ islands. Actually, we can find a number of such island-poleis acting as ‘metropoleis’, such as Thera, Paros, Naxos and Samos, along with a number of island-colonies, such as Pithekoussai, Kerkyra, Leukas, Thasos, Samothrake, Leros, Prokonnesos, Lipara, Pharos and Issa. It is even possible to advance the hypothesis that it was considered normal practice to settle a small to medium-sized island with a single ‘colony’. But even in the case of large and multi-polis islands, such as Crete, Rhodes or Lesbos, we can see that their ‘insular identity’ comes to the fore in colonial matters: and ancient 80 M. Lombardo tradition actually qualifies them as such, by presenting them as the metropoleis of various kinds of colonies. However, in the case of Euboea, ancient sources offer evidence only of Chalkidian or Eretrian ktismata/apoikıái. Probably it was the precocious growth of the two large and conflicting poleis of Chalkis and Eretria that prevented the emergence in this case of a dominant island identity. As for large islands as destinations of colonial undertakings, we can note the cases of Corsica and Sardinia, both presented by Herodotus as the destinations of single colonial projects, while another large island, Sicily, features, especially in Thucydides, as the context of a plurality of Greek colonial settlements. But even in this case we have seen how the manifold processes of Greek colonization in this very large island could result in the emergence of an insular colonial identity, that of the Sikeliotai.

Acknowledgements Earlier drafts of this article were presented in Italian at the Conference on ‘Immagine e immagini della Sicilia e di altre isole del Mediterraneo antico’ (Workshop G. Nenci), held at Erice, 12–16 October 2006, and in English at the workshop on ‘Water and Identity in the Ancient World’, held at Durham, 22–23 March 2010. I would like to thank all those who helped me to improve the text – especially, but not only, in its English form – and in particular Paola Ceccarelli.

Notes 1. See for instance Vilatte, L’insularite´; Brun, Archipels e´geéns; Letoublon, Impressions d’ıˆles; Horden and Purcell, Corrupting Sea; Latsch, Insularita¨t und Gesellschaft; Constantakopoulou, Dance of the Islands; Ampolo, Immagine e immagini della Sicilia. 2. Shepherd, ‘Greek Colonisation in Sicily and the West’. 3. Hall, ‘Foundation Stories’; for the recent debate, see, e.g., Osborne, ‘Early Greek Colonization?’; Yntema, ‘Mental Landscapes of Colonisation’; Malkin, ‘Exploring the Validity of the Concept of Foundation’; Wilson, ‘Ideologies of Greek Colonization’; Mele, ‘Colonizzazione greca arcaica’; Greco ‘Le esperienze coloniali greche’; Malkin, ‘Foundations’. 4. Tlepolemos on Rhodes: Hom. Il. 2.661–670; goats’ island close to the land of the Cyclopes: Hom. Od. 9.116–41. 5. Hom. Od. 6.1–10. See Warnecke, ‘Die homerische Hafenstadt der Phaiaken’, for an interpretation of Scheria as the ‘ideal model’ of an archaic Ionian colony; and Demand, Urban Relocation, 21 ff. 6. Osborne, ‘Early Greek Colonization?’; Wilson, ‘Ideologies of Greek Colonization’; Mele, ‘La colonizzazione greca arcaica’. 7. Thuc. 1.4.1. 8. In particular, Constantakopoulou, ‘Proud to Be an Islander’, and eadem, Dance of the Islands. 