Crises Ofthe Republic Week One: Republican Ideals And

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Crises Ofthe Republic Week One: Republican Ideals And Crises ofthe Republic Week One: Republican Ideals and Political Realities Uday Singh Mehta, "The social question and the absolutism of politics", in Seminar, vo!. 615 (2010), pp. 23-7 Pratap Bhanu Mehta, "What is constitutional morality?", in Seminar, vo!. 615 (2010), pp. 17-22 Dipesh Chakrabarty, "In the name of politics: democracy and the power of the multitude in India", in Chakrabarty, Majumdar and Sartori (eds.), From the Colonial to the Postcolonial (Delhi: Oxford, 2007) David Gilmartin, "Election law and the 'people' in colonial and postcolonial India", in Chakrabarty, Majumdar and Sartori (eds.), From the Colonial to the Postcolonial (Delhi: Oxford, 2007) Nivedita Menon, "State/gender/community: citizenship in contemporary India", Economic and Political Weekly, Jan. 31 1998 Week Two: Emergency S. Kochanek, 'Mrs Gandhi's Pyramid: The New Congress', in Zoya Hasan (ed.), Parties and Party Politics in India New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2002,pp.76- 106 Sudipta Kaviraj, 'Indira Gandhi and Indian Politics', in Economic and Political Weekly 21:38-39,1986 Ashis Nandy, 'Indira Gandhi and the Culture ofIndian Politics', in At the Edge of Psychology Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1980, pp.112-129 Emma Tarlo, Unsettling Memories: Narratives ofIndia's Emergency New Delhi: Permanent Black, 2003 Bruce Chatwin, "On the road with Mrs. G.", in What am I doing Here? (London: Penguin, 1989), pp. 316-42 Aandhi, dir. Gulzar, 1975 Week Three: Khalistan Movement Ashis Nandy, "The discreet charms ofIndian terrorism", in The Savage Freud (Princeton, 1995), pp. 1-31. Ashis Nandy, "Terrorism Indian style", in The Romance ofthe State Mark Tully and Satish Jacob, Amritsar: Mrs. Gandhi's Last Battle (new Delhi: Peguin, 1985) Surinder Singh Jodhka, "Looking back at the Khalistan Movement", Economic and Political Weekly, April 200 I, pp. 1311-18 Veena Das, Life and Words: Violence and the Descent into the Ordinary (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007) Brian Keith Axel, The Nation's Tortured Body: Violence, Representation and the Formation ofa Sikh Diaspora (Durham: Duke University Press, 2001) Michael Nijhawan, Dhadi Darbar: Religion, Violence and the Performance ofSikh History (New Delhi: OUP, 2006) Maachis, dir. Gulzar, 1996 Week Four: Mandal Commission Ian Duncan, 'Dalits and Politics in Rural North India: The Bahujan Sanlaj Party in Uttar Pradesh', The Journal ofPeasant Studies, vo!.27 no. 1 (1999): 35-60 Vinay Sitapati, "The Dalit contract with India", in Seminar, vo!. 615 (2010), pp. 39- 42. D. R. Nagaraj, The Flaming Feet and Other Essays (Permanent Black, 2010), parts I and n. Ajoy Bose, Behenji: A Political Biography ofMayawati (Penguin-Viking, 2008) Christophe Jaffre1ot, India's Silent Revolution: The Rise ofthe Low Castes in North Indian Politics (Columbia, ) Week Five: Shahbano Case Upendra Baxi, "Siting secularism in the uniform civil code", in A. D. Needham and R. Sunder Rajan (eds.), The Crisis ofSecularism un India (Durham: Duke University Press, 2007), pp. 267-293. Upendra Baxi, "The judiciary as a resource for Indian democracy", in Seminar, vol. 615 (2010), pp. 61-7 Flavia Agnes, "The supreme court, the media and the uniform civil code debate in India", in A. D. Needham and R. Sunder Rajan (eds.), The Crisis ofSecularism in India (Durham: Duke University Press, 2007), pp. 294-315. C. J. Chandrachud, "The judgement", in Asghar Ali Engineer (ed.), The Shah Bano Controversy (Hyderabad: Orient Longman, 1987), pp. 