A Bowl Fit for a King A Ceramic Vessel of the Court Bearing the Komkom Emblem Glyph Helmke, Christophe; Polyukhovych, Yuriy; Reents-Budet, Dorie J.; Bishop, Ronald L.

Published in: The P A R I Journal

Publication date: 2017

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Citation for published version (APA): Helmke, C., Polyukhovych, Y., Reents-Budet, D. J., & Bishop, R. L. (2017). A Bowl Fit for a King: A Ceramic Vessel of the Naranjo Court Bearing the Komkom Emblem Glyph. The P A R I Journal, 18(1), 9-24. http://www.mesoweb.com/pari/publications/journal/1801/Bowl.pdf

Download date: 29. sep.. 2021 A Bowl Fit for a King: A Ceramic Vesselof the Naranjo Court Bearing the Komkom Emblem Glyph

CHRISTOPHE HELMKE University of Copenhagen YURIY POLYUKHOVYCH California State University, Chico DORIE J. REENTS-BUDET Museum of Fine Arts, Boston RONALD L. BISHOP Smithsonian Institution

The Maya Ceramics Project (formerly the Maya Survey part of the Palacios-Weyman Collection that is man- Project), now centered at the National Museum of aged by the Fundación para la Bellas Artes y la Cultura Natural History, Smithsonian Institution, has as its (FUNBA) in La Antigua, . The FUNBA primary focus the sampling and documentation of the curates 4,000 pieces from the collections of the architect chemical composition of ancient Maya decorated ceram- Amelia Weymann de Palacios (née Weymann Tejeda) ics from a wide array of sites and collections throughout and José María Palacios Porta, lawyer by profession. On the Maya lowlands (for discussions of the INAA ana- account of their shared interest in history and culture, lytical technique, see Bishop et al. 1982; Blackman and the Palacios-Weyman Collection was started at a very Bishop 2007). This project combines nuclear chemistry, early date and enriched over five decades, until it grew archaeology, and art history to investigate the socio- to its current size, becoming one of the most important historical implications of Classic Maya (ad 250–850) collections of Guatemalan art. The Palacios-Weymann painted ceramics. The sampling program began in the Collection, which has been registered as national pat- 1970s and continues as an opportunistic patchwork of rimony by the Guatemalan government’s Institute of chemical analyses with the collaboration of many col- Anthropology, Ethnology and History (IDAEH), covers leagues and institutions. Project objectives include the three major periods: namely, a) Prehispanic, b) Colonial production of a pottery paste compositional survey and Hispano-Guatemalan, as well as c) modern and of ceramic production in with a special contemporary. emphasis on the Maya region. The compositional data Below we provide a description of this remark- allow the discerning of compositionally and stylistically able bowl, its physical properties, and iconography, similar sherds and whole vessels, which imply their be- but we will focus mostly on the chemical attributes ing made from similar clay resources and ceramic reci- and the paleographic features of the glyphic text that pes as well as being viewed as the products of a specific adorns the vessel, in order to consider the interplay of area, site, and perhaps even a group of aligned artisans these two distinct lines of evidence and how they shed and/or workshop(s) (Bishop et al. 1986; Reents and light on the socioeconomic and historical context of its Bishop 1985, 2003). The ultimate goal is the detection of manufacture. patterns of use and exchange to shed light on ancient sociopolitical and economic interaction in Mesoamerica and especially among the Maya. Physical Properties and Chemical Analyses The Maya Ceramics Project was operating in The vessel is registered as 84-A-5-311-1 in the Palacios- Guatemala in 1993 at which point a pottery bowl in a Weymann collection. The shape of the vessel is that of a private collection was brought to the attention of Ronald bowl according to the archaeological shape-typology for L. Bishop, which was promptly sampled and attributed Maya ceramics (Sabloff 1975:23-24) with a flat bottom the analytical number MS5331. This same bowl is now and outsloping walls. Its maximal rim diameter is 20 cm

The PARI Journal 18(1):9-24 © 2017 Ancient Cultures Institute 9 Helmke et al. A Bowl Fit for a King