9. After having detailed the main moments of the Greek colonization of Sicily, Thucydides continues (6.2.6): koyn d1` kai`Foińik16p1ri`pa˜ san m1`nth` n Sik1lián kra6 t1 pi`t uala´ ss polabońt16 kai`ta` pik1i´m1na nhsi´dia mporiá6 n1k1nth˜ 6pro`6toy`6 Sik1loy´6· (‘Phoenicians, too, had settlements all round Sicily, on promontories along the sea- coast, which they walled off, and on the adjacent islets, for the sake of trade with the Sicels)’: Greeks and Phoenicians are put on the same level. 10. Guzzo, ‘Tucidide e le isole’. 11. Samos / Anthemoussa: Strabo 14.1.15; Chios / Pityoussa: Strabo 12.1.18; Sardinia / Ichnoussa: Plin. N.H., 7.85. Steph. Byz. s.v. Fashloy˜ssai, dyó nh˜ soi Liby´h6 plhsiónSi´rio6 potamoy˜. kataiõ6p1rihgh´ s1i Liby´h6.o nhsiv˜ tai Fashloyssaiõi 6Skotoys- saiõi, offers yet another instance of small offshore island. 12. Atypical character of the settlement in Pithekoussai: Mele, ‘Anomalie di Pithecusa’. 13. Thuc. 6.3.2; cf. Paus. 5.7. 14. Strabo 3.4.8: ‘Emporium was founded by the people of Massilia; ... The Emporitans formerly lived on a little island off the shore, which is now called Old City, but they now live on the mainland’ (a to` [Emporion] d’ sti` Massalivtv˜ n kti´sma ..... koyn d’o mpori˜tai Mediterranean Historical Review 81

pro´t1ron nhsióntiprok1i´m1non, nyñ kal1˜itai palaia` po´li6, nyñd’o koy˜sin nt p1i´r ). 15. See now Solovyov, ‘Greeks and Indigenous Population’. 16. Plut. Quaest. Gr. 11.293, a passage usually mentioned because it also highlights the impossibility of going back to the city of origin: ‘Men from Eretria used to inhabit the island of Corcyra. But Charicrates sailed there from Corinth with an army and defeated them in war; so the Eretrians embarked in their ships and sailed back home. Their fellow-citizens, however, having learned of the matter before their arrival, barred their return to the country and prevented them from disembarking by showering upon them missiles from slings. Since the exiles were unable either to persuade or to overcome their fellow-citizens, who were numerous and inexorable, they sailed to Thrace and occupied a territory in which, according to tradition, Methon, the ancestor of Orpheus, had formerly lived. So the Eretrians named their city Methoneˆ, but they were also named by their neighbours the “Men repulsed by slings.”’ 17. See on this Reger, ‘Islands with One Polis’. 18. Strabo 14.2.10. List of the seven largest islands given to humankind by the wy˜si6 in Alexis fr. 270 K.-A. ( = schol. Plat. Menex. 242e; Steph. Byz. s.v. Sik1lika´ ; Eust. in Dion. Per. 568); cf. for a slightly different canon Arist. De Mundo 393a and De Mirab. Ausc. 89; Diod. Sic. 5.17; schol Ar. Ach. 112. Usually Sicily precedes Sardinia, but Timaeus (in Strabo 14.2.10) and Ps. Scyl. 114 both consider Sardinia the largest. 19. Ps.-Scymn. 709-10: ‘Then come Sestos and Madytos, which lay on the Straits and are foundations of the Lesbians’ ( p1ita Shsto`6 kai` Ma´ dyto6, a k1i´m1nai / pi`toy˜ st1nvpoy˜ L1sbi´vn d’o sai kti´s1i6). 20. Hom. Il. 2.653–6: Tlhpo´l1mo6d’ rakl1 dh6 6t1 m1´ga6 t1 / k o´doy nn1ánh˜ a6 g1n odi´vn g1rv´ xvn,/ o o´don mw1n1´monto dia` tri´xa kosmhu1ńt16 / Lińdon hlysońt1 kai` rgino´1nta Ka´ m1iron. Cf. Cordano, ‘Rhodos’; Reger, ‘Islands with One Polis’; Gabrielsen, ‘The Synoikized Polis of Rhodes’. 21. 100 cities: Hom. Il. 2.649; 90 cities: Hom. Od. 19.174. Strabo 10.4.15 reports ancient views on, and explanations of, this discrepancy (by Ephoros in particular). 