A Sanpan Shan Chariot Ornament and the Xiangrui Design in Western Han Art Author(S): Wu Hung Reviewed Work(S): Source: Archives of Asian Art, Vol

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A Sanpan Shan Chariot Ornament and the Xiangrui Design in Western Han Art Author(s): Wu Hung Reviewed work(s): Source: Archives of Asian Art, Vol. 37 (1984), pp. 38-59 Published by: University of Hawai'i Press for the Asia Society Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20111143 . Accessed: 19/12/2011 18:10

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http://www.jstor.org A Sanpan Shan Chariot Ornament and the Xiangrui Design inWestern Han Art

Wu Hung

Harvard University

THE DATE AND THE OWNER In 1965 the cultural relics team of Hebei province a in the People's Republic of China excavated three This chariot ornament belonged to set of chariot at was a large tombs Sanpan Shan,a Dingxianb county. fittings and used to join the handle of canopy in a With the advance of the Cultural Revolution to carriage.6 From pertinent archaeological evi the following year, however, the unearthed mate dence and relevant historical documents, we can were un a rials along with the relevant records left derive fairly clear idea of the date and place of its a attended in provincial storeroom to gather dust. manufacture, as well as of the status of its owner. They remained virtually unknown to all but the The three tombs (Mi20, M121, and M122, ac small number of persons directly concerned with cording to the designation of the Hebei^ Museum) ten one are their handling until years later, when of located side by side from east to west, facing a were on the artifacts from these tombs, chariot ornament, south.7 High earthen tumuli built top of was selected for exhibition in the United States.1 each grave, giving the place its name, Sanpan This was the first time an item from these excava Shan, which means "three circular mounds." Each was to a a tions shown the public; in the words of tomb has wooden chamber in vertical pit that Professor Li Xueqin,c "this particular work of art is further divided into parts, the front containing won the admiration of many during exhibitions funerary objects, and the back, the body of the both in China and abroad"2 (Fig. ia). deceased.8 Since this kind of wooden chamber ornament Inmy opinion, this chariot is signifi tomb, typical of the Western Han in Hebei prov art was cant for the study of Chinese history in two ince, later replaced by the brick tomb during as respects. First, Shi Shuqing^ has pointed out, it the Eastern Han period,9 this feature of the San a demonstrates outstanding skill in gold and silver pan Shan tombs provides valuable clue to the inlay of bronze.3 It could be said that in the chariot probable date of their construction. ornament this special technique reached its apex Lunu,B the capital of the ancient Zhongshan*1 a was following long development that began in the feudatory state during the Han dynasty, lo to Spring and Autumn period.4 Second, this piece cated in Dingxian county.10 According Li a epitomizes popular Han dynasty art motif that DaoyuanV Shuijing Zhuj four of the princes of were may be called the xiangruie (good omen) design. this kingdom buried in the vicinity of the This art motif has been discussed by various schol capital.n Archaeological finds confirm his report. ars, such as Laufer and Hay asi, who have each Three tombs, all located in suburbs of Dingxian, focused on Eastern Han variations of the Western have been identified as the tombs of Prince Huaik A.D. Han xiangrui design.5 To my knowledge, how (d. 55 b.c.), Prince Jian1 (d. 90), and Prince no one ever, has studied the Western Han design Mum (d. A.D. 174) of the Zhongshan.12 In tomb were itself. This article will discuss the date and subject M120 of the Sanpan Shan tombs, two seals matter of the Sanpan Shan chariot ornament, what found bearing the names of Liu Jiaojun11 and Liu the xiangrui design signified to the people ofthat Zhanshi.0 In tomb M121 was found a piece of to customs time, how this design related their and stamped clay that bears the royal title Zhongshan. ideas, and this motif's artistic realization. Another tomb, M122, yielded two bronze vessels

38 inscribed with the characters Zhongshan NeifuP figures in four scenes. This kind of inlaid pictorial was (the royal house of Zhongshan). Liu the fam work requires costly materials, highly skillful cut name an ily of the Han^ royal family, of which ting and inlay techniques, and extraordinary one Zhongshan was lineage. These finds indicate amount of meticulous work. To date we know of that these three tombs belonged to the royal fam only one similar chariot ornament, in the collec ily of Zhongshan state. For identifying the per tion of Tokyo Art Institute (Fig. 2).20 Since the sons buried in these tombs, a passage in the Shui decor of these two works has almost identical mo a jing Zhu provides valuable record: "The Kor tifs and shares certain artistic characteristics, and runs no River continues to flow eastward and north since comparable artifacts have been found in tu.s or of Bai The tomb of Prince Kang? (of Zhong the earlier later graves of Zhongshan princes son shan), of Prince Qing,u lies to the south. It can (though these graves contain some of the finest be identified as a group of three tombs built side inlaid work of the times), I would venture the by side."13 The ancient Ko River, now known as opinion that this kind of inlaid pictorial decora runs was 100 the Tangv River, north of the Sanpan Shan tion mainly used in the period around tombs.14 This correlation has led the author of b.c., as indicated by the date of the tomb at San to Dingxian Zhi to believe that the Sanpan Shan pan Shan belonging Prince Kang of Zhongshan east state. tombs that lie of the present Baitu village belonged to Prince Kang's family.15 From tomb THE XIANGRUI DESIGN M122, which is the largest of the three, came the most elaborate chariot the fittings, including The motif of the decor on the Sanpan Shan orna discussed in this article. These facts piece may ment has been called the hunting design.21 Similar that this was the of Prince suggest tomb Kang decorations have also been called animal designs. who was buried in b.c.16 The com himself, 90 other It ismy belief that these appellations are not tombs be those of his wife and son.17 even may pletely accurate because though the designs So far of the eight graves of five generations of consist of animals and hunters, their meaning rulers Zhongshan have been found in Hebei differs from that of the hunting designs of the As shown contents a ex province.18 by the of the Warring States period. Because new idea is when a a as graves, Zhongshan prince died, large pressed, Iwill refer to this motif xiangrui. number of chariots was often buried together Xiangrui refer to certain phenomena that the with a one. as him, including highly elaborate From people of the Han dynasty interpreted expres historical records and from the study of the tombs sions of the will of Heaven. For example, if beau of the Zhangshan princes, we know that this type tiful birds of multicolored feathers came to rest on of elaborate chariot was a status a symbol of the the palace roof, if the emperor found qilinx (uni This means a a or royal prince.19 that when former corn) during hunt, if one stalk of wheat had was prince's royal chariot buried with its owner, many ears of grain, it was understood to mean another one had to be made for successor. em his The that Heaven had bestowed its blessing on the ornament particular under consideration here be peror's rule. Good omens indicated that the ruling to a set of coun longs extremely elaborate chariot fit emperor was enlightened and governed his from tings the tomb of Prince Kang. Its date can try well. In contrast to the auspicious xiangrui the be estimated to no fall between and 90 b.c., the Han people considered other natural phenomena, of Prince as or years Kang's rule. such eclipses big gusts of wind, to represent Differing from all other chariot ornaments Heaven's dissatisfaction.22 This view of natural in found the tombs of Zhongshan princes, the phenomena already existed before the QinY dy a decor of the Sanpan Shan piece is complete pic nasty, especially during the Eastern Zhou.2 But torial at omens were more composition, skillfully inlaid with gold, sil that time evil frequently ver, turquoise, and gems, that successfully creates mentioned. The Spring and Autumn Annals (Chun mountains, plants, and 125 human and animal Q/waa) records solar eclipses and earthquakes

39 i Chariot bronze inlaidwith same. Fig. (a). ornament, Fig. i(b-e). The Drawings of decoration. Photograph gold and silver. Excavated from tomb M122 at and drawings reprinted with permission from Zonghua Renmin Hebei in wenwu Dingxian, province, 1965. Gongheguo chutu zhanlan: zhanpin xuanji (Beijing: Wen Wu Press, 1973), pi. 85.