Relative to the overall patterning of ceramic paste the volcanic ash used as tempering material. Similarly, compositional divisions in the Maya lowlands, MS5331 differences also are noted in the surface quality of the fits comfortably within the compositional pattern for red slips used to paint the two cylindrical vases: That pottery made in the eastern central lowlands. That be- of MS1684/K1698 is significantly shinier, harder, and ing said, for archaeological sites located in present-day thicker than the Jauncy Vase’s slip paint. Such surface Guatemala we can exclude , La Sufricaya, Yaxox, characteristics typically indicate slightly different slip Chunhuitz, , , and as probable loca- paint preparations (or “recipes”; see Reents-Budet et al. tions of manufacture. Similarly, on the opposite side of 1994:301). Also divergent is line quality seen especially the border in adjoining western , we can equally in the glyphic texts, which from an art historical per- exclude the sites of , Buenavista del Cayo, spective imply that these are works of different painters. Las Ruinas de Arenal, , Barton Ramie, and Yet there are so many shared paleographic features to . Unfortunately the data cannot confirm a specific suggest that these two vases may have been produced workshop locale, although it does point to the immedi- in the same workshop attached to the Naranjo court. In ate Naranjo area as the most promising and probable summary, the paste compositional data, paleographic candidate. However, the bowl’s compositional profile is details, and stylistic features lead to the interpretation of not notably close to any of the 146 Naranjo-excavated the two vases as being made by two artists who, if not samples in the database, which may suggest that it was working together, were certainly intimately knowledge- made from different clay resources and/or tempering able of each other’s works. The compositional variation materials and/or from an idiosyncratic potting recipe stems from slight changes in resource utilization and/or divergent from those used in the Naranjo workshops paste recipe, as typically happens among aligned artists represented by the presently analyzed samples. even in the same workshop. These may occur due to the 0 5 10 cm Of particular note is MS5331’s chemical dissimilar- routine changes in availability of resources and natural ity to any of the unprovenienced vessels in the database “potting behavior,” wherein adjustments are made in whose workshop, patron, and/or artist have been suc- any workshop over even a short period of time to adjust Figure 1. Section and elevation drawing of MS5331 (drawing: Christophe Helmke). cessfully connected to Naranjo based on paste analyses, to available resources. artistic or ceramic typological attributions, and/or Whereas a conclusive match could not be established epigraphic evidence (Table 1). For example, MS5331 is on the basis of chemical profiles and trace elements, the (16 cm at the base), with a total height of 9 cm (Figure 1). with a light orange slip, and a wide red band encircles chemically unlike the three vases painted during the NAA data does shed light on the place of MS5331 in the The bowl’s painting style resides in the greater Holmul the rim. Directly below the interior red rim band is a second part of the eighth century for the Naranjo ruler socio-ceramic milieu of the eastern central lowlands. style, first defined at the site of Holmul, Guatemala thinner line in the same paint, with regular half-circle K’ahk’ Ukalaw Chan Chaahk (r. ad 755–780+) (Figure The analyses also confirm that MS5331 is chemically (Merwin and Valliant 1932; Reents 1985). The Holmul loops dipping below the thin line. An unusual feature 2a–c). Yet the three vases are so similar to each other as similar to other Zacatel Cream-polychrome vessels in pottery style features a cream-white base slip and of the bowl is the large Ajaw date notation adorning the to suggest they are the product of one workshop, while the database. Most notable are MS1420 (K4669) (Figure painted imagery using shades of red, particularly a red interior center of the bowl, likely recording the dedica- the especially strong chemical similarity between K633/ 3a), MS1866 (Figure 3b), NK0011 (excavated at Nakum) outline and orange interior wash, the wash perhaps a tory date. This practice echoes that of the so-called MS1374 and K635/MS1375 can be used to infer that (Figure 3c), and BVB009 (excavated at Baking Pot, dilution of the red slip. An unusual feature of MS5331 is “Giant Ajaw” altars best known for Caracol (see Beetz they represent two vessels made from a common clay Belize) (Figure 3d), as well as other Naranjo-excavated the replacement of a deep black slip for image accents— and Satterthwaite 1981:77-102; Satterthwaite 1951:30-37) preparation. sherds and whole vessels whose ceramic types and ar- as is typical for the Holmul style—with a dark-value red and to a lesser degree (Schele and Freidel 1990:213, Further, MS5331 does not chemically resemble the tistic styles are consistent with Naranjo-area pottery in slip. These darker areas may simply have been painted Fig. 5:28). Similar Ajaw vessels are known from the so-called Jauncy Vase (K4464/MS1416) (Figure 2d) made much the same way as MS5331. The available evidence over multiple times using the same red slip rather than Eastern Central Lowlands, particularly at Caracol at Naranjo for its 38th king, K’ahk’ Tiliw Chan Chaahk suggests the immediate Naranjo area as the place of ori- comprising a separate paint recipe. The pictorial scene (Chase 1994:163; Chase and Chase 1987:15, 17, Fig. 11b, (r. ad 693–728+) but excavated at Buenavista del Cayo gin of these five Zacatel Cream–polychrome specimens is an abridged version of the so-called “Holmul Dancer d, g), Baking Pot (Ricketson 1931:25, Pl. 17a) and most (Houston et al. 1992; Reents-Budet et al. 1994:303-302; including MS5331. We interpret the group as a small Theme” (Reents-Budet 1991), with only the dancing recently finds made at Xunantunich (Helmke and Awe Taschek and Ball 1992). The Jauncy Vase was painted by subset of the larger corpus of greater Naranjo pottery dwarf present (which is to say without the Maize god 2017). We will return to this feature when we consider an artist who produced distinctive vessels for Naranjo’s production, yet separate and distinct from the known figure that usually dominates such scenes). Diagonal the dating of the bowl from the historical vantage of its court under the reign of K’ahk’ Tiliw Chan Chaahk, these ceramic output of the royal workshops of Naranjo, texts, of three glyphs each for a total of nine hieroglyphs, creation. works being distinguished by singular hieroglyphic and including vessels bearing the name of ruler K’ahk’ Tiliw separate three dwarves. The combined features identify MS5331 as a member pictorial styles. Another vase attributed to this artist is Chan Chaahk. As the product of a workshop in the Based on examination of the original surfaces of of the Zacatel Cream-polychrome ceramic type. Lacking K1698/MS1684, based on shared similarities in pictorial vicinity of Naranjo, the bowl’s paste chemistry cannot MS5331 it is clear that it was found in fragmentary a secure provenience and sufficient numbers of similar composition and paleography discussed below (Figure assist in the search for the geographic location of the condition and with a partially eroded exterior (with examples, a variety assignation is not warranted. The 2e). Yet unlike the Jauncy Vase, this one was specifi- elusive Komkom site unless it were positioned within minor exfoliation evident also in parts). This weathering bowl’s stylistic and iconographic attributes unquestion- cally produced as a gift for the Ucanal ruler “Itzamnaaj” the wider Naranjo community. is due in part to the relatively soft surfaces typical of ably point to its being a product of a workshop located Bahlam, who is named as its owner (Reents-Budet et al. this ceramic ware. The repaired breaks are visible on the somewhere in the eastern central lowlands. The origin of 1994:300). The paste compositions of the Jauncy Vase and Iconography interior of the bowl with a sizable amount of fill mate- the bowl can be ascribed to a more circumscribed loca- K1698/MS1684 are similar enough to suggest they were rial added to restore lost areas. The exterior imagery has tion in the greater Naranjo area, based on an analysis of made from the same general clay resources, although The exterior of MS5331 is decorated with both pictorial been repainted in selected areas to mask the repair lines paste composition combined with paleographic features there is sufficient variation in the rare earths and dif- imagery and a hieroglyphic text. All elements of the im- and restore areas of eroded imagery. in the glyphic text, including the title borne by the his- ferences in the volcanic glass inclusions, specifically in agery are outlined in red, and resulting areas are filled The bowl’s interior is highly burnished and painted torical owner of the vessel. We explore these data below.