22. Thuc. 6.4.3: G1´lan d1` nti´whmo6 k o´doy kai` ntimo6 k Krh´ th6 poi´koy6 gagońt16 koin ktisan (‘Gela was founded by Antiphemus from Rhodes and Entimus from Crete, who together led out the colony’). 23. Diod. 8.23: ti nti´whmo6 kai` ntimo6 o G 1´lan kti´sant16 rv´ thsan th` n Pyuián, kai` xrhs1 tay˜ta, ntim’ d1` Kra´ tvno6 gakl1ó6y 1` da wron,/ luońt16 Sik1lh` n kalh` n xuońa nai´1ton mwv,/d1ima´ m1noiptoli´1uron moy˜ Krhtv˜ n odi´vn t1 / pa` rproxoa` 6 potamo˜io G1´la synomv´ nymon gnoy˜. Cf. Malkin, Religion and Colonization,52–4. 24. Hdt. 7.153; on Gela’s foundation in Greek tradition, cf. Wentker, ‘Die Ktisis von Gela’, and more recently Raccuia, ‘Fondazione di Gela’; Sammartano, ‘Tradizioni letterarie’; Perlman, ‘Cretan Colonists’. 25. Hdt. 2.178: a d1 a po´li16 1 sià drym1ńai koin , v´ nvn m1`n Xió6 kai` T1´v6 kai` Fv´ kaia kai` Klazom1nai´, Dvri1´vn d1` o´do6 kai` Kni´do6 kai` likarnhsso`6 kai` Fa´ shli6,A ol1´vn d1` Mytilhnai´vn moyńh; cf. Cordano, ‘Rhodos’; Bresson, ‘Rhodes’; idem, ‘Retour a` Naucratis’; Reger, ‘Islands with One Polis’; Gabrielsen, ‘The Synoikized Polis of Rhodes’. The fact that specifically Mytilene, out of the many poleis of Lesbos, is credited with participating in the enterprise, means by implication that the indication of Rhodes as ‘polis’ is not accidental: distinctions could be made. 26. Steph. Byz. s.v. Kory´dalla = Hecataeus FGrH 1 F 246: po´li6 odi´vn. kataiõ6 siái. to` uniko`n Korydall1˜i6. 27. Strabo 6.1.14. 28. Strabo 14.2.10, on which see Marton, ‘Tradizioni sui Rodii’. 29. Ael. Nat. An., 12. 5. 30. Plato Leg. 3. 702c and 707e–708a; cf. Pierart, ‘Cite´ des Magne`tes’. 31. Reger, ‘Islands with One Polis’, 473; Constantakopoulou, ‘Proud to Be an Islander’, 7. A strong connection between colonizing activities and insular identity, in particular in the case of the Rhodians, has now been vigorously and convincingly highlighted in Malkin, Small Greek World, a book of which I was able to read some chapters, thanks to the kindness of the author, when the present article was being prepared for publication. 32. Respectively Hom. Il. 2. 653–56, and Hom. Il. 2. 645–49, strikingly the same passage in which Crete is defined hekatonpolis. 82 M. Lombardo

33. Rhodes: Pind. Ol. 7.14–18 ( o´don ... tri´polin na˜ son, ‘Rhodes, ...the island with three cities). Crete: Hdt. 7.169: cf. Vivier, ‘He´rodote et la neutralite´ des Cretois’. 34. Note in particular Reger, ‘Islands with One Polis’; Gabrielsen, ‘The Synoikized Polis of Rhodes’; Hansen and Nielsen, Inventory; Perlman, ‘Imagining Crete’; Constantakopoulou, ‘Proud to Be an Islander’, as well as Dance of the Islands, 32 ff. 35. Reger, ‘Islands with One Polis’, 473. 36. On this point, see now Malkin, Small Greek World. 37. Constantakopoulou, Dance of the Islands, 14–15. 38. Hom. Il. 2.536–41. 39. Hom. H.Ap 31: nh˜ so´6t’A gińh naysikl1ith´ t’E boia (‘The island of Aegina and Euboia famous for its ships’). 40. On Euboean ‘colonization’ see, e.g., Contribution a` l’e´tude de la societe´; Valenza Mele, ‘Hera ed Apollo’; Pugliese Carratelli, ‘Per la storia dei culti’; Sakellariou, ‘Quelques questions’; Nouvelle Contribution; Crielaard, ‘Naysikl1ith` E boia’; d’Agostino, ‘Euboean Colonisa- tion’; Bats and D’Agostino, Euboica; Boardman, ‘Early Euboean Settlements’; Austin, ‘The Greeks in Libya’; Cabanes, ‘Greek Colonisation in the Adriatic’; Tiverios, ‘Greek Colonisation of the Northern Aegean’. 