40 same. same. Fig. i(f). The Drawings of decoration, with central Fig. i(g). The Drawings of decoration, with mountain motifs encircled. forms reinforced in black. Fig. i (f, g) reprinted with permission from A Selection ofArchaeological Finds of thePeople's Republic of China (Beijing: Wen Wu Press, 1976), pi. 66.

41 2. Chariot Fig. ornament, from the collection of

Tokyo Art Institute. Reprinted with permission from Geijutsu Daigaku Z?hin zuroku (Tokyo: The Tokyo Art Institute, 1978), vol. 5,

pi. 7.

so until the entire social structure was com about a hundred times as signs of bad political forth to the The first link in this social structure, that conditions.23 By Han times, perhaps due pleted.24 state and its between Heaven and was the most im effort to legitimize the newly unified Emperor, and the most difficult to As Hea ruling power, xiangrui abounded. portant justify. of the ven was believed to communicate with on The political system and moral principles people the of xian Han rested on the basic concept of the mandate of earth through xiangrui, appearances seemed to cement the first link in the chain of Heaven (tian mingab). When he received Heaven's grui As the most mandate, an emperor became sovereign and fa relationships. Dong Zhongshu,ac of the Han ther of all earth under Heaven. Thereafter, the prominent official theorist dynasty, to "When a is about to rise to emperor could give orders ministers, fathers stated, King power, men to of omen will first."25 could give orders to children, women, and beautiful signs good appear 42 Dong thus called xiangrui "tablets bearing the three naked drivers. Their nakedness and their mandate."26 coiffures indicate that heavenly snail-shaped may they rep resent The first important xiangrui of the Han dynasty minorities from the south.31 During Em a a to was the appearance of yellow dragon in Cheng peror Wu's time, small country the southwest once tribute to the Han jiad county during the rule of Emperor Wen.ae27 paid Emperor by sending as an it was From then on, the yellow dragon was taken the elephant.32 When the elephant arrived court. considered to be an As a symbol of the Han imperial Every ruler important xiangrui. saw dedicated to the himself reveals: after Emperor Wen many xiangrui that "le poem Emperor gitimized" his reign. Appearances of xiangrui The white like reached their the rule of elephant, jade height during Emperor Came here from the west. Wu,af Xuan,aB and Wang Ac Emperor Mang.ah It eats the morning dew to cording historical records, the important xian From Heaven . . . a grui of Emperor Wu's rule included white uni And drinks luminescent spring water. This reveals Heaven's corn-like beast, flying birds, flying horses, red elephant will, . . Bringing to human .33 wild geese, the mystical plant glossy ganoderma, happiness beings stones the of a tripods, from sky, mysterious rays Above the yellow dragon flies winged horse, light, rainbows, falling stars, cloudless thunder, another xiangrui. Emperor Wu was said to have so seen and on.28 During Emperor Xuan's reign, phoe winged horses twice.34 He wrote poems nixes times in as appeared fifty different places, about each of these xiangrui in praise of Heaven's well as did white storks, five-colored geese, godly mandate. In the first he wrote: lights, red-breasted bluebirds, immortal sparrows, has the horse of Heaven? a a a Tai-yiai given white tiger, and yellow dragon; bronze figure Moist with crimson sweat, foaming russet spittle hair; dew was sweet; and so on.29 grew During A will and spirit wondrous and strange? all kinds of Wang Mang's time, xiangrui appeared Trampling the floating clouds, darkened it races ?more than 700 omens within a five-year pe aloft. riod.30 And oh this horse has leapt ten thousand li,aJ And with what can it be paired? Only ifwe examine such ideas in that prevalent The its we dragon companion.35 period can understand the meaning of the de At the end of the second he wrote: signs of this chariot ornament. This ornament is divided into four In each evenly registers. register . . .The horse of Heaven has come one or of forms the center figure, group figures, Open the far gates of the composition. Each of these four centers Raise up my body I to Kunlun.ak occupies a different quarter of the circular surface go a of the tube and thus forms spiral (see Fig. if). The horse of Heaven has come was a en This conscious arrangement intended to Mediator for the dragon He travels to the of Heaven able people to enjoy the ornament from every gates And looks on the Terrace of side. In the upper register (Fig. ib) the yellow Jade.36 is in exact center dragon the of the design, al These poems corroborate the fuller meaning in it on scene though appears the right in the reproduction, the portrayed in the first register. Besides to the ornament. pictured right of the The yellow the dragon, elephant, and heavenly horse, there was most are an dragon the important xiangrui because also flying rabbits and immortal driver of a in the Han xiangrui conception the dragon sym chariot drawn by two deer. All were recorded in was as bolized the emperor, and yellow the chosen ancient texts good omens.37 color of the Han a a dynasty. The appearance of The second register depicts hunting episode. a an yellow dragon signified the manifest destiny and In lush mountain valley, archer turns back to Han essential vitality of the dynasty. Following take aim at a tiger. The meaning of this scene will the dragon (whose tail appears at the left of the be discussed below in the Hunting Scene section a reproduction) is white elephant. On its back sit of this article. 43 means em The significance of the third register, which we Yan Shiguar commented: "This that [the now consider, centers on a crane with its head peror] acquired elephant chariots from the West and a red wild geese from the East?what an abundance of turned back, followed by camel (see Fig. id). crane xiangrui!"43 The white is one of the most auspicious of Similar can be found in other birds. It is recorded in history that once when descriptions many was lines. The difference between the scenes de Emperor Wu making sacrifices to Heaven he only saw a a in on flock of white crane. He issued special scribed these royal ceremonial songs and the as edict recognizing white cranes sacred beings Sanpan Shan chariot ornament lies in the medium sent same are down by Heaven.38 Thus the role of the ?the wishes of the rulers expressed by crane in as one white this register may be interpreted words in and by pictures in the other. identical to that of the yellow dragon in the first I must explain that xiangrui were neither the a em register. They both represent the will of Heaven product of the fanciful imagination of few sent nor a and lead the other auspicious beasts from trib perors, were they merely part of policy cal states to the In this there is utary emperor. register culated to manipulate popular beliefs. A strong also aweird beast with a bird's head and was no leopard's belief in xiangrui widespread. In b.c., called a feilian.al This beast was also an im a tail, Emperor Wu went to offer sacrifice to Mount the Han portant xiangrui worshiped during dy Tai.as He ordered special animals and rare birds nasty.39 from far away to be brought to Mount Tai. It a as omens come The fourth register features huge bird, its seemed if many good had to wings outspread, singing, while all the surround Mount Tai from Heaven.44 At the time, Sima ing birds and animals dance to its song (see Fig. Tan,at the Grand Historian of Emperor Wu (and wrote ie). During the Han dynasty, this bird, called the father of Sima Qian,au who the Shi Jizv) was was not at weifengam (the majestic fengan bird), believed able to take part in this ritual sacrifice as was to to have divine powers.40 Just the dragon Mount Tai and had remain in Loyang.aw This as so was so ill regarded the king of all beasts, the feng made him angry that he fell and died. Before was a his in king of all birds. It generally thought that his death, he clasped son's hand grief and an es "I not to see weifeng always appeared accompanied by murmured fearfully, could go this a cort of innumerable animals and birds. "The feng great ritual performed by the Emperor. What is eight feet high and followed by flocks of iri fate! What a miserable fate!" The modern histo descent birds" and "birds numbering 10,000 line rian Ku Chieh-kangax writes that "in reading a we up facing the feng from the four directions."41 Sima Tan's words after lapse of 2,000 years, These notations inHan records could be about the find his faith and sorrow convincing and we can scene in this register. deduce that the important aspects of Emperor were of that Shi Shuqing points out the relationship between Wu's thought shared by people pe these scenes and the description of royal hunting riod."45 an in Sima Xiangru'sao Changyang Fu*P42 In my Whenever important xiangrui appeared the era name was opinion, these scenes are more like illustrations of of the reigning dynasty changed, new were the ceremonial songs attributed to Emperor Wu: songs sung, and the whole country cel ebrated.46 in were both In autumn Although theory xiangrui the intermediary and the medium of communica The flying dragon soars to Heaven . . . tion between Heaven and were actu The auspicious elephant brings good fortune earth, they ameans an ally of dialogue among people. When Li Qiacl commented: "This means that the barbarians issued an edict "A linaY uni sent envoys to pay respect and tribute." emperor declaring, near corn and a feng bird have appeared the capi The elephant, white like jade divine texts have from the Yellow Came here from the West. . . tal; emerged Loaz he was the The red wild geese and Rivers," actually informing fast. . . was well Came thick and people that the empire being managed