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Element MS5331 MS1684 MS1416 MS1374 MS1375 CV* (K1698) (K4464) (K633) (K635) Na% 1.85 1.50 1.51 1.57 1.26 2.2 K% 1.72 1.93 1.30 2.35 2.19 5.3 Ca% 0.00 2.99 0.00 5.15 4.59 — Sc 7.05 5.47 8.04 8.99 8.59 1.7 Cr 11.0 15.0 29.2 21.3 21.6 3.1 Fe 1.44 1.67 2.34 2.29 2.15 3.0 Co 5.14 6.35 — 6.04 5.66 2.0 Zn 89 109 65 72 84 10.6 As 7.1 4.2 5.4 10.6 9.9 5.4 Rb 135 99 60 169 167 7.7 Zr 139 87 214 216 185 — Sb 1.45 0.76 1.00 1.53 1.47 16.8 a b Cs 5.50 4.45 2.61 7.55 6.90 3.1 Ba 575 938 1260 621 468 12.2 La 21.6 23.2 23.3 36.5 32.7 1.6 Ce 48.4 36.0 45.8 66.1 60.0 2.4 Nd 13 14 11 29 26 11.6 Sm 4.67 3.33 4.32 6.22 5.61 2.5 Eu 0.63 0.58 0.72 0.94 0.83 3.0 Tb 0.76 0.52 0.46 0.87 0.98 13.8 Yb 3.22 1.95 1.81 3.05 2.54 5.3 Lu 0.39 0.27 0.23 0.42 0.29 6.9 Hf 6.05 3.59 6.53 6.58 5.33 4.0 Th 13.20 7.06 11.80 13.20 12.10 2.7 U 2.00 1.42 1.10 1.73 1.65 15.3

La/Yb 6.7 11.9 12.9 12.0 12.9 Th/Sc 1.9 1.3 1.5 1.5 1.4 Cr/Th 0.8 2.1 2.5 1.6 1.8 La/Sm 4.6 7.0 5.4 5.9 5.8 La/Lu 56 87 102 87 111 c d e La/Ce 0.45 0.64 0.51 0.55 0.55 Cr/Sc 1.56 2.74 3.63 2.37 2.51

Table 1. Comparison of MS5331 and a selection of vessels produced in workshops attached to the Naranjo court. Trace-elemental Figure 2. Vases produced at the royal Naranjo workshop for K’ahk’ Ukalaw Chan Chaahk and K’ahk’ data in parts per million except where percentages are indicated. * CV = Coefficient of variation determined from 17 years of Tiliw Chan Chaahk: (a) K633/MS1374; (b) K635/MS1375; (c) K2796/MS1763; (d) K4464/MS1416; repeated analyses of SRM 679 Brick Clay, n = 311 (data from Blackman and Bishop 2007:327). (e) K1698/MS1684 (photos: Maya Ceramics Project).

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This is made abundantly clear by the many portrayals of this deity and the accompanying dwarves on cylin- der vases and plates, often painted in the Holmul style, made at workshops at a variety of sites in the eastern central lowlands (Reents-Budet 1991; Reents-Budet et al. 1994:179-186). It is in this part of the Maya area that this mythic motif predominated, and it is evident that it was of particular importance to the rulers of the area (Helmke and Kupprat 2016:59-69; Houston et al. 1992; Reents-Budet et al. 1994:179-188). In these scenes we see the Maize God shortly after his resurrection and resplendent in fine regalia, while he dances in the company of a dwarf (Taube 2009). This seminal mythol- ogy from a maize-based culture led to the dwarf becom- ing the model companion of Classic Maya kings who themselves often acted in the guise of the Maize God (Houston 1992). Although the Maize God is conspicu- ously absent on MS5331, the dwarves function as pars a pro toto actors of the pivotal scene, their solitary dance conjuring the entire epic narrative.1