23-34. "The Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Divorce) Bill, 1986", in Asghar Ali Engineer (ed.), The Shah Bano Controversy (Hyderabad: Orient Longman, 1987), pp. 85-88. Zakia Pathak and Rajeshwari Sunder Rajan, "Shahbano", in Judith Butler and Joan Scott (eds.), Feminists Theorize the Political (New York: Routledge, 1992), pp. 257- 79 Week Six: Ram Janmabhoomi Movement Oliver Heath, "Anatomy of the BJP's Rise to Power: Social, regional and Political Expansion in the 1990s", in Zoya Hasan (ed.), Parties and Party Politics in India New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2002, pp.232-256 A G Noorani, ""Legal aspects to the issue", in S. Gopal (ed.), Anatomy ofa Confrontation (New Delhi: Penguin Books, 1991), pp. 58-98. Nandy, Trivedy, Mayaram and Yagnik, Creating a Nationality: The Ramjanmabhumi Movement and Fear of the Self (New Delhi: OUP, 1997). Ashis Nandy, "Post-secularist manifesto", in The Romance of the State (Delhi: Permanent Black, 2003). Ram ke Naam, dir. Anand Patwardhan, 1992 Week Seven: Bombay Riots and Bomb Blasts Jayant Lele, "Saffronization of the Shiv Sena: The political economy of city, state and nation", in Sujata Patel and Alice Thomer (eds.), Bombay: Metaphor for Modern India (Bombay: Oxford University Press, 1996), pp. 185-212. Usha Thakkar, "The commissioner and the corporators: power politics at municipal level", in Sujata Patel and Alice Thomer (eds.), Bombay: Metaphor for Modern India (Bombay: Oxford University Press, 1996), pp. 248-267. Jyoti Punwani, "'My area, your area': how riots changed the city", in Sujata Patel and Jim Masselos (eds.), Bombay and Mumbai: The City in Transition (new Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2003), pp. 235-266. Thomas Blom Hansen, "Governance and myths of state in Murnbai", in C. J. Fuller and Veronique Benei (eds.), The Everyday State and Society in Modern India (New Delhi: Social Science Press, 2000), pp. 31-67. Vyjayanthi Rao, "How to read a bomb: scenes from Bombay's Black Friday", in Public Culture, vo1.19, no. 3, Fall 2007, pp. 567-592. Srikrishna Report (http://www.sabrang.com/srikrish/sri%20main.htm). Black Friday, dir. Anurag Kashyap, 2007 Week Eight: Revision .
Recommended publications
  • NDTV Pre Poll Survey - U.P
    AC PS RES CSDS - NDTV Pre poll Survey - U.P. Assembly Elections - 2002 Centre for the Study of Devloping Societies, 29 Rajpur Road, Delhi - 110054 Ph. 3951190,3971151, 3942199, Fax : 3943450 Interviewers Introduction: I have come from Delhi- from an educational institution called the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies (give your university’s reference). We are studying the Lok Sabha elections and are interviewing thousands of voters from different parts of the country. The findings of these interviews will be used to write in books and newspapers without giving any respondent’s name. It has no connection with any political party or the government. I need your co-operation to ensure the success of our study. Kindly spare some ime to answer my questions. INTERVIEW BEGINS Q1. Have you heard that assembly elections in U.P. is to be held in the next month? 2 Yes 1 No 8 Can’t say/D.K. Q2. Have you made up your mind as to whom you will vote during the forth coming elections or not? 2 Yes 1 No 8 Can’t say/D.K. Q3. If elections are held tomorrow it self then to whom will cast your vote? Please put a mark on this slip and drop it into this box. (Supply the yellow dummy ballot, record its number & explain the procedure). ________________________________________ Q4. Now I will ask you about he 1999 Lok Sabha elections. Were you able to cast your vote or not? 2 Yes 1 No 8 Can’t say/D.K. 9 Not a voter.