44 excavated in Fig. 3. Bronze "heavenly horse," Wuwei, with from Gansu province, in 1969. Reprinted permission Ch?ka jimin ky?wakoku shiruku r?do bunmotsu ten (Tokyo: Yomiuri Shimbunsha, 1979), pi. 72.

zun Fig. 4. Bronze vessel, excavated in Youyu, Shanxi and therefore no one should make trouble.47 Or, in province, 1962. Reprinted with permission from Zhong wenwu if the people started gossiping among themselves, hua Renmin Gongheguo chutu zhanlan: zhanpin xuanji, tree to pi. 84. saying, "Something's gone wrong. A huge water the east suddenly fell over; a stream of black necromancers gushed out of the ground in the west," what they advised by that if he wanted to a really meant was, "The Emperor is bungler. His communicate with divine beings he should have a on reign is about to collapse."48 When minister felt their images portrayed objects of daily use; that the emperor had done something wrong, he otherwise, the divine beings would not appear. was a said simply, "Since you've ascended the throne Emperor Wu persuaded to build "cloud we have had earthquakes, landslides, frost in the breath chariot."51 This anecdote helps explain the summer, thunder in the winter. You had better popularity of xiangrui designs in the Han dynasty. think about this!"49 These were characteristic dia It also suggests what the function of the Sanpan logues in Han times. The popularity of the xian Shan chariot might possibly have been. use a grui idiom explains the widespread of xian The development of the xiangrui idea reveals grui decorations. significant shift in thought from the Warring It is fair to say that such images were omni States period to the Han dynasty. In the Warring on even present during the Han dynasty?whether States period and earlier, people also believed chariots, bronze mirrors for daily use, incense in Heaven and sometimes mentioned xiangrui.52 burners, toilet boxes, wine goblets, liquor sets, However, as indicated by the saying, "The way houses, or tombs. Many highly regarded works of Heaven is distant; the way of man is close at as of art portray xiangrui animals. Even the com hand,"53 the people of this period took people mon people adopted this type of decoration for the point of departure in their ideas. In their art, ware their coarse ceramic (Figs. 3-6). they often portrayed human activities such as The people of that time believed that the por scenes of war, hunting, and sacrifices. This as trayal of xiangrui images on clothes and objects of changed in the Han; the concept of Heaven a more daily use would invoke the appearance of real sumed much active role in the minds of the was more xiangrui. This practice called invoking the people and dominated of their thinking. It to as were auspicious omen (faruiba).50 According the seemed if Heaven constantly expressing was own as Fengchan shu^ in the Shiji, Emperor Wu its will. People rationalized their existence

45 Fig. 5. Bronzesword. Reprinted with permis sion from Zheng Zhenduo, Weidade Yishu Chuantong tulu (Shanghai, Shanghai Publishing Co., 1955), 10. vol. 1, pi.

on based the mandate of Heaven and took xiangrui as the tangible sign of intangible mandates.

MOUNTAINS AND CLOUDS

An important role of the xiangrui concept in Han was culture that of broadening the perspective of art. It led the Han people to cast their eyes upon nature. The environment surrounding these fan was not tastic, bizarre animals the temple but jun gles, valleys, and distant lands. People must have felt the importance of events happening outside the temples. Among the many aspects of nature, mountains were most and cloud breath (yunqibc) two prominent. These natural phenomena were most also the prevalent features in the xiangrui design of the Sanpan Shan chariot ornament and of other Han art works as well.

During the Han people worshiped many moun tains, which could be roughly classified into three categories. The first kind, known as the Five Yue,Dd occupied the four cardinal directions? North, South, East, and West?and the Center of China. Itwas in the Yue mountains that the Chi nese emperor received the mandate of Heaven.54 The second kind were the Xian Shanbe (Immortal 6. Fig. Pottery hu vessel, from the George Crofts collec Mountains), commonly believed to be the three tion. Reprinted with permission from Chinese Art in the islands of the Eastern Sea. If one could Royal Ontario Museum (Toronto: The Royal Ontario Penglaibfm Museum, 1972), pi. 8. find these three islands one could become immor

46 a can now tal. As for the third, Shen Shanb? (Mystical huowan,bcl58 flame-resistant cloth. We was Mountains), it generally believed that strange say that this material was, in fact, asbestos.59 Han moun were more in ex people and exotic animals inhabited these people much imaginative their tains, which were covered with grotesque rocks, planations. They not only considered the acquisi west a omen gnarled trees, and craggy precipices. It is this last tion of huowan from the good and type, the Mystical Mountains, that provided the important signal from Heaven, but they invented inspiration for the xiangrui design. many colorful stories about its origins. Dongfang to was The concept of theMystical Mountains is rooted Shuo,br minister Emperor Wu, said to in two traditions, one inherited from earlier times. have told one such story. There was a Fire Moun Just as the concept of the Immortal Mountains tain in the south thirty li long and fifty liwide was trees. cov popularized in the region of Yanbn and Qibl covered with incessantly burning Rats two as as during the Warring States periods,55 the idea of ered with hairs feet long and fine silk rats the Mystical Mountains had already developed in lived in the burning forest. In the fire, the were out were the state of ChubJ during the Eastern Zhou. Re red, of the fire, they white. If water cognized by the orthodox tradition as barbarians doused with the rats died. Their hair could woven of the South, the people,of Chu appeared to have then be into huowan.60 Knowledge of such us been especially imaginative. Many of their fanci tales helps understand why the makers of xian to a ful stories recorded in the book Shan Haijing^ grui designs seemed be creating world of fan numerous as as describe mystical mountains well tasy. By understanding the basis of these flights of on we can see the gods and demons who inhabited them.56 These imagination, the other hand, that fantasies have found their way into the xiangrui their fantasies contained many realistic factors. two design. These elements, immortal realm and worldly are The second source of the Mystical Mountains events, fantasy and reality, mingled together concept stems from the realities of Han life itself. in the pictorial decoration of the Shanpan Shan During the forty-three years of his reign, the Em chariot ornament. peror Wu made use of the strength accumulated in Besides xiangrui animals and mountains, the the early years of the dynasty to double the terri people also had special regard for yunqi (cloud tory of his empire. His western boundary stretched breath), which forms the third important subject to in Tashkent Central Asia. After his military of the chariot design. The pre-Qin concept of qibs was to a victories, the Han emperor acquired tortoise shells close philosophical concept symbolizing cosmos and rhinoceros cloth (xibubl) from the Pearl Cliffs the vitality inherent in the and in the hu man of the south, flying horses and exotic grapes from body. However, the people in Han times more Dawanbm in the west. It is also recorded in the preferred tangible illustrations of these ideas. an Han Shu^n Xiyu zhuanbo that following his vic Qi gradually became observable phenomenon came an tories giant elephants lumbering from the and the observation of it important occupation. west and red geese flew in from the east, glittering Professional "qi-watchers" could distinguish va pearls, wenjia,bP iridescent feathers, dragons, fish riations in the shape and color of clouds, all of sweat eyes, horses that blood, lions, ferocious which signified specific phenomena. Qi appeared dogs, gigantic birds abounded: "exotic things in the shape of pavilions, banners, boats, and ani can was poured in from all directions."57 One hardly mals.61 One particularly special qi the qing not imagine the impact their sudden appearance had yun.bt It "looked quite like smoke and not on the local parochial people of Central China. quite like clouds, but like fine, intertwining to an These events must have served substantiate to strands."62 This is apt description of the forms or we on the Han people the strange stories they read that find many cloud-patterned Han deco must heard about in the Shan Hai fing and have rations (Figs. 7, 8). Furthermore, people believed one greatly inspired the Han people's imagination. that when searching for something should was a For example, there kind of xiangrui called first seek its qi.63