41. Thuc. 6.3–5: llh´ nvn d1` prv˜ toi Xalkidh˜ 6 j E boiá6 pl1y´sant16m1ta` Qoykl1óy6 o kistoy˜ Na´ jon kisan ... kai` m1´ra po` Za´ gklh6 ki´suh po` E kl1i´doy kai`Si´moy kai`Sa´ kvno6, kai` Xalkidh˜ 6m1`n o pl1˜istoi luon 6th` n poikián ... (‘Of the Hellenes, the first to arrive were Chalcidians from Euboea with Thoucles the oecist, and founded Naxos .... Himera was founded from Zancle by Euclides, Simus and Sacon, most of those who went to the colony being Chalcidians’). 42. On Euboea in Sicily cf. Strabo 10.1.15: ‘There was also a Euboea in Sicily, which was founded by the Chalcidians of Sicily.’ As for the settlements of Chalkidians and Eretrians in northern Greece, see Strabo 10.1.8: a d’o npo´l1i6 a tai diaw1rońtv6 a jhu1˜isai kai` poikiá6 st1ilan jiolo´goy6 1 6 Mak1donián: r1´tria m1`nga` r syn kis1 ta` 6p1ri` Pallh´ nhn kai`to`n uv po´l1i6, d1` Xalki´6 ta` 6 po` lyńu , 6Fi´lippo6di1lymh´ nato. kai`th˜ 6 taliá6 d1` kai` Sik1liá6 polla` xvriá Xalkid1vn stiń. 43. Strabo 5.4.9. 44. Constantakopoulou, Dance of the Islands, 14–15. 45. Thuc. 1.15.3: ma´ lista d1` 6to`npa´ lai pot1` g1no´m1nonpo´l1mon Xalkid1´vn kai` r1triv˜ n kai`to` llo llhniko`n 6 jymmaxián kat1´rvn di1´sth (‘The nearest approach to a coalition took place in the old war between Chalcis and Eretria; this was a quarrel in which the rest of the Hellenic people did to some extent take sides’). 46. Cf. Mele, ‘Anomalie di Pithecusa’. 47. Ps.-Scyl. 111; cf. Boardman, ‘Early Euboean Settlements’. 48. Hdt. 1.165–67. On the ‘mistake’, see Greco, ‘Sul cosiddetto errore di Alalia’. 49. See above, n. 18. 50. Hdt. 1.170: K1kakvm1ńvn d1` v´ nvn kai` syll1gom1ńvn o d1`n sson 6to` Paniv´ nion, pynua´ nomai gnv´ mhn Biánta ndra Prihn1á pod1´jasuai vsi xrhsimvta´ thn, t 1 p1iúonto, par1˜ix1 n swi 1 daimon1´1in llh´ nvn ma´ lista· 6 k1´l1y1 koin sto´l vna6 1ru1ńta6 pl1´1in 6 Sardv` kai` p1ita po´lin mián kti´z1in pa´ ntvn v´ nvn, kai` o tv pallaxu1ńta6 sw1á6 doylosyńh6 1 daimonh´ s1in, nh´ svn t1 pas1´vn m1gi´sthn n1mom1ńoy6 kai` rxonta6 llvn. On the size of Sardinia, see, e.g., Strabo 14.2.10: the largest island of the Mediterranean. 51. On the Ionians and Sardinia, see further Ceccarelli, ‘De la Sardaigne a` Naxos’; Galvagno, ‘I Greci e il “miraggio” sardo’; Cusumano, ‘Biante e la Sardegna’. 52. Respectively Thuc. 6.1.1 ( p1iroi o polloi` nt16toy˜ m1g1úoy6 th˜ 6nh´ soy kai`tv˜ n noikoyńtvn toy˜ plh´ uoy6 kai` llh´ nvn kai` barba´ rvn); Thuc. 6.17.2 (Alkibiades: xloi6 t1 ga` r jymm1i´ktoi6 polyandroy˜sin a po´l1i6); and Thuc. 6.20.2 (Nikias: to´ t1 plh˜ uo6 6 nmi nh´ s polla` 6ta` 6 llhni´da6). 53. Thuc. 4.64.3: o d1`nga` rasxro`n o k1ióy6 o k1i´vn ssa˜ suai, Dvria˜ tina` Dvriv˜ 6 Xalkid1átv˜ n jygg1nv˜ n, to` d1` jy´mpan g1i´tona6 nta6 kai` jynoi´koy6 mia˜ 6xv´ ra6 kai` p1rirry´toy kai` noma nk1klhm1ńoy6 Sik1liv´ ta6. 54. Cf. the extensive discussion in Antonaccio, ‘Ethnicity and Colonization’. 55. Malkin, Small Greek World, now suggests tracing back the process of formation of such an identity to a much earlier phase, connecting it to the pan-sikeliote function played, according to Mediterranean Historical Review 83

Thuc. 6.3.1, by the altar of Apollo Archeˆgeteˆs set up by Thoukles when he founded the oldest Sicilian colony, Naxos.