    [Show full text]
  • India: the Weakening of the Congress Stranglehold and the Productivity Shift in India
    ASARC Working Paper 2009/06 India: The Weakening of the Congress Stranglehold and the Productivity Shift in India Desh Gupta, University of Canberra Abstract This paper explains the complex of factors in the weakening of the Congress Party from the height of its power at the centre in 1984. They are connected with the rise of state and regional-based parties, the greater acceptability of BJP as an alternative in some of the states and at the Centre, and as a partner to some of the state-based parties, which are in competition with Congress. In addition, it demonstrates that even as the dominance of Congress has diminished, there have been substantial improvements in the economic performance and primary education enrolment. It is argued that V.P. Singh played an important role both in the diminishing of the Congress Party and in India’s improved economic performance. Competition between BJP and Congress has led to increased focus on improved governance. Congress improved its position in the 2009 Parliamentary elections and the reasons for this are briefly covered. But this does not guarantee an improved performance in the future. Whatever the outcomes of the future elections, India’s reforms are likely to continue and India’s economic future remains bright. Increased political contestability has increased focus on governance by Congress, BJP and even state-based and regional parties. This should ensure improved economic and outcomes and implementation of policies. JEL Classifications: O5, N4, M2, H6 Keywords: Indian Elections, Congress Party's Performance, Governance, Nutrition, Economic Efficiency, Productivity, Economic Reforms, Fiscal Consolidation Contact: [email protected] 1.
    [Show full text]
  • Modi, Social Media, and Competitive Electoral Populism in India
    International Journal of Communication 11(2017), 4158–4180 1932–8036/20170005 Fragile Hegemony: Modi, Social Media, and Competitive Electoral Populism in India SUBIR SINHA1 School of Oriental and African Studies, London, UK Direct and unmediated communication between the leader and the people defines and constitutes populism. I examine how social media, and communicative practices typical to it, function as sites and modes for constituting competing models of the leader, the people, and their relationship in contemporary Indian politics. Social media was mobilized for creating a parliamentary majority for Narendra Modi, who dominated this terrain and whose campaign mastered the use of different platforms to access and enroll diverse social groups into a winning coalition behind his claims to a “developmental sovereignty” ratified by “the people.” Following his victory, other parties and political formations have established substantial presence on these platforms. I examine emerging strategies of using social media to criticize and satirize Modi and offering alternative leader-people relations, thus democratizing social media. Practices of critique and its dissemination suggest the outlines of possible “counterpeople” available for enrollment in populism’s future forms. I conclude with remarks about the connection between activated citizens on social media and the fragility of hegemony in the domain of politics more generally. Keywords: Modi, populism, Twitter, WhatsApp, social media On January 24, 2017, India’s ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), proudly tweeted that Narendra Modi, its iconic prime minister of India, had become “the world’s most followed leader on social media” (see Figure 1). Modi’s management of—and dominance over—media and social media was a key factor contributing to his convincing win in the 2014 general election, when he led his party to a parliamentary majority, winning 31% of the votes cast.
    [Show full text]
  • 'Ambedkar's Constitution': a Radical Phenomenon in Anti-Caste
    Article CASTE: A Global Journal on Social Exclusion Vol. 2 No. 1 pp. 109–131 brandeis.edu/j-caste April 2021 ISSN 2639-4928 DOI: 10.26812/caste.v2i1.282 ‘Ambedkar’s Constitution’: A Radical Phenomenon in Anti-Caste Discourse? Anurag Bhaskar1 Abstract During the last few decades, India has witnessed two interesting phenomena. First, the Indian Constitution has started to be known as ‘Ambedkar’s Constitution’ in popular discourse. Second, the Dalits have been celebrating the Constitution. These two phenomena and the connection between them have been understudied in the anti-caste discourse. However, there are two generalised views on these aspects. One view is that Dalits practice a politics of restraint, and therefore show allegiance to the Constitution which was drafted by the Ambedkar-led Drafting Committee. The other view criticises the constitutional culture of Dalits and invokes Ambedkar’s rhetorical quote of burning the Constitution. This article critiques both these approaches and argues that none of these fully explores and reflects the phenomenon of constitutionalism by Dalits as an anti-caste social justice agenda. It studies the potential of the Indian Constitution and responds to the claim of Ambedkar burning the Constitution. I argue that Dalits showing ownership to the Constitution is directly linked to the anti-caste movement. I further argue that the popular appeal of the Constitution has been used by Dalits to revive Ambedkar’s legacy, reclaim their space and dignity in society, and mobilise radically against the backlash of the so-called upper castes. Keywords Ambedkar, Constitution, anti-caste movement, constitutionalism, Dalit Introduction Dr.