Epigraphy The glyphic text on the exterior is evenly subdivided into three equal segments of three glyph blocks apiece, each segment serving as a diagonal dividing band be- Figure 4. Two of the iconographic panels on MS5331 tween the dancing dwarf figures. These segments run showing the dancing dwarves (photos: Yuriy diagonally from the rim to the base of the vessel, the Polyukhovych and Ronald Bishop, courtesy of uppermost and lowest glyphs each delicately touching Amelia Weymann de Palacios). at the red bands that define the exterior of the vessel. We will explore the text on the exterior first and will return in with a lighter red/orange wash. The decorative field to the Ajaw date in the interior at the end of the paper. is divided into six rectangular spaces, wherein each of the three largest ones is dominated by a depiction of a Dedicatory Segment and Vessel Type (A1–B1) dwarf figure (exhibiting achondroplastic dwarfism), The first glyph block (A1) is well preserved and can be glancing upwards (Figure 4). Separating these depic- identified as an Initial Sign that initiates a dedicatory tions are three glyphic bands, which together form one statement on ceramic vessels (see MacLeod and Reents- complete glyphic clause. The dwarves’ raised heels, Budet 1994:109, 124) (Figure 5a). On monuments this bent legs (Grube 1992:201, 204; Looper 2008:88, 92, same glyph serves as a type of focus marker, emphasiz- b 124; Proskouriakoff 1950: 28, 145, Fig. 9.J1), upraised ing the most salient clauses (e.g. at Tikal and Caracol) arms, and dynamic poses (Looper 2008:3, Fig. 1; Taube (see Grube and Martin 2000:69, 71, 109) and also serving 2009:46-47) make it clear that they are performing a as a type of final emphatic device in texts of the eastern type of ritual dance or pageant. Whereas the dwarves central lowlands (e.g., at and ) (see are shown wearing plain loincloths and their hair is Helmke in press). On portable objects, and ceramics in simply bound in cloth wraps, it is their earspools and particular, this glyph functions as a type of demonstra- necklaces adorned with shell gorgets that mark their tive pronoun (if read alay “this, here”) (MacLeod and distinctive status. In each arm they brandish bundles of Polyukhovich 2005) or as a type of quotative device that d long feathers swaying wispily in the air—undoubtedly the long and highly prized tail feathers of the quetzal c (Pharomachrus mocinno). The same feather bunches are 1 Given the form of the ceramic vessel, we can also entertain the frequently paired with valves of spiny oyster shells possibility that this bowl once formed part of a set or ware of vessels (Spondylus sp.), placed atop stacks of folded cotton with different forms and functions, including a vase for beverages mantles, a combination comprising the idealized tribute and a tripod dish for serving solid foodstuffs, such as tamales—the typical steamed maize breads of Maya cuisine. On the other vessels package offered by vassals to higher nobles and their of this set other agents and elements of the same myth might have Figure 3. Zacatel Cream–polychrome ceramics with Holmul Dancer scenes that are close in chemical composi- kings (see Stuart 1998:411). been represented. Ultimately, the relatively low height of the bowl tion to MS5331: (a) K4619/MS1420; (b) MS1866; (c) NK0011 discovered at Nakum, Guatemala; (d) BVB009 Without a doubt the dwarves and their dance serve may account for the election of subject matter that was deemed discovered at Baking Pot, Belize (photos: Maya Ceramics Project and Christophe Helmke). to celebrate the time of the Maize God’s resurrection. most suitable.