Notes on contributor Mario Lombardo is Full Professor in Greek History and Epigraphy and Director of the Department of Cultural Heritage at the University of Salento, as well as Professor in Greek Epigraphy and Antiquities at the Scuola Archeologica Italiana di Atene, and President of the Scientiﬁc Board of the Istituto per la Storia e l’Archeologia della Magna Grecia. He has published widely on Greek historiography, on Greek colonization in Southern Italy and the Adriatic area (Taras, Metapontum, Siris, Sybaris, Kaulonia, Hipponion, Cypselid and Dionysian colonies), as well as on non-Greek populations of Italy (Oenotrians, Messapians, Lucanians, Brettians). He has edited and co-edited several volumes, among which the Proceedings of the Conferences on Magna Graecia held annually in Tarentum.

References Ampolo, Carmine, ed. Immagine e immagini della Sicilia e di altre isole del Mediterraneo antico, Atti delle seste giornate internazionali di studi sull’area elima e la Sicilia occidentale nel contesto mediterraneo, Workshop G. Nenci, Erice 12–6 October 2006. 2 vols. Pisa: Edizioni della Normale, 2009. Antonaccio, Carla. ‘Ethnicity and Colonization’. In Ancient Perceptions of Greek Ethnicity, ed. Irad Malkin. 113–57, Cambridge, MA: Center for Hellenic Studies: Trustees for Harvard University, 2001. Austin, Michael. ‘The Greeks in Libya’. In Greek Colonisation: An Account of Greek Colonies and Other Settlements Overseas, ed. G. Tsetskhladze. 187–218, vol. 2. Leiden: Brill, 2008. Bats, Michel, and Bruno D’Agostino, eds. Euboica: L’Eubea e la presenza euboica in Calcidica e in Occidente. Atti del Convegno di Napoli. Naples: Centre Jean Be´rard, Dipartimento del mondo classico, University of Naples, 1998. Boardman, John. ‘Early Euboean Settlements in the Carthage area’. Oxford Journal of Archaeology 25 (2006): 195–200. Bresson, Alain. ‘Rhodes, l’Hellenion et le statut de Naucratis (VIe–IVe sie`cle a. J.C.)’. Dialogues d’Histoire Ancienne 6 (1980): 291–349 ( = A. Bresson, La cite´ marchande, Bordeaux: Diffusion De Boccard, 2000, 13–63). ———. ‘Re´tour a` Naucratis’. In La cite´ marchande, ed. A. Bresson. 65–84, Bordeaux: Diffusion De Boccard, 2000. Brun, Patrice. Les archipels e´geéns dans l’antiquite´ grecque (Ve –IIe sie`cles av. notre e`re). Paris and Besançon: Annales litte´raires de Paris l’Universite´ de Franche-Comte´/Les Belles Lettres, 1996. Cabanes, Pierre. ‘Greek Colonisation in the Adriatic’. In Greek Colonisation: An Account of Greek Colonies and Other Settlements Overseas, vol. 2, ed. G. Tsetskhladze. 155–86. Leiden: Brill, 2008. Ceccarelli, Paola. ‘De la Sardaigne a` Naxos: Le roˆle desˆ ıles dans les Histoires d’He´rodote’. In Impressions d’ˆ ıles, ed. Françoise Letoublon. 41–54, Toulouse: Presses Universitaires du Mirail, 1996. Contribution 1975 = AA.VV. Contribution a` l’e´tude de la societe´ et de la colonisation eubeénnes. Naples: Centre Jean Be´rard, 1975. Constantakopoulou, Christy. ‘Proud to Be an Islander: Island Identity in Multi-Polis Islands in the Classical and Hellenistic Aegean’. Mediterranean Historical Review 20 (2005): 1–34. ———. The Dance of the Islands: Insularity, Networks, the Athenian Empire and the Aegean World. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007. Cordano, Federica. ‘Rhodos prima del sinecismo e Rhodioi fondatori di colonie’. Parola del Passato 29 (1974): 179–82. Crielaard, Jan Paul. ‘Naysikl1ith` E boia: Socio-economic Aspects of Euboian Trade and Colonisation’. Arx1ióv Eyboı¨kv´vM1l1´tvv 30 (1992–1993): 45–54. Cusumano, Nicola. ‘Biante e la Sardegna: Liberta`, dominio e felicita` in Erodoto’. In Erodoto e l’Occidente (Kokalos, Suppl. 15), ed. Pietrina Anello. 139–96, Rome: G. Bretschneider, 1999. D’Agostino, Bruno. ‘Euboean Colonisation in the Gulf of Neaples’. In Ancient Greeks West and East, ed. Gocha Tsetskhladze. 207–27, Leiden: Brill, 1996. 84 M. Lombardo