    [Show full text]
  • Mayawati, Akhilesh and Ajit Singh Declare
    10 Monday, April 8, 2019 Asia Pakistan says it has intelligence of new Indian attack this month REUTERS by Pakistan-based militants told reporters in his home- Jaish-e-Mohammed militant pleted their jail terms, many KARACHI in Indian-controlled Kash- town of Multan. ‘Reliable intel’ group in northwestern Pa- of them fishermen convicted mir killed at least 40 Indian He did not elaborate on kistan has also been thrown of straying into each other’s PAKISTAN has “reliable in- paramilitary police on Feb. what evidence Pakistan had Pakistan has “reliable into doubt after satellite im- territory, often languish in telligence” that India will 14 and the risk of conflict or how he could be so specific intelligence” that India will ages showed little sign of jails for months, if not years, attack again this month, For- rose dramatically on Feb. 27, with the timing, but he said attack again this month, damage. afterwards. eign Minister Shah Mahmood when India launched an air Prime Minister Imran Khan FM Shah Mahmood Pakistan closed its air- “These are 100 Indian Qureshi said on Sunday, strike on what it said was a had agreed to share the in- Qureshi said on Sunday, space amid the standoff but fishermen released from as tension over a February militant training base. formation with the country. as tension over a February most commercial air traffic jail as a goodwill gesture by standoff between the two nu- The following day Paki- India’s foreign office standoff between the two has since resumed and major Pakistan,” Saad Edhi, an of- clear-armed neighbours had stan shot down an Indian didn’t immediately respond nuclear-armed neighbours airports have opened.
    [Show full text]
  • Indian Administration
    mathematics HEALTH ENGINEERING DESIGN MEDIA management GEOGRAPHY EDUCA E MUSIC C PHYSICS law O ART L agriculture O BIOTECHNOLOGY G Y LANGU CHEMISTRY TION history AGE M E C H A N I C S psychology Basic of Indian Administration Subject:BASIC OF INDIAN ADMINISTRATION Credits: 4 SYLLABUS Historical Context Administrative System at the Advent of British Rule, British Administration: 1757-1858, Reforms in British Administration: 1858 to 1919, Administrative System under 1935 Act, Continuity and Change in Indian Administration: Post 1947 Central Administration Constitutional Framework, Central Secretariat: Organization and Functions, Prime Minister's Office and Cabinet Secretariat, Union Public Service Commission/Selection Commission, Planning Process, All India and Central Services State Administration Constitutional Profile of State Administration, State Secretariat: Organization and Functions, Patterns of Relationship Between the Secretariat and Directorates, State Services and Public Service Commission Field and Local Administration Field Administration, District Collector, Police Administration, Municipal Administration, Panchayati Raj and Local Government Citizen and Administration Socio-Cultural Factors and Administration, Redressal of Public Grievances, Administrative Tribunals Judicial Administration Emerging Issues Centre-State Administrative Relationship, Decentralization Debate Pressure Groups, Relationship Between Political and Permanent Executives, Pressure Groups, Generalists and Specialists, Administrative Reforms Suggested Readings:
    [Show full text]
  • Development and Governance Trump Caste Identities in Uttar Pradesh
    NATIONAL ELECTION STUDY 2014 Development and Governance Trump Caste Identities in Uttar Pradesh A K Verma The landslide victory of the Bharatiya Janata Party in he 2014 Lok Sabha elections result in Uttar Pradesh (UP) Uttar Pradesh in the Lok Sabha elections surprised not surprised all, not because it went in favour of the BJP only its rivals and political observers, but even its own TBharatiya Janata Party ( ), but because of the reach and sweep of the party, both in terms of geography and leaders. While the 71 seats won in UP significantly demography. On the eve of the poll, it was widely acknow- contributed to the BJP securing a majority in the Lok ledged that there was a Narendra Modi wave in UP. But even a Sabha on its own, it is significant that the party made generous assessment was that the BJP could at best replicate electoral gains across all castes and communities and its 1998 performance – when it won 57 of the 82 seats, and secured 36.5% of the votes (Verma 2014). However, the voters across all regions in the state. This victory signalled a thought otherwise. In the last seven years (2007-14), we see paradigm shift in voter behaviour, with a preference for that UP voters have been regularly springing surprises. They good governance and development pushing out the surprised all in 2007 by giving an absolute majority to the BSP identity politics of caste and community. Bahujan Samaj Party ( ) when many had thought that a fractured mandate was inevitable in the caste-ridden state.