47 The Han people were obsessed with the idea of was immortality. The immortal qi much sought after. As recorded in the Shiji, Emperor Wu sent necromancers out to sea to look for the immortal re Penglai Islands. When they returned, they was ported that Penglai not far away, but they had failed to reach the islands because of a failure to

spot Penglai's qi. Emperor Wu was so impressed with this report that he set up an official position a for "Deputy Qi Diviner" (Wangqi zuohoubu) who was to stay on the seashore and peer out to sea day after day, waiting for the islands' qi to

appear.64 In addition, the appearance of xiangrui was al un ways accompanied by qi. A bronze tripod earthed during Emperor Wu's reign was recog nized as a xiangrui from Heaven. The emperor Coffin excavated from tomb no. 1 at went out to Fig. 7. Mawangdui, himself accompany the tripod as it Hunan province, from the collection of the Hunan Museum. was a brought into the capital. On the journey, at 7, 8, 10, 14, 15 with from Figs. reprinted permission orna no called Zhongshan (where the chariot Ch?goku hakubutsukan (Tokyo: Kodansha, 1981); vol. 2, place ment was a of clouds pi. 75 excavated) gust yellow ap as peared and enshrouded the tripod the Emperor's entourage proceeded back to the capital.65 In Liyue Zhibv of the Han Shu it is mentioned that when

Emperor Wu captured a xiangrui in the form of a red serpent it was also accompanied by a canopy of yellow clouds.66 Once we understand the par ticular significance of qi and that of the combina tion of cloud patterns and xiangrui during the we to as Han will be able clarify the following pects of Han art: i. The cloud pattern became the most popular on Han decorative motif. It appeared not only on bronze and lacquer vessels, but also clothes, furniture, coffins, and tomb paintings (Figs. 7, 8). 2. The xiangrui animals are always accompa as seen nied by cloud patterns, on the bronze rhi noceros, whose entire body is covered by these patterns (Fig. 9). They also surround the auspi cious deer in the decoration of the coffin from 1 Mawangduibwtombno. (Fig. 10). reason 3. The why the boshanlubx (mountain an shaped incense-burner) became important form of art was that the incense-burners produced smoke that would then envelope the xiangrui carved on the Mountains, thus 8. no. i at from Mystical provid Fig. Silk excavated from tomb Mawangdui, the most vivid combined of the collection of the Hunan Museum. Reprinted with ing expressions Mag no hakubutsukan vol. permission from Ch?goku 2, pi. 105. icalMountains, xiangrui, and yunqi (Fig. 11).

48 THE HUNTING SCENE

The second register in the Sanpan Shan chariot a ornament depicts hunting scene; a mounted archer, with arms extended, turns back to take at a i aim tiger (see Fig. c). The effect it produces is quite different from that of the Warring States scenes. hunting The pictorial bronzes of the War one a ring States period give strong sense of scale and intensity, of fierce combat between man and beast and between beasts; the beast is not only on hunted, it is also the offensive. The ferocity of the struggle is portrayed through short, segmented lines (Fig. 12). The emphasis of the Han dynasty 9. Bronze excavated in Shaanxi hunting scenes, on the other hand, is focused on Fig. rhinoceros, Xingping, province in 1963, from the collection of the Museum of the gracefulness of the riders and the fluidity of Chinese History. Reprinted with permission from Ch?goku lines. There is no trace of intense It al no struggle. bijutsu (Kyoto: Tan K?sha, 1982), vol. 5, pi. 76. most resembles a theatrical performance in its ele gance. The dissimilarity in the impressions con scenes veyed by the hunting of these two periods a reflects difference in the values placed upon hunting in theWarring States and the Han periods. In neither period did the aristocracy engage in hunting mainly for economic purposes.67 In the a Warring States period, hunting had military sig nificance. In the Zuo Zhuan^Y we find the follow a ing comment by Zang Xibo,bz minister of the on State of Lu,ca hunting. "Hunting during all four seasons of the year is an important affair of state ma the for it provides practice in military neuvers can and help maintain order and disci pline among the troops. If hunting activities are a carried on continuously for three years, state ac will surely become powerful."68 According to counts of large-scale hunting activities of that were as time, plans and strategies devised if for io. Coffin no. i Fig. excavated from tomb atMawangdui. real warfare. The degree of intensity and danger Reprinted with permission from Ch?goku no hakubutsukan, involved was to that of real combat.69 comparable vol. 2, pi. 78. In the Zuo Zhuan there is an account of the Prince one some of Qi participating in of these large-scale counts. The works of of the noted literary as hunting expeditions. During the hunt while in figures of the Han period, such Sima Xiangru's a was pursuit of boar, the Prince thrown from his Zixu F?cb and Ban Gu'scc Liangdu Fuc^ contain carriage by the enraged beast. With his foot in descriptions of the splendor and grandeur of im to scenes. jured and shoes lost, the Prince had be rescued perial and aristocratic hunting It is clear by his attendants.70 from these accounts that the Han dynasty nobles to In sharp contrast this description, the Han were not hunting in the wilds where the beasts dynasty records of hunting reflect none of the se naturally roamed but in the artificial confines of ac were verity and danger that characterize the earlier enclosed hunting parks that stocked with

49 11. Fig. Incense burner, excavated from tomb no. i at 12. Bronze dou vessel found in Shanxi Hebei Fig. Liyu, Hunyuan, Mancheng, province, in 1968. Figs. 11, 12, 17, 18 in 1923, from the collection of the reprinted with permission from Wen Fong (ed.), The Great province, Shanghai Museum. Reprinted with permission from Wen Fong (ed.), Bronze Age ofChina (New York: The Metropolitan Museum The Great Bronze China, 97. of Art, 1980); pi. 95. Age of fig.