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A B C The verb is followed by a substantive (A3) that refers to the object that was dedicated. In this case the glyph block has suffered a fair bit of erosion, but the remaining elements can nonetheless be distinguished as yu-k’i-bi 1 1 1 for yuk’ib. This lexeme can be segmented as y-uk’-ib and translated as “it is his drinking implement,” involving the verb uk’ “to drink” followed by an instrumental suf- fix –ib, the whole prefixed by the third-person singular a b c d pronominal possessive prefix (see Houston et al. 1989; MacLeod and Reents-Budet 1994:115, 127-128). As such it is clear that this bowl was primarily intended as an 2 2 2 implement for drinking, which also implies that it was designed to a contain a liquid. Ordinarily the forms of Maya ceramics tell us something of their contents, with e f g tall vases with narrow orifices reserved for beverages, wide dishes of shallow depth for solid foodstuffs, and Figure 6. The paleographic commonalities of the Initial Sign: bowls of intervening size for broths and semi-liquids. 3 a– and analogous variants on Naranjo ceramics: (a) 2085; (b) 3 3 K7750; (c) 8622; (d) 4464; analogous variants of the –ya syl- This observation is borne out in this case also, since labogram on the same ceramics: (e) 2085; (f) K8622; (g) K1398 the following glyph block, at the start of the second (drawings: Christophe Helmke). column (B1), refers to the intended contents (Figure 5b). Here this is spelled fully phonetically as ti-u-lu, and a b read ti ul “for atole/maize gruel” (MacLeod and Reents- c well as the use of the mirror main sign (also used on Budet 1994:118-119, 128). As such we can see that the K927, 1398, 1689, and 2085) speak in a very evocative text corroborates the intended contents of the vessel as Figure 5. The glyphs of the A–C columns on MS5331: (a) the A column; (b) the B column; (c) the C column manner of MS5331 as a vessel that was produced in a (drawings: Christophe Helmke). viscous maize gruel, one of the favored beverages of the Naranjo workshop during the reign of K’ahk’ Tiliw Maya, both then and now. The lu syllabogram used in Chan Chaahk. We will return to this observation after this glyph block is also a distinctive variant, exhibiting initiates the clause (if read aliiy “it is said”) (Lacadena apart from other variants is that the right crescent is vis- we have determined the name of the original owner of two large dots in the upper portion of the sign, an other- 2003:15). Despite this continued ambiguity, it clearly ible whereas the left one is wholly or partly concealed the vessel under scrutiny. wise uncommon feature. Interestingly, as far as we have serves to initiate clauses and is written a-AL-ya (or al- by the initial vocalic sign. In addition, in this particular The second glyph block (A2) has, unfortunately, been able to ascertain, this particular variant of lu does ternatively as a-LAY-ya). Of the several variants that can variant there are three main dots between the crescents, suffered from breakage and thus only little remains. not appear on other ceramics of Naranjo workshops, be used to write this expression, in this case the main arranged in triangular fashion, a line of small dots Syntax and comparison to other vessels from the area suggesting that this is an idiosyncratic feature of the sign is the mirror variant. trailing from the lowest of these larger axial dots. The suggest that this should record the dedicatory verb, the scribe who painted MS5331. The phonetic signs bracketing this logogram are same feature is found once more on K927, K2085 (Figure manner by which the vessel was formally activated or highly distinctive variants and serve as diagnostic 6e), and K8622 (Figure 6f), as well as on K1398 (Figure brought to life, enabling it to serve its intended function paleographic markers of a particular workshop, or 6g)—also known as the Regal Bunny Pot (see Beliaev in society. What remains includes the –yi syllabogram Patronage and Nominal Segment (B2–C3) perhaps even a specific scribe. The first a– phonetic and Davletshin 2006; Helmke 2012; Stuart 1993).4 The in final position. Whereas this particular syllabogram The initial portion of the text was given over to an complement represents the upper and lower beaks of a use of the same a– vocalic sign and –ya syllabogram, as is less distinctive than the foregoing phonetic signs, the abridged dedicatory statement, as well as specifying parakeet with the dotted circular element in the middle variant in use in Naranjo workshops during this time the type of vessel in ancient Maya typologies and its of the darkened tongue. It is the two small wavy lines has a noticeable cleft or gap between the main rounded intended contents. The remainder of the text starts with that emanate from the nostril that distinguish this vari- 2 On this vase, the Initial Sign has been repainted as part of portion of the sign (the “paw”) and the lined protru- the next glyph block (B2) providing an honorific titular ant from other allographs of this vocalic sign. Precisely restoration work, and although the restorer has attempted to be sion at the top (the “claw”) (see K927, K1398, K4464, expression that introduces the name of the original the same a variant is found on ceramics produced at a faithful one can see that there are small discrepancies, which is why and K8622). The preferred main sign at this period in owner of the vase. Whereas it may seem a rather abrupt Naranjo workshop under the patronage of K’ahk’ Tiliw this particular example is not reproduced here. the Naranjo workshops presents the head of the aged transition between the first and second portions of the Chan Chaahk (Martin and Grube 2000:74-77). Salient 3 It may well be that this vessel dates from the initial part of male divinity known as God N (see Martin 2016; Taube text, the latter is linked to the former via the posses- examples in the archives of Justin Kerr include K927,2 the reign of this king, as is suggested by a distinctive spelling of 1992:92-99) although in one instance (K8622) a stylized sive prefix y– appended to uk’ib, marking this drinking K1698, K2085 (Figure 6a),3 K7750 a rare quadrangular his name as K’AK’-TIL-wa, instead of the more common K’AK’- footprint, an abridged form of the Step sign, is present. implement as the prized possession of a distinct and TIL-wi or K’AK’-ti-li-wi. The latter spellings are synharmonic and vase (Figure 6b), and K8622 (Figure 6c). A very similar prompt the transcription K’ahk’ Tiliw, with a short vowel in the –Vw On MS5331 what remains suggests that the dedicatory particular individual. Anthroponyms, or the names of example, but with some minor idiosyncratic differences, suffix. In contrast, the spelling found on K2085 is disharmonic and verb was written with the head of God N, especially human individuals (particularly regnal names), are usu- is found on the Jauncy Vase (i.e., K4464/MS1416) (Figure suggests the transcription K’ahk’ Tiliiw, with a long vowel –VVw. the characteristic netted headdress and the pronounced ally followed by titles, in keeping with the syntax of the 6d) that also names K’ahk’ Tiliw as its original owner, The shift from disharmonic to synharmonic spellings is a feature wrinkles along the jaw. In almost all cases a –yi sylla- Ch’olan language recorded in the glyphs, although at although as we have remarked above, it was found in a of texts of the eastern Maya lowlands and is usually attributed to a bogram closes each of these verbal expressions to mark times additional titular expressions precede the name. royal tomb at Buenavista del Cayo in Belize (Houston et period between ad 747 and 849 (Lacadena and Wichmann 2002:293- them as change-of-state verbs, presumably read t’ab-aay These can be identified as honorific expressions, and in 302), yet this instance demonstrates that experimentation with this this case one such is spread over the remaining two glyph al. 1992; Reents-Budet et al. 1994:303-302; Taschek and process is at least a few decades earlier, since K’ahk’ Tiliw reigned “it was raised / it got lifted” (see Stuart 1998:409-417), in Ball 1992). between ad 693 and at least 726 (Martin and Grube 2000:74-77). reference either to the production of the ceramic vessel blocks of the medial column. The first half is written Similarly, the –ya syllabogram in subfix position 4 This sign is eroded on K7750, and on both K1698 and K4464 a or to its ceremonial presentation as part of a dedicatory CH’AK-OL (B2) followed by pi-tzi-li (B3). Together this to the main sign is also highly distinctive. What sets it GI head-variant is used, which is not accompanied by a –ya sign. ritual. was probably read ch’ak-ohl pitzil, involving the verbal