Demand, Nancy. Urban Relocation in Archaic and Classical Greece: Flight and Consolidation. Bristol: Bristol Classical Press, 1990. Gabrielsen, Vincent. ‘The Synoikized Polis of Rhodes’. In Polis and Politics: Studies in Ancient Greek History Presented to Mogens Herman Hansen, ed. P. Flenstedt-Jensen, T.H. Nielsen, and L. Rubinstein. 177–99, Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum Press, 2000. Galvagno, Emilio. ‘I Greci e il “miraggio” sardo’. In Da Olbıà ad Olbia: 2500 anni di storia di una citta` mediterranea, ed. Attilio Mastino and Paola Ruggeri. 149–63, Sassari: Editrice Democratica Sarda, 1996. Greco, Emanuele. ‘Sul cosiddetto errore di Alalia’. Parola del Passato 30 (1975): 209–11. ———. ‘Le esperienze coloniali greche: Modelli e revisioni. Introduzione ai lavori’. In Colonie di colonie: Le fondazioni coloniali greche tra colonizazione e colonialismo. Atti del Convegno, Lecce 22–24 Giugno 2006, ed. Mario Lombardo and Flavia Frisone. 9–16, Galatina: Congedo, 2009. Guzzo, Pier Giovanni. ‘Tucidide e le isole, tra Fenici e Greci’. Annali dell’Istituto Orientale di Napoli (Archeologia e Storia Antica) 15–16 (2008–2009): 21–35. Hall, Jonathan. ‘Foundation Stories’. In Greek Colonisation: An Account of Greek Colonies and Other Settlements Overseas, vol. 2, ed. Gocha Tsetskhladze. 383–426. Leiden: Brill, 2008. Hansen, Mogens Herman, and Heine Thomas Nielsen. An Inventory of Archaic and Classical Poleis. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2004. Horden, Peregrine, and Nicholas Purcell. The Corrupting Sea: A Study of Mediterranean History. Oxford: Blackwell, 2000. Latsch, Frauke. Insularita¨t und Gesellschaft in der Antike: Untersuchungen zur Auswirkung der Insellage auf die Gesellschaftsentwicklung. Stuttgart: Steiner, 2005. Letoublon, Françoise, ed. Impressions d’ıˆles. Toulouse: Presses Universitaires du Mirail, 1996. Malkin, Irad. Religion and Colonization in Ancient Greece. Leiden: Brill, 1987. ———. ‘Exploring the Validity of the Concept of “Foundation”: A Visit to Megara Hyblaia’. In Oikistes: Studies in Constitutions, Colonies, and Military Power in the Ancient World, Offered in Honor of A.J. Graham, ed. Vanessa B. Gorman and Eric W. Robinson. 195–224, Leiden: Brill, 2002. ———. ‘Foundations’. In A Companion to Archaic Greece, ed. Kurt Raaflaub and Hans van Wees. 373–94, Malden and Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell, 2009. ———. A Small Greek World: Networks in the Ancient Mediterranean. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011. Marton, Lisa. ‘Le tradizioni sui Rodii in Occidente in eta` preolimpiadica: Tra realta` storica e propaganda’. In Il dinamismo della colonizzazione, ed. Claudia Antonetti. 135–44, Naples: Loffredo, 1997. Mele, Alfonso. ‘Le anomalie di Pithecusa: Documentazioni archeologiche e tradizioni letterarie’. Incidenza dell’Antico. Dialoghi di Storia 1 (2003): 13–39. ———. ‘La colonizzazione greca arcaica: modi e forme’. In Atti del XLVI Convegno Internazionale di Studi sulla Magna Grecia, ed. Attilio Stazio. 