animals.71 For captive example, the famous im Hunting also provided the Han court with an the perial hunting preserve, Shanglince Garden, opportunity for the conspicuous display of wealth contained fenced-in areas under the care of official and luxury. In Zixu Fu Sima Xiangru goes to to the gamekeepers. According Liangdu Fu, the great lengths in describing the grandeur of the had from the state garden qilin of Jiuzhen,cf the royal hunt, the extravagance of its ceremonies, treasured steed from the state of Dawan, rhinoce the superb horsemanship, the various exotic beasts roses from the state of and rare Huangyou,c8 encountered during the hunt, and finally the birds from state the of Tiaozhi.cn These animals countless courtesans who waited upon the noble were all sent to the sorts Shanglin Garden from all participants after the hunt was over.74 The atmo of different some as far as places, away 30,000 li, sphere and mood reflected by the writer accord from the Kunlun Mountains and from beyond the perfectly with the spirit of the scene portrayed on other side of the ocean.72 During the hunts, these our chariot ornament. exotic animals were released into the hunting Another difference between the Warring States in such a en grounds.73 Hunting magnificent and the Han periods that is expressed in the xian vironment must surely have fulfilled the need of grui design is the relation between men and beasts. and nobles to themselves with art emperors identify As noted earlier, in the works of the Warring the divine world of the men xiangrui. States period and beasts were often portrayed 50 Detail of the Mu Fig. 13. Si Wu ting vessel, from the Fig. 14. Silk painting, excavated in Zidanku, Changsha, Hunan Museum. collection of theMuseum of Chinese History. Reprinted Hunan province, from the collection of the no with permission from Ch?koku bijutsu (Tokyo: Reprinted with permission from Ch?goku no hakubutsukan, vol. K?dansha, 1963), 1, pi. 9. vol. 2, pi. 53

as some locked in head-on struggle. In o? the paint cases, dragons represented a threatening power men on ings, sculptures, and bronzes of the period, men that put the defensive. This relationship were as portrayed the heroic conquerors subju completely changed during the Warring States once gating the beasts. K. C. Chang noted, "Men period. Humans not only battled dragons but masters or at man a became least the challengers of the subjugated them. The holding dragon's a a animals during the Eastern Zhou period."75 In the reins in silk painting found in Chu tomb in art at Han, however, it is evident from the works ChangshacJ is poised and completely ease; the sense men that the of conflict between and beasts dragon is under his control (Fig. 14). By Han men had diminished. Images of forcibly subduing times the position of animals was again elevated were beasts gradually replaced by a new scene of under the influence of ideas about xiangrui and were no as a concord. Animals longer presented immortality. Yet this elevation did not give rise to threatening force requiring vigorous subjugation. conflict with people. For example, the famous silk were was Instead, animals shown in harmony with painting exhumed in the Mawangdui tombs human fate. supposed to facilitate the dead's ascent to Heav most one on an The illuminating example of this change en.76 Two dragons, either side of image an lies in the relationship between people and drag of the deceased, convey upward motion. All were as ons, which considered the most powerful the other xiangrui animals, such the heavenly and divine of animals. In bronzes of the Shang01 horse, reinforce this sense of rising motion (Fig. were as and Zhou, dragons sometimes portrayed 15). or men devouring capturing (Fig. 13). In such Such concord is fully expressed in the Dingxian

51 16. Fig. Drawing of decor, bronze hu vessel excavated in .15. Detail of the silk excavated from tomb no. Fig painting Baihuatan, Chengdu, Sichuan province, in 1965, from the 1 at Hunan Mawangdui, from the collection of the Museum. collection of the Sichuan Museum. Reprinted with with from no Reprinted permission Ch?goku hakubutsukan, permission from Wen Fong (ed.), The Great Bronze Age of vol. 2, 80. pi. China, fig. 107.

ornament a county chariot through the juxtaposi marked difference. The latter display static cam tion of the man, the white elephant, and the composition structure. Images that seem unmov el. It is are con clear that the harmonious relationship ing presented in sequence (Fig. 16). By between people and animals in the Han is closely trast, fluidity characterizes the Han designs in to related the popularity of the ideas of xiangrui which all objects?mountains, clouds, animals? and In this were are a immortality. schema, animals incorporated into constantly shifting, circu news to heavenly envoys bearing good human lating system (see Fig. ig). The formation of the kind of beings facilitating the immortalization of Han view of the objects is closely related to the welcomed the as people. People animals' arrival yin-yangck and the five phases theories, which lay not messengers that did themselves control their at the base of Han thought. fate. The yin-yang and the five phases concepts ex isted primarily as philosophical ideas during the THE XIANGRUI DESIGN Warring States period. During the Han dynasty, AND THE HAN WORLD VIEW however, they became the accepted framework In on comparing xiangrui designs the Sanpan for religious, political, and intellectual thought.77 ornament Shan chariot and the Warring States Yin and yang express the polar relationships of we see period pictorial bronze vessels another opposites. The relationships among wood, fire,

52 were earth, water, and metal?the five phases?were if they constantly treading on thin ice. Like to understood be alternatively mutual resistance everyone else living in Han times and influenced was and mutual transformation. This relationship by the five elements theory of continuous trans taken to be the basic mode for all movement in the formation, they believed that the virtue of the overcomes a universe. The theory that wood earth, Han would be replaced by dynasty with the overcomes earth water, water fire, fire metal, and virtue of wood. They seemed to think of the was a a cosmos as a metal wood, theory of circular process. giant red, white, black, yellow, and one a Each of the five elements had correspond blue revolving disc, the four directions and colors a ear ing color, which symbolized dynasty. The constantly turning. liest ruler, the Yellow Emperor, possessed the The new outlook was also reflected in many virtue of earth; Heaven then revealed xiangrui in different art forms. For instance acrobats, very form a the of yellow dragons. When the virtue of popular during the Han, performed show known was as earth exhausted, the Xiacl dynasty, with the yulong manyan zhixicm (transmutation offish virtue of wood, replaced the Yellow Emperor. and dragon). According to historical records, the were one Different xiangrui revealed to justify the rule performance began with actor dressed as came a a of the Xia. Following the Xia the Shang lynx, dancing in courtyard. When the lynx overcame dynasty, which the virtue of wood reached the front hall of the palace it jumped into to overcome a a with the virtue of metal, only be in pool and transformed itself into flounder. turn by the Zhou dynasty, which possessed the Clouds burst from the mouth of the fish, obscur sun. virtue of fire. These successions thus demonstrated ing the By the time the clouds dispersed, the the a cyclical system of history. The Han people fish had changed into dancing yellow dragon thought that they occupied the succeeding posi eighty feet long, whose scales gleamed and flashed in an more tion, that of earth, everturning cycle. Heav brightly than the sunlight.81 Almost all en sent as again down yellow dragons xiangrui.78 these scenes can be viewed in the pictorial stone essence Constant transformation is also the of carving from Yinan011 tomb (Fig. 17 a-c). the Han cosmos. view of the The element of earth The most popular literary form of the Han was is at center. cosmos com the The Han view of the the fu,co which in describing natural settings used . . . bined the transformations of the five elements the formula: "in the east. .", "in the south .", . . . . with the four directions?north, south, east, "in the west .", "in the north .", "above west. a . . . . a Each direction had corresponding color, .", "below. ." Within such structure, animal scenes spirit, season, musical scale, style of dress, authors depicted fantastic and animals.82 It so was as no food, color, taste, virtue, and forth. In short, if the authors had set point of observa the system incorporated everything under Heav tion, but rather glided around-their unfolding en, all in constant movement and transformation. subjects. When of this way thinking became the domi Highly stylized bird-script characters originated nant trend on of thought during the Han dynasty, with inscriptions bronze weapons from the absolute reasons no longer explained the existence southern state of YuecP during the Warring States of whose re objects positions in the universe period. By Han times they had become wide mained immovable a center on as as on around fixed of the spread, appearing bronze vessels well universe. The cardinal points had been previously stone tablets. A famous example is the huccl vessel considered to in as was be fixed place,79 social from the tomb of Liu Sheng,cr Prince Qing of status. For as ves example, recorded in the Shi fi, Zhongshan state (Fig. 18). The surface of the King Zhou of Shang squandered wealth and his sel is covered with fine gold and silver inlays in advisors warned him that he would lose his king flowing, scroll-like configurations forming forty dom. He confidently rebuffed their concerns, say two highly ornamental characters. Without any "Did not me ing, Heaven give the mandate?"80 resemblance to the strokes in standard script, Han as emperors, in contrast, worried ceaselessly these characters create the visual impression of