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syntactic head of the expression. The example from Ek dynastic house named Komkom. This locality is known Balam, as well as the pairing of pitzil titles on the Holmul from the texts of Naranjo as a place that was attacked vessel, suggests that these are references to the king as and burned on March 30 ad 696, not all too surprisingly a ballplayer, whose various virtues are emphasized, during the reign of K’ahk’ Tiliw Chan Chaahk (Figure serving to qualify what type of ballplayer he was. As 8a). The same locality may also be mentioned in connec- a a b such, the owner of K5331 likewise appears to have been tion with a “Star War” verb on April 24 ad 726, towards designated as a “heart-chopping ballplayer,” although the end of the reign of the same king (Figure 8b). The whether this is nuanced lyrical language or chillingly same regal title also appears on Late Classic ceramics meant in a rather literal way remains unknown. found at Buenavista del Cayo (Figure 8c) and Baking The name proper follows over the first two glyph Pot (Figure 8d) in western Belize, suggesting that this blocks of the final column (Figure 5c). Split over two ancient locality was probably tied to a site in the vicinity c glyph blocks, the first part of the name can be trans- (Helmke and Kettunen 2011:42, 63; Helmke et al. 2016; literated as TE’-?-la-CHAN-na (C1) that modifies the Houston et al. 1992:507-508; Yaeger et al. 2015:185-188). b syntactic head, the deity K’AWIL (C2), whose snout Whereas the ceramic texts and the mentions made is partly eroded. Most individual elements are readily at Naranjo spell this locality as [ko]mo-[ko]mo, on a identified, save the second sign, marked with a question recently discovered Early Classic shell gorget found at mark, which here may be rendered as a rarer variant the Buenavista del Cayo the title of the original owner is d OL logogram within a circular frame. This is reminiscent written more synoptically as [ko]mo AJAW (Yaeger et of the rare OL variant also seen in the nominal segment al. 2015:185-186) (Figure 8e), abbreviating the toponym Figure 7. Honorific titles: (a) the itz’aat pitzil honorific of found on the large jadeite plaque recently discovered at in precisely the same way as seen on MS5331. Based K’ahk’ Tiliw on K8622; (b) the same title of K’ahk’ Ukalaw , involving what appears to be a T-shaped on these numerous examples, and the attribution of c Chan Chaahk on K7750; (c) the same title and the ch’ahk-ohl wind sign within a cartouche (Prager and Braswell MS5331 to a Naranjo workshop, we are thus on rather pitziil honorific of Bat K’awiil on the Holmul tripod dish; (d) honorific designating Ukit Kan Lek as ch’ak-ohl bahte’ pitziil 2016:271, Fig. 6b). Together the name on MS5331 thus secure footing to suggest that this is the same title as (drawings: Christophe Helmke). reads Te’ Ohl Chan K’awiil. Alternatively this name seen at sites in the eastern central lowlands, although may involve a moon sign—designated as T181 in the here the regal title is exceptionally preceded by k’uhul root ch’ak “to chop, axe,” the substantive ohl “heart,” Thompson catalog (1962). As such one alternate trans- “godly.” In all other cases the title presents the toponym and the head of the expression, pitzil. The latter probably literation would be as TE’-ja-la, in which case the name in combination with ajaw, thereby forming a partial or serves as the substantive “ballplayer” and is a derived is read Te’jal Chan(al) K’awiil, wherein the putative –jal so-called “problematic” emblem glyph (Houston 1986). d e form of the verbal root pitz seen as part of the verb “to would function as an attributive suffix. The same sign play ball” in reference to the fascinating ballgame of the might also function as the logogram K’AL, “twenty” for Figure 8. References to Komkom in the glyphic corpus: ancient Maya (see Freidel et al. 1993:337-391; Miller and Te’k’al Chan K’awiil, although at present we are unsure Concluding Thoughts (a) Naranjo Stela 22; (b) Naranjo Stela 18; (c) sherd of a as to which of these alternatives is more likely, without Black-on-cream vase found at Buenavista del Cayo; (d) Houston 1987:60; Stuart 1989:24-25). The compositional data for MS5331 indicate that this additional examples of the name. title found on the Komkom Vase discovered at Baking The honorific title itz’aat pitziil “wise man/sage bowl was the product of a workshop located in the This type of name is typical of the eastern central Pot; (e) detail of the shell gorget found at Buenavista del ballplayer” is also found in the nominal segment of greater Naranjo area, although its paste chemistry is lowlands, naming one particular aspect of a deity. The Cayo (drawings: Christophe Helmke). K’ahk’ Tiliw Chan Chaahk on K8622 (Figure 7a) and of unlike that of other whole vessels associated with royal structure of these names is rather methodical, involving his son K’ahk’ Ukalaw Chan Chaahk on K7750 (Figure Naranjo patrons with the exception of K1698/MS1684. the name of the deity at the end of the nominal phrase, 7b) as well as in reference to a Naranjo ruler nicknamed Yet the physical features of the bowl are very similar Nevertheless, one finely painted vase, designated chan “sky” in the medial segment, and opening with Bat K’awiil, who ruled sometime in the 780s (Figure to those of other pottery vessels produced during the K1698/MS1684 (Figure 9), diverges from this pattern either a verbal expression or a substantive (see Grube 7c) (Martin and Grube 2000:81). The latter example is reign of K’ahk’ Tiliw Chan Chaahk. The iconography and instead bears the name of a foreign ruler, in this case 2002; Colas 2014). Thus the name may mean something found in the rim text of a tripod dish discovered in a of MS5331 represents a small segment of the greater the king of Ucanal, one “Itzamnaaj” Bahlam. The texts along the lines of “K’awiil is … in the sky” if the medial royal tomb at the site of Holmul (Str. F in Group 1) (M1- mythic narrative that is best known from the Holmul on monuments at Naranjo make it clear that the rela- segment is understood prepositionally as ti chan “within N1) (Reents 1986). In the same text, Bat K’awiil is not Dancer scenes that are typical of pictorial pottery pro- tionship between these two kings was rather turbulent the sky,” or alternatively, “… is the celestial K’awiil” if the only referred to as an itz’aat pitziil, but also as a ch’ak-ohl duced in this part of the Maya area. This feature also and not always amicable. For instance, just twenty days medial segment was meant to be treated in derived form pitziil (K1-L1) (Figure 7d). At Ek Balam, the remarkable confirms the bowl’s origin at a site in the eastern central after acceding to the throne on May 31 ad 693, K’ahk’ as chan[al] “celestial.” Clearly a coherent understanding tomb of Ukit Kan Lek contained among other things lowlands. More specifically, the distinctive graphic vari- Tiliw Chan Chaahk unleashed war upon neighboring and translation of the name is impeded by the initial an incised ceramic vase, where its text designates the ants employed in the text of this vessel are in keeping kingdoms. Whereas much of the warring may have been 5 compound, the constituent parts of which are patent king as a ch’ak-ohl bahte’ pitziil (Lacadena 2003:77). The with ceramics produced for K’ahk’ Tiliw and which aimed at lesser localities to draw them once more under enough in isolation, but less so in compound form. intrusion of the martial title /baah-te’/ (possibly “head- name him as owner. the domination of the Naranjo king after a period of dy- The final glyph (C3) provides the title proper of the spear”) indicates that the initial portion of the honorific In fact, the regnal name K’ahk’ Tiliw appears on all nastic disarray (see Martin and Grube 2000:72-76), some original owner and in many ways is the most fascinating serves as a modifier topitziil and the latter is the discrete but one of the vessels whose stylistic and epigraphic of these raids targeted prizes further afield, including part of the whole text. It provides a complete emblem 6 features suggest they were produced under his patron- Tubal to the west, Yootz to the north, Komkom to the glyph, the exalted title of ruling kings, here written as 5 Here, in the transcription, we present the segment /baah-te’/ age. Thus even though most ceramic vessels were often K’UH-[ko]mo-AJAW. While somewhat abridged this with a short vowel since morphophonetic processes are at play, gifted between sovereigns as a means of cementing wherein VV > V, since compounding involving a stressed syllable can be read k’uh[ul] kom[kom] ajaw, wherein the medial alliances, those vases of K’ahk’ Tiliw were personal 6 An alternative reading, preferred by the second author, is eliminates preceding vowel length (see Lacadena and Davletshin segment is the most truncated. As such this provides us effects that were bestowed upon others, as is made Yomootz based on the example on K7786, wherein the toponym may 2013:16). with the dynastic title of the “divine king” of a place or clear by the Jauncy Vase found at Buenavista del Cayo. be spelled yo-mo-tzi (compare with Boot 1999).