    [Show full text]
  • Historical Legacies at the Grassroots: Local Public Goods in Agra District, 1905-2011
    Historical Legacies at the Grassroots: Local Public Goods in Agra District, 1905-2011 Alexander Lee* September 20, 2020 Abstract Accounts of the historical origins of spatial inequality often use aggregated spatial units, and do not measure outcomes between the time of treatment and the present day. This paper analyses a new panel dataset of local public goods provision in a single North Indian district with observations at the village decade level going back to 1905, and detailed information on colonial land tenure institutions, landholding patterns and demographics. A historical factor often thought to influence rural politics in India, the presence of large or absentee colonial landowners, explains little variation in local public goods conditional on population and spatial location, while villages inhabited by upper caste groups had an advantage only during the mid-20th century. This non-effect is in part a result of changing effects over time. In particular, while villages have always been more likely to gain public goods while a member of the village’s largest caste group was in power at the state level, changes in the composition of Northern India’s political class have meant that this favoritism has benefited different groups in different periods. The results illustrate the changing and contingent nature of effects of institutional differences Keywords: Historical Legacies, State Capacity, Public Goods PRELIMINARY WORK: DO NOT CITE WITHOUT PERMISSION *Associate Professor of Political Science, University of Rochester, Harkness Hall, Rochester, NY 14627. Email: alexan- [email protected]. 1 Introduction In the past two decades, there has been an explosion of literature on the long term effects on historical institutions on economic development and public goods provision (Acemoglu, Johnson and Robinson, 2002; Dell, 2010; Lee and Schultz, 2012; Iyer, 2010; Sellars and Alix-Garcia, 2018; Dasgupta, 2018; Nunn and Wantchekon, 2011; Besley and Reynal-Querol, 2014).
    [Show full text]
  • Changing Politics in India's Largest State
    ISAS Brief No. 8 – Date: 17 May 2007 (All rights reserved) Institute of South Asian Studies 469A Tower Block Bukit Timah Road #07-01 (259770) Tel : 65164239 Fax : 67767505 Email : [email protected] Website: www.isas.nus.edu.sg There’s Something About Maya: Changing Politics In India’s Largest State Mr Dhiraj Nayyar1 Uttar Pradesh is India’s largest state. In fact, with a population of around 180 million, it is also larger than most countries across the globe. It’s no wonder then to hear the epithet, ‘When Uttar Pradesh sneezes, India catches a chill’. And what a sneeze it was as the voters of Uttar Pradesh elected the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) of, by and for the formerly untouchable dalits, to govern the state with the first single party majority since 1991. The BSP is led by the inimitable Mayawati, who has just taken oath as the Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh for the fourth time but, for the first time, with a majority for her own party. The meteoric rise of the 51 year old dalit leader, daughter of a low ranking civil servant, and formerly a school teacher herself, from humble beginnings to the top post in India’s largest state is a tribute not only to her personal but also to the vibrancy of India democracy. Even a decade ago, it would have been difficult to imagine that a woman and a dalit would be elected with such a clear mandate in the Hindi heartland. Mayawati’s huge victory also sends a stark warning to India’s larger national parties, whose base in Uttar Pradesh continue to shrink, and without which they can never hope to gain a majority at the central level.