53 fluent movement rather than prompting the mind to decipher familiar codes. In the design on our chariot ornament, undulat ing mountains define the main compositional ele ment within each register. The mountains in the one an four registers connect with another in up moun ward spiraling movement. Following the tains' swirl, all the other elements are in constant motion. Trees, plants, cloud breath, and animals are all depicted with flowing curved lines, lines that seem to reinforce the sense of movement in

the spiraling mountains (Fig. ig). We could say that behind this particular artistic expression, as well as behind the Han fu and the acrobats, lies the deep sense of constant transformation embodied in the Han world view.

CONCLUSION

In the above sections I have compared the art of the Han and the Warring States periods by dem onstrating differences in their subject matter and style. On the other hand, the development of art during these periods showed great continuity. Many of the elements popular in Han xiangrui art even originated in the Warring States period or earlier. That animals are a medium of communi

cation between Heaven and man is a very ancient notion, already clearly formulated during Shang times. For example, in the oracle-bone scripts, the means bird feng (the character for which also "wind") was referred to as "the messenger of Heaven."83 There is little doubt that the forma

tion of the systematic xiangrui concepts in later times had their origins in this conception. During the Warring States period, we already find many references to good omens and calamities, indicat was on ing that this kind of thinking already the re rise, although it had not permeated political, ligious, and intellectual thought to become the as mainstay of social psychology in the Han. Fur thermore, these concepts had not yet been illus trated by the various art forms; the xiangrui pat was tern of decorative arts, in particular, not yet popular. of the stone of the Yinan Fig. 17. (a-c) Rubbings carvings The Han dynasty was an empire with vast ter Tomb. Reprinted with permission from Yinangu huaxiang ritorial Han was a of shimufajui haogao (Shanghai: Administration of Cultural holdings. thought synthesis Relics, 1956), pis. 92-94 ideas that had developed in various regions before

54 the Qin dynasty. For example, references to good omens or can calamities be found mainly in docu ments from the state of Lu in the north. But the

forms of the Han xiangrui designs resemble those of the Chu culture to the south. The ideas of im mortality and the Immortal Mountains of Penglai came from the Qi and Yan states in the north. But a work from the south, the Shan Hai Jing, de scribes Magic Mountains. Qi to the necromancers of the states of Qi and Yan meant "the immortal " qi. For Zhuang Zhoucs (Chuang-tzu) of the Chu a state, qi symbolized cosmic life in philosophical sense. For Mengzict (Mencius) from the Central Plain, qi was related to ethical and moral civiliza tion. These different concepts, each bearing its own regional stamp, were combined into the syn thesis of Han thought and art. The Zhongshan state in the Warring States pe state riod and the of Chu had a particularly strong on influence Han art. Recent archaeological dis coveries have revealed that animals were the most

prominent characteristic of art around the Zhong area shan during theWarring States period.84 Be sides fluidity of style, animals also figured promi nently in the Han xiangrui motif. to According no. i at Fig. 18. Bronze hu vessel, excavated from tomb historical documents, the nomadic Baidi tribes, Mancheng. Reprinted with permission from Wen Fong which came into China from the north, established (ed.), The Great Bronze Age ofChina, pi. 96. the Zhongshan state.85 Migrations of ethnic groups was one way the nomadic animal art of the north influenced Han designs. Surprisingly, the quickly to the changing spirit of the times. Once Chu was more were state, which considered barbaric and lacquer designs became popular, they which had been in some use. defeated battles with the Han, adopted for bronzes of daily By Han on exerted great influence Han art. The Chu cul times, the ceremonial and religious functions of ture own had its distinctive music, philosophy, the bronze vessels had decreased; large quantities and visual art. The most prominent features in of bronze vessels with luxurious decorations were herited by the Han from Chu art were the fluid fashioned for daily use. Following changing tastes, more cloud design and, importantly, the mood of decorations formerly restricted to lacquerware transience. became common on bronzes as well. The pon must used It be stressed that these curvilinear designs derous, geometric decorative style originally did not appear first on bronze vessels, but rather on bronze vessels was inherited by the decorative on lacquerware.86 The different decorative styles bricks in the halls of ancestral worship and in of bronze and lacquerware were probably directly tombs. The serious atmosphere exuded by the to on ex related their functions: bronze vessels were designs these bricks resembled the feeling traditionally used in sacrificial ceremonies and pressed by the ceremonial bronzes. Following their decoration was affected by more formal con this course, we see that around the end of the Han ^ straints. The lacquerware pieces were for more and the beginning of the Wei Jin period, deco use. more the mundane Their decoration adapted rations in tombs dropped ponderous, geo

55 more corne to metric style in favor of the fluid designs some understanding of the significance more a popular in daily life. The ponderous geo and value of particular art form that is part of a new metric style then became transferred to and that whole. Art is often categorized by the mate art cave rapidly developing art?the Buddhist in rial from which it ismade. Art history is viewed as a temples. To be sure, this is drastic oversimplifi consisting of specialized fields such as bronzes, cave so cation of the real development taking place in the paintings, decorative bricks, temples, and art In on. concentrates on various forms. reality, the inheritance of Research often development one never a as designs by form from another is total within given category. However, shown never and the differences absolute. above, not only is the development of different to stress In conclusion, Iwould like two points. categories of art interconnected, but also, under as shown a First, by the analysis of the xiangrui certain circumstances, particular style character a one design, the formation of given style of art is izing category can be transferred to another to closely connected various aspects of thought category. Therefore, only by reconstructing the and certain kinds of already existing art, forming relationships among various categories of art, and a re whole with interrelated parts. Therefore, only the various aspects of human conception they reconstruct a by trying to the life and thought of flect at different periods, can we come to under a can one particular period in comprehensive way stand the development of a particular art form.