18 19 Helmke et al. A Bowl Fit for a King

Truly remarkable in this regard are the many paleo- graphic features seen in the text of K1698/MS1684 that represent salient points of commonality with the text of MS5331, in spite of the fact that their paste compositions are notably different although both pertain to Naranjo ceramic production. Among these paleographic details, we can point to the same a– vocalic sign (A1), the same variants of yu– and k’i in the vessel-type glyph (C1), and the identical AJAW logogram in the title of the Ucanal king (Figure 9). The latter is identical in every detail, including the cap on the “pillow” sign to the left, the cross that marks the center of the same sign, and the interior lines of the “throne” sign to the right (compare J1 on K1698/MS1684 with C3 on MS5331). All of these features together suggest that the texts on both vessels were produced—if not by the same scribe—by contem- poraneous painters who produced vessels by closely following the same scribal template. Considering the evidence at hand it seems likely that—much like the Ucanal vase K1698/MS1684—MS5331 was also custom- a made for a foreign ruler, in this instance the king of Komkom. Most likely, too, the bowl was commissioned, sometime after ad 712, during the more diplomatic phase of K’ahk’ Tiliw’s reign and as a direct corollary of the attack inflicted upon Komkom inad 696. It is in this respect that the date inscribed in the base of the bowl has direct bearing on this discussion. The date provides a record in the Tzolkin calendar and has been written in abbreviated form as 4-ti-AJAW for chan ti [k’in] ajaw or literally “four on the day Ajaw” (Figure 10). Warranting such a degree of ellipsis is the significance of the date with regards to an important, A B C D E F b well-known, and celebrated period ending in the Long Count. As such it is likely the record of a k’atun period ending with a “round” Long Count date, and the best Figure 10. The 4 Ajaw date at the bottom of match with these parameters is the date 9.15.0.0.0 4 Ajaw MS5331 (photo: Fundación para la Bellas Artes y la 13 Yax, or August 23, ad 731.7 What is surprising about Cultura, courtesy of Amelia Weymann de Palacios; this date is that it falls three years after the latest known drawing: Christophe Helmke). date for K’ahk’ Tiliw’s reign, whereas one would expect the bowl to have been produced under his sovereignty. G H I J king in his role as diplomat. The finely incised texts While this bowl cannot be used as tangible evidence for on the sides of Stela 2 record the accession of a king of K’ahk’ Tiliw remaining in power until 731 it is certainly Yootz in January ad 713 under the auspices of K’ahk’ a tantalizing suggestion. Alternatively, the bowl may Tiliw, who is clearly named as overlord. Similarly, in indeed have been manufactured to cement an alliance the same text the accession (possibly a re-accession as between Naranjo and the lord of Komkom, and this may faithful vassal) of “Itzamnaaj” Bahlam is said to have have occurred under the reign of a successor. This alter- taken place the year before in June ad 712, an event that native historical scenario could explain the idiosyncratic is explicitly said to have taken place yichnal or “before / Figure 9. Roll-out of K1689 and drawing of the glyphic text (photo © Justin Kerr; drawing: Christophe Helmke). in front of” K’ahk’ Tiliw Chan Chaahk. This interesting reversal, from defeat in ad 698 to re-accession 14 years 7 This computation is based on the 584286 GMT+1 correlation later, demonstrates how fleeting power could be during coefficient (see Martin and Skidmore 2012). An alternate, but less east, Bital to the southeast, and Ucanal to the south. The it clear that this is none other than “Itzamnaaj” Bahlam, Late Classic times. In addition, this historical event en- likely, anchor to the Long Count would be to consider a lahuntun tails the most likely production date for K1698, with the date, of which for Baktun 9 the only match is 9.8.10.0.0 or ad 603, emaciated, near-naked, and powerless king of Ucanal is leaving little doubt as to which court ruled supreme which is too early given the style of the bowl, its iconography, and shown pleading at the feet of K’ahk’ Tiliw on the front of in the region. Following this offensive period wherein vase perhaps specially commissioned to commemorate the paleographic features of the text. Alternate hotun and holahun- Stela 22, which records the attack on Ucanal in September K’ahk’ Tiliw sought to make his mark on the area, the the enthronization of the Ucanal ruler and to cement his tun dates provide no good matches either, being too early or too ad 698 (Schele and Freidel 1990:190-191). The texts make reign’s maturity set in and the texts take stock of the vassalage to his Naranjo overlord. late.