    [Show full text]
  • BJP) Than Men
    Gender Gap and Gender Differences in National Party Choices in Indian General Election, 2014 by Srijani Datta M.A., Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, 2011 B.A., St. Xavier’s College Autonomous, Calcutta, 2009 Project Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Political Science Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences © Srijani Datta 2019 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY Fall 2019 Copyright in this work rests with the author. Please ensure that any reproduction or re-use is done in accordance with the relevant national copyright legislation. Approval Name: Srijani Datta Degree: Master of Arts (Political Science) Title: Gender Gap and Gender Differences in National Party Choices in Indian General Election, 2014 Examining Committee: Chair: Eline de Rooij Associate Professor Eline de Rooij Senior Supervisor Associate Professor Steven Weldon Supervisor Associate Professor Laurel Weldon External Examiner Professor Date Defended/Approved: Dec 03, 2019 ii Abstract Traditionally, Indian women have been more likely to vote for the Indian National Congress (INC) compared to the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) than men. In this paper, I draw from the Developmental Theory of Modern Gender Gap on party choices to formulate hypotheses about the socio-demographic factors and gender differences in attitudes that could have led to the gender gap in party choices in the 2014 election. I test these hypotheses by conducting statistical analysis of data from Wave 6 of the World Value Survey. My research shows that contrary to the modern gender gap theory, the gender advantage of India’s centre-left party comes from states with low levels of human development in comparison to more developed states.
    [Show full text]
  • Incumbency, Parties, and Legislatures: Theory and Evidence from India
    Incumbency, Parties, and Legislatures: Theory and Evidence from India Alexander Lee∗ October 3, 2018 Abstract Incumbent legislators in some developing countries are often thought to face an electoral disadvantage relative to challengers. This paper traces this effect to high levels of centralization within the political parties and governments of these countries. In political systems dominated by party leaders, legislators face sub- stantial formal and informal constraints on their ability to influence policy, stake positions, and control patronage, which in turn reduce their ability to build up personal votes. This theory is tested on a dataset of Indian national elections since 1977, using a regression discontinuity design to measure the effects of in- cumbency. Candidates less affected by centralization|those from less-centralized political parties, and from parties not affected by restrictions on free parliamentary voting|have a low or non-existent incumbency disadvantage. Corruption appears have little effect on incumbency advantage, while poverty has a weak effect. The results imply that the electoral effects of political office are conditional on the overall structure of the political system. Key words: Incumbency ∗Department of Political Science, University of Rochester 1 Introduction In the legislatures of developed countries, holding office is associated with an increasing chance of subsequent reelection, an advantage usually attributed to the ability to pro- vide popular constituency services, win policies desired by constituents, and stake out visible policy positions (Gelman and King, 1990; Lee, 2001; Ansolabehere, Snyder and Stewart, 2000). While most of these findings focus on the United States, this advantage is also present in parliamentary systems with electoral systems in which voters choose candidates directly, such as the United Kingdom (Carey and Shugart, 1995; Cain, Fere- john and Fiorina, 1987), Japan before 1993 (Hayama, 1992) and Ireland (Redmond and Regan, 2015).
    [Show full text]
  • Questioning the Role of the Indian Administrative Service in National Integration
    South Asia Multidisciplinary Academic Journal Free-Standing Articles | 2008 Questioning the Role of the Indian Administrative Service in National Integration Dalal Benbabaali Electronic version URL: https://journals.openedition.org/samaj/633 DOI: 10.4000/samaj.633 ISSN: 1960-6060 Publisher Association pour la recherche sur l'Asie du Sud (ARAS) Electronic reference Dalal Benbabaali, “Questioning the Role of the Indian Administrative Service in National Integration”, South Asia Multidisciplinary Academic Journal [Online], Free-Standing Articles, Online since 05 September 2008, connection on 21 September 2021. URL: http://journals.openedition.org/samaj/633 ; DOI: https://doi.org/10.4000/samaj.633 This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License. South Asia Multidisciplinary Academic Journal Benbabaali, Dalal (2008) ‘Questioning the Role of the Indian Administrative Service in National Integration’, South Asia Multidisciplinary Academic Journal, URL : http://samaj.revues.org/document 633.html. To quote a passage, use paragraph (§). Questioning the Role of the Indian Administrative Service in National Integration Dalal Benbabaali Abstract. After Independence, the Indian Administrative Service was expected to promote national integration, from a social as well as a spatial point of view. Yet, despite the reservation policy, this elite body lacks representativeness. The partisanship of IAS officers along caste, religious and ethnic lines has further reduced their efficiency as a binding force of the nation. Being an All- India Service, the IAS encourages the spatial mobility of its members, which is not always welcome by officers posted in far-off states or in disturbed areas. In these places, the vacancy of postings in the higher administration is a sign of desertion that is contrary to the IAS mission of territorial integration.
    [Show full text]