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Notes

Iwould like to acknowledge the extensive assistance given to me by 6. The detailed excavation report of the Sanpan Shan tombs has Katherine Lazarus and by Carmelita Hinton, for which I am deeply not been published. The information concerning the excavation is grateful. Without it, this study would not have been possible. I contained in the following articles: The Museum and Cultural Relics to would also like thank Professors K. C. Chang and John Hay for Administration of Hebei Province, Heheisheng chutu wenwu xuanji their valuable advice and suggestions. (Beijing, 1980), p. 50; The Cultural Relics Administration of Hebei i. The exhibition Archaeological Finds of the People's Republic Province, Hebeisheng 30 nianlai de kaogu gongzuo, in Wenwu kaogu of China was held in the National Gallery of Art, Washington, DC, gongzuo 30 nian (Beijing, 1979), p. 46. from December 13, 1974 to March 30, 1975, and in the Nelson 7. Museum and Cultural Relics Administration of Hebei Prov Gallery-Atkins Museum, Kansas City, from April 20 to June 8, ince, Heheisheng chutu wenwu xuanji, p. 50. 1975. 8. Cultural Relics Administration of Hebei Province, Hebeisheng 2. LiXueqin, The Wonder of Chinese Bronze (Beijing, 1980), p. 62. 30 nianlai de kaogu gongzuo, p. 46; Museum and Cultural Relics 3. Shi Shuqing, Woguo gudai dejincuo gongyi, Wen Wu 6 (1973): Administration of Hebei Province, Hebeisheng chutu wenwu xuanji, 66-72. p. 50. 4. As demonstrated by the Luan Shufucw and other artifacts, the 9. The Museum and Cultural Relics Administration of Hebei technique of embellishing bronzes with gold and silver first appeared Province, Dingxian 40 hao Hanmu chutu de jinl? yuyi, Wen Wu 7 in the middle of the Spring and Autumn period; Li Xueqin, The (1976): 59 Wonder of Chinese Bronze, pp. 39, 66. For the development of the 10. Ban Gu, Dili zhi, Han Shu (Beijing, 1962), p. 1632; cf. The see inlay technique, Jenny F. So, The Inlaid Bronzes of the Warring Institute of Archaeology, CASS, and the Hebei CPAM, Mancheng States Period, in Wen Fong (ed.), The Great Bronze Age of China hanmufajue baogao (Beijing, 1980), vol. 1, p. 3. (New York, 1980), pp. 305-311. 11. The four tombs in Dingxian identified by Li Daoyuan belong 5. Cf. B. Laufer, Chinese Grave-Sculp tures of theHan Period (Lon to princes Ai,cx Kang, Qing, and Xian,cy respectively. See Yang don, New York, Paris, 1911), pp. 9-22; Hayasi Minao, Kandai Shoujing, Shuijing zhushu (Beijing, 1955), vol. 11, pp. 311-312; kishin no sekai, Toho Gakuho 46 (1974): 223-306. Dingxian Zhi (Dingxian, 1934), vol. 2, p. 28.

57 12. The excavation reports of these three tombs: (Prince Xiaocz) 35- BanGu, Liyue zhi, p. 1060. Institute of Cultural Relics of Hebei Province, Hebei Dingxian 40 36. Ibid., p. 1067. hao Hanmu fajue jianbao, Wen Wu 8 (1981): 1-10; (Prince Jian) The 37. See Wu Renchen, Shanhaijingguangzhu (Taibei, 1972), vol. 3, Archaeological Team of the Hebei Cultural Administration, Hebei p. 16. Dingxian Beizhuang Hanmu fajue baogao, Kaogu xuehao 2 (1964): 38. BanGu, Wudiji, p. 211. 127-194; (Prince Mu) The Dingxian Museum, Hebei Dingxian 43 39. Ibid., p. 193; also see the commentaries of Ying Shao and Jin hao Hanmu fajue jianbao, Wen Wu 11 (1973): 8-20. Zhuo. 13. Yang Shoujing, Shuijing zhushu, pp. 311-312. As noted by 40. Jiuyao, Guanyin Zi (Taibei, 1966), p. 24; cf. Zhongwen dazi Yang, Li Daoyuan made a mistake in identification in this passage. dian (Taibei, 1963), vol. 9, p. 3602. According toHan Shu the father of Prince Kang should be Prince Ai, 41. The edict in the second month of ganludf third year (51 b.c.), not Prince Qing. quoted in Yu Hai. 14. Dingxian Zhi, vol. 1, p. 2. 42. Shi Shuqing, Woquo gudai dejincuo gongyi, p. 70. 15. Ibid., vol. 2, p. 28. 43. Sima Qian, Xiao Wu benji, Shiji (Beijing, 1959), vol. 12. 16. Ban Gu, Zhuhouwang biao, Han Shu, p. 414: "In the first year 44. Sima Qian, Taishigong zizhuan, Shiji, vol. 30, p. 3295; Ban of the yuanfeng era [110 b.c.] Prince Kang succeeded to the throne Gu, Sima Qian zhuan, Han Shu, vol. 62, p. 2715. and died in the twenty-first year [90 B.c.]." 45. Ku Chieh-kang, Handai xueshu shilue, p. 21. 17. A comparison between the Sanpan Shan tombs and the fa 46. Cf. ibid., p. 31. mous Mawangdui tombs might help clarify to whom the former 47. Ban Gu, Wudiji, pp. 160-161. may have belonged. The Mawangdui tombs, constructed in the 48. Cf. Ban Gu, Wuxing zhi, Han Shu, vol. 27, pp. 1405-1439. same dynasty and belonging to the family of a high-level provincial 49. Cf. Ku Chieh-kang, Handai xueshu shilue, pp. 43-44. officer, consisted of three graves that have been identified as the 50. Sima Qian recorded that Emperor Wu once used the skin of a son tombs of Dai Hou, his wife, and a (?). Among the Sanpan Shan white deer to invoke the auspicious omen, inXiao Wu benji, p. 457. on one same tombs, the hand, M122 has been suggested to Prince Kang Also inHan Shu it is said that the emperor made the lin zhijin,dg a omens. himself in this article; M120 yielded two seals bearing the names Liu golden coins in the shape of unicorn's foot, to invoke good a Jiaojun and Liu Zhanshi, demonstrating that the deceased was male Ban Gu, Wudiji, p. 206. a son member of the Zhongshan royal family, perhaps of Prince 51. Sima Qian, Xiao Wu benji, p. 458. Kang; the third tomb, from which came a Zhongshan family clay 52. Cf. Sima Qian, Fengchan shu, Shiji, vol. 28; Lu Buwei, seal, then might belong to Prince Kang's wife. Yingtong, Liishi Chunqiu (Taibei, 1968), vol. 13, pp. 4-5. 18. In addition to the three tombs mentioned in note 12 and to the 53. Du Yu, Chunqiu jingzhuan jijie (Beijing, 1955), v?l- 24 (the tian Sanpan Shan tombs, the graves of Prince Qing (d. 113 b.c.) and his eighteenth year of Zhao Gong), p. 2; cf. Guo Moruo, Xianqin wife Dou Wandc were found inMancheng in 1968. See the Institute daoguan zhijinzhan, Qingtong shidai (Beijing, 1966), pp. 1-53. of Archaeology, CASS, Hebei CPAM, Mancheng Hanmu fajue bao 54. Cf. Ban Gu, Jiaosi zhi, p. 1205. gao, vol. 1, pp. 336-337. 55. Cf. Ku Chieh-kang, Handai xueshu shilue, pp. 12-17; Chen 19. Fan Yie, Yufu zhi, Hou Han Shu (Beijing, 1965), vol. 29, p. Yinke, Tianshidao yu binhai diqu de guanxi, Chen Yinke xiansheng 3647; Institute of Archaeology, CASS, Hebei CPAM, Mancheng lunji (Taibei, 1971), p. 271. Hai as a work Hanmu fajue baogao, vol. 1, p. 204; Institute of Cultural Relics of 56. Most scholars identify Shan fing shamanistic Hebei Province, Hebei Dingxian 40 hao Hanmu fajue jianbao, p. 2. originating in south China (Shi Jingcheng, Shanhaijing yanjiu lunji 20. Geitjutsu Daigaku Z?hin Zuroku (Tokyo, 1976), vol. 5, pi. 7. (Hongkong, 1974), PP- i~77; Meng Wentong, Zhonghua wenshi Yuan loc. cit. vol. Yun 21. Shi Shuqing, Woguo gudai de jincuo gongyi, p. 70. luncong (Beijing, 1962), vol. 1; Ke, (1978), 7. this book had its in the 22. Cf. Dong Zhongshu, Wangdao, Wuxing shunni, in Chunqiu Xingpei, however, suggests that origin area western loc. cit. vol. 11. Fanlu (Zhejiang, 1893), vol. 4, pp. 1-3, vol. 13, pp. 9-10; Ban Gu, He-Lo of China, (1979), Ban Han vol. Jiaosi zhi, Han Shu, vol. 24, p. 1189. For the political implication of 57. Gu, Xiyu zhuan, Shu, 96, p. 3929. can be in the fol unlucky omens, see W. Eberhard, The Political Function of Astron 58. The information concerning huowan found omy and Astronomers inHan China, inj. K. Fairbank (ed.), Chinese lowing texts: Chen Shou, Shan shaodiji, Sanguo Zhi (Beijing, 1959), vol. Thought and Institutions (Chicago, 1957), pp. 33-70. vol. 4, p. 118; Gan Bao, Soushenji (Beijing, 1979), 10, p. 124, vol. 23. Cf. Ban Gu, Zhang Yu zhuan, Han Shu, vol. 81, p. 3351. vol. 13, p. 165; Taipingyulan, vols. 38, 399, 820; Fayuan Zhulin, Yiwen vol. 24. Dong Zhongshu, Shunming, Chunqiu Fanlu, pp. 6-8. 37; Chuxueji, vol. 26; and leiju, 7. 25. Dong Zhongshu, Tongleixiangdong, Chunqiu Fanlu, vol. 13, 59. Cf. Ci yuan (Shanghai, 1939), p. 927. in p. 4. 60. Dongfang Shuo, Shenyi fing, quoted Chen Shou, Shan 118. 26. Dong Zhongshu, Furui, Chunqiu Fanlu, vol. 6, p. 3. shaodiji, p. 27. Ban Gu, Jiaosi zhi, p. 1212. 61. Sima Qian, Tianguan shu, Shiji, vol. 27, pp. 1336-1339; 28. Ibid., pp. 1215-1248. Fengchan shu, p. 1382. 29. Ibid., pp. 1248-1253. 62. Sima Qian, Fengchan shu, p. 1339. 30. Cf. Ku Chieh-kang, Handai xueshu shilue (Shanghai, 1935), p. 63. Cf. ibid., p. 1336. 123. 64. Ibid., p. 1393. Xiao Wu 31. According to Ban Gu, all tribal people in southwestern Yi, 65. Sima Qian, benji, pp. 464-465; Fengchan shu, pp. wore Miguan, and in the north of Dian snail-shaped hairdos. Ban 1382-1383. Gu, Xinan Yi, Hang Yu, Chaoxian zhuan, Han Shu, vol. 95, p. 3837. 66. BanGu, Liyue zhi, p. 1069. shidai 32. Ban Gu, Wudi ji, Han Shu, vol. 6, p. 176: "In the second year 67. Cf. Guo Baojun, Zhongguo qingtongqi (Beijing, 1963), p. era 61. of the yuanshoudd [121 b.c.], during the reign of Emperor Wu, a 68. Zuo the Year Yin Liu South Vietnam gave in tribute tame elephant." Zhuan, Fifth of Gong, Wenqi, Chunqiu 33. Ban Gu, Liyue zhi, Han Shu, vol. 22, p. 1069. zuozhuan jiuzhu shuzheng (Beijing, 1959), pp. 29-33. the Year Xi 34. The winged (heavenly) horses were discovered in the third 69. Zuo Zhuan, Twenty-seventh of Gong, ibid., pp. year of the yuanshou era (120 B.c.) and in the fourth year of the 404-405. the Year taichude era (101 b.c.). Ban Gu, Wudiji, pp. 176, 202; Liyue zhi, pp. 70. Zuo Zhuan, Eighth of Zhuang Gong, ibid., pp. 148 1060-1061. 149.