20 21 Helmke et al. A Bowl Fit for a King paste chemistry of this specimen within the larger cor- Chase, Arlen F. Helmke, Christophe, and Jaime J. Awe Lacadena, Alfonso, and Søren Wichmann pus of sampled pottery attributed to K’ahk’ Tiliw and 1994 A Contextual Approach to the Ceramics of Caracol, 2017 Commemorative Ceramics of the Ancient Maya: Ajaw 2002 The Distribution of Lowland Maya Languages in the other Naranjo kings. Belize. In Studies in the Archaeology of Caracol, Belize, edit- Dates, the Calendar and Festive Crockery. Paper pre- Classic Period. In La organización social entre los mayas. Irrespective of the particulars, this unsung bowl re- ed by Diane Z. Chase and Arlen F. Chase, pp. 157-182. sented at the 7th Annual Maya at the Lago Conference. Memoria de la Tercera Mesa Redonda de , Vol. flects an important event in the history of the Komkom Monograph 7. Pre-Columbian Art Research Institute, Davidson Day School, Davidson, North Carolina. II, edited by Vera Tiesler, Rafael Cobos, and Merle dynasty and celebrates an alliance between Te’ … Chan San Francisco. Greene Robertson, pp. 275-319. Instituto Nacional de K’awiil and the rulers of Naranjo. If the bowl were Antropología e Historia; Universidad Autónoma de Helmke, Christophe, and Harri Kettunen Yucatán, . commissioned to celebrate the accession of Te’ … Chan Chase, Arlen F., and Diane Z. Chase 2011 Where Atole Abounds: Naranjo during the Reign of K’ahk’ K’awiil, then K’ahk’ Tiliw, at the very end of his reign, 1987 Investigations at the Classic of Caracol, Belize: Tiliw Chan Chahk. Workshop handbook. 1st Cracow Maya Looper, Matthew emerges as the likely patron. But then again, the bowl 1985-1987. Monograph 3. Pre-Columbian Art Research Conference, Department of New World Archaeology, 2008 To Be Like Gods: Dance in Ancient . may have been a gift from the successor of K’ahk’ Tiliw Institute, San Francisco. Jagiellonian University, Cracow. on the occasion of his own accession in order to cement University of Texas Press, Austin. an erstwhile alliance with the kings of Komkom, his al- Colas, Pierre Robert lies to the east. Helmke, Christophe, and Felix A. Kupprat MacLeod, Barbara, and Yuriy Polyukhovich 2014 Personal Names: The Creation of Social Status among 2016 Where Snakes Abound: Supernatural Places of Origin 2005 Deciphering the Initial Sign. In Sourcebook for the 29th the Classic Maya. In A Celebration of the Life and Work and Founding Myths in the Titles of Classic Maya Maya Hieroglyph Forum, March 11-16, 2005, pp. 166-174. Acknowledgements of Pierre Robert Colas, edited by Christophe Helmke Kings. In Places of Power and Memory in Mesoamerica’s Department of Art and Art History, University of Texas, and Frauke Sachse, pp. 19-59. Acta Mesoamericana 27. We thank the Fundación para la Bellas Artes y la Cultura Past and Present: How Sites, Toponyms and Landscapes Austin. (FUNBA) in La Antigua, Guatemala for their permis- Anton Saurwein, Munich. Shape History and Remembrance, edited by Daniel Graña- sion to publish this bowl and in particular the Architect Behrens, pp. 33-83. Estudios Indiana 9. Gebrüder Mann MacLeod, Barbara, and Dorie Reents-Budet Amelia Weymann de Palacios for her support, as well as Freidel, David A., Linda Schele, and Joy Parker Verlag, Berlin. 1994 The Art of Calligraphy: Image and Meaning. In Painting María Eugenia Mazariegos P., Jessica Munson, Lorena 1993 Maya Cosmos: Three Thousand Years on the Shaman’s Path. the Maya Universe: Royal Ceramics of the Classic Period, Paiz, and Sofia Paredes Maury for their invaluable William Morrow, New York. Helmke, Christophe, Julie A. Hoggarth, and Jaime J. Awe by Dorie Reents-Budet, pp. 106-163. Duke University assistance in securing measurements and additional 2016 Deciphering the Collapse: Peri-Abandonment Deposits Press, Durham. photographs of the vessel. Grube, Nikolai in Palatial Contexts at Baking Pot, Belize. Paper pre- 1992 Classic : Evidence from Hieroglyphs and sented at the 14th Belize Archaeology and Anthropology Martin, Simon References Iconography. Ancient Mesoamerica 3(2):201-218. Symposium, National Institute of Culture and History, 2016 The Old Man of the Maya Universe: A Unitary Dimension 2002 Onomástica de los gobernantes mayas. In La organi- San Ignacio, Belize. to Ancient . In Maya Archaeology 3, Beetz, Carl P., and Linton Satterthwaite zación social entre los mayas. Memoria de la Tercera Mesa edited by Charles Golden, Stephen Houston, and Joel 1981 The Monuments and Inscriptions of Caracol, Belize. Redonda de Palenque, Vol. II, edited by Vera Tiesler Blos, Skidmore, pp. 186-227. Precolumbia Mesoweb Press, Monograph 45. University Museum, University of Houston, Stephen Rafael Cobos, and Merle Greene Robertson, pp. 321- San Francisco. 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