39–60, Taranto: Istituto per la Storia e l’Archeologia della Magna Grecia, 2007. Nouvelle contribution a` l’e´tude de la socie´te´ et de la colonisation eubeénnes. Naples: Centre Jean Be´rard, 1981. Osborne, Robin. ‘Early Greek Colonization? The Nature of Greek Settlement in the West’. In Archaic Greece: New Approaches and New Evidence, ed. Nick Fisher and Hans van Wees. 251–69, London: Duckworth, 1998. Perlman, Paula. ‘The Cretan Colonists of Sicily: Prosopography, Onomastics and Myths of Colonisation’. Cretan Studies 7 (2002): 177–211. ———. ‘Imagining Crete’. In The Imaginary Polis, ed. Mogens Herman Hansen. 284–334, Copenhagen: Det Kongelige Danske videnskabernes selskab, 2005. Pierart, Marcel. ‘La cite´ des Magne`tes dans les Lois de Platon’. In The Imaginary Polis, ed. Mogens Hermann Hansen. 124–51, Copenhagen: Det Kongelige Danske videnskabernes selskab, 2005. Pugliese Carratelli, Giovanni. ‘Per la storia dei culti delle colonie euboiche d’Italia’. In Gli Eubei in Occidente. Atti del XVIII Convegno di Studi sulla Magna Grecia, Taranto 1978, ed. Giovanni Pugliese Carratelli. 221–30, Naples: Istituto per la Storia e l’Archeologia della Magna Grecia, 1979. Raccuia, Carmela. ‘La fondazione di Gela’. Kokalos 38 (1992): 273–302. Mediterranean Historical Review 85

Reger, Gary. ‘Islands with One Polis versus Islands with Several Poleis’. In The Polis as an Urban Centre and as a Political Community, ed. Mogens Herman Hansen. 450–92, Copenhagen: Royal Danish Academy of Sciences and Letters, 1997. Sakellariou, Michel. ‘Quelques questions relatives a` la colonisation eubeénne en Occident’. In Gli Eubei in Occidente. Atti del XVIII Convegno di Studi sulla Magna Grecia, Taranto 1978, ed. Giovanni Pugliese Carratelli. 9–35, Naples: Istituto per la Storia e l’Archeologia della Magna Grecia, 1979. Sammartano, Roberto. ‘Le tradizioni letterarie sulla fondazione di Gela e il problema di Lindioi’. Kokalos 45 (1999): 469–97. Shepherd, Gillian. ‘Greek Colonisation in Sicily and the West: Problems of Evidence and Interpretation Twenty-Five Years On’. Pallas 79 (2009): 15–26. Solovyov, Sergei L. ‘Greeks and Indigenous Population at Berezan (Borysthenes)’. In Grecs et indige`nes de la Catalogne a` la mer Noire, ed. Henry Tre´ziny. 291–303, Aix-en-Provence: Centre Camille Jullian, 2010. Tiverios, Mikhalis. ‘Greek Colonisation of the Northern Aegean’. In Greek Colonisation: An Account of Greek Colonies and Other Settlements Overseas, vol. 2, ed. Gocha Tsetskhladze. 1–154. Leiden: Brill, 2008. Valenza Mele, Nazarena. ‘Hera ed Apollo nella colonizzazione euboica d’Occidente’. Me´langes de l’Ecole Française de Rome 89 (1977): 493–524. Vilatte, Sylvie. L’insularite´ dans la penseé grecque. Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1991. Vivier, Didier. ‘He´rodote et la neutralite´ des Cretois en 480 avant notre e`re’. Hermes 123 (1995): 257–69. Warnecke, Hans. ‘Die homerische Hafenstadt der Phaiaken: Das Idealbild einer fruhen ionischen Kolonie?’. In “Troianer sind wir gewesen”: Migrationen in der antiken Welt. Stuttgarter Kolloquium zur Historischer Geographie des Altertums, 8, 2002, ed. Eckart Olshausen and Holger Sonnabend. 54–69, Stuttgart: F. Steiner, 2006. Wentker, Hans. ‘Die Ktisis von Gela bei Thukydides’. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archaeologischen Instituts 63 (1956): 129–39. Wilson, John-Paul. ‘Ideologies of Greek Colonization’. In Greek and Roman Colonization: Origins, Ideologies and Interactions, ed. G. Bradley and J.-P. Wilson. 25–58, Swansea: Classical Press of Wales, 2006. Yntema, Douwe. ‘Mental Landscapes of Colonization: The Ancient Written Sources and the Archaeology of Early Colonial-Greek Southeastern Italy’. Bulletin Antieke Beschaving 75 (2000): 1–49. Copyright of Mediterranean Historical Review is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use.