58 Ban 71. Gu, Zhang Shizhi zhuan, Han Shu, pp. 2307-2308: "The shuo (Taibei, 1967); Yao Shan-yu, The Cosmological and Anthro Emperor goes into the fence holding the tigers and asks the deputy of pological Philosophy of Tung Chung-shu, Journal of theN.C Royal the Shanglin Garden the categories of beasts and of birds." Yan Asiatic Society 73 (1948): 40-68. Shigu's commentary: "The fence is the place for raising animals." 79. For example, Yao dian states that Yao commanded his offcers 72. Ban Gu, Liangdu fu, in Yan Kejun, Quan Han wen (Wuchang, to reside at the points of the four cardinal directions in order to 1894), vol. 24, p. 4. observe the zodiacal spaces; to calculate the movements of the sun, Wei Han in Han so 73. Hong, jiuyi, liqi zhidu ji qita 5 zhong, Cung the moon, and the stars; and to deliver respectfully the seasons to chubian shujicheng (Changsha, 1939), pp. 16-17: "When the Emperor the people; cf. James Legge, The Chinese Classics (Hongkong, i960), to goes hunt in the Shanglin Garden in fall and winter, officials fill the vol. 3, pp. 1-23. with animals and garden birds." 80. Sima Qian, Yin benji, Shiji, vol. 3, p. 107. Sima Zixu in Yan 74. Xiangru, Fu, Kejun, Quan Han Wen, vol. 81. Cf. Yan Shigu's annotation in Ban Gu's Xiyu zhuan, pp. 6. 21, p. 3929-3930; Zhang heng, Xijing fu, in Yan Kejun, Zonghua wenchi K. 75. C. Chang, Changing Relationships of Men and Animals in luncong, vol. 52, p. 11. and Chou and The Bulletin Shang Myths Art, of the Institute of Eth 82. Cf. The Department of Chinese Language and Literature of Academia no. 10 nology Sinica, (Autumn 1963): 115-146. Beijing University, Zhongguo wenxueshi (Beijing, 1959), p. 139. 1 76. Shang Zhitan, Mawangdui hao Hanmu/eiyi shishi, Wen Wu 83. JinZutong, Yinqiyizhu (Shanghai, 1939), no. 935. M. A Provisional of Wu 9 (1972): 43-47; J. James, Iconology Western 84. Hung, Tan jijian Zhongshanguo qiwu zaoxing yu zhu Han Funerary Art, Oriental Art XXV (3) (1979): 347~357 angshi, Wen Wu 5 (1979): 46-50. Ku Handai xueshu 1. 77. Chieh-kang, shilue, p. 85. Cf. Li Xueqin and Liling, Zhongshan 3 qi yu Zhongshanguo 78. Ibid., pp. 141-151; Ku Chieh-kang, Wude shongshishuo xia shi de ruogan wenti, Kaogu xuebao 2 (1979): 163-165. de he The zhengzhi lishi, Qinghua University Journal 6 (1) (1930); 86. Cf. Thomas Lawton, Chinese Art of the Warring States Period Liang Qichao, Yinyang wuxing zhi laili, Dongfang zazhi 20 (10) (Washington, DC, 1982), pp. 178-182. Li (1923): 70-79; Hansan, Xianqin Lianghan zhi yinyang wuxing xue