ABSTRACT

REFORM THE MORALS AND IMPROVE THE MANNERS: IMPROVEMENT AND POLITENESS IN THE FEMALE SPECTATOR

Eliza Haywood’s The Female Spectator, a 1740s periodical, was dedicated to the pursuit of personal improvement, with the ultimate goal of educating readers in how to achieve politeness. It did so through letters, anecdotes, and essays that detailed appropriate behavior for its readers. The popularity of The Female Spectator suggests that it may have influenced readers to follow its suggestions: in this case, by encouraging women to venture into county gardens to study natural philosophy and to moderate their attendance of public events. In recent years, scholars have explored the significance of The Female Spectator with special emphasis on Haywood’s political stance or her portrayal of women; however, scholars have not adequately addressed Haywood’s recommendation to her readers that the casual study of natural philosophy was appropriate for women in so far as it would prepare women to partake in polite conversation, and thereby create improvement within their community. Scholars have also disregarded Haywood’s prescription of moderation when attending social spaces and public events as the over attendance of these events would distract readers from their goal of personal improvement. In this thesis, I examine Haywood’s use of the eighteenth-century concepts of improvement and politeness as they related to appropriate conversation topics and polite sociability.

Savannah Leigh Welch Nakamura May 2018

REFORM THE MORALS AND IMPROVE THE MANNERS: IMPROVEMENT AND POLITENESS IN THE FEMALE SPECTATOR

by Savannah Leigh Welch Nakamura

A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in History in the College of Social Sciences California State University, Fresno May 2018 APPROVED For the Department of History:

We, the undersigned, certify that the thesis of the following student meets the required standards of scholarship, format, and style of the university and the student's graduate degree program for the awarding of the master's degree.

Savannah Leigh Welch Nakamura Thesis Author

Maritere López (Chair) History

Brad Jones History

Lori Clune History

For the University Graduate Committee:

Dean, Division of Graduate Studies AUTHORIZATION FOR REPRODUCTION OF MASTER’S THESIS

X I grant permission for the reproduction of this thesis in part or in its entirety without further authorization from me, on the condition that the person or agency requesting reproduction absorbs the cost and provides proper acknowledgment of authorship.

Permission to reproduce this thesis in part or in its entirety must be obtained from me.

Signature of thesis author: ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to extend thanks to the Graduate Net Initiative that provided generous support in the form of a fellowship. My sincere thanks to Brad Jones and Lori Clune, who provided valuable feedback and encouragement throughout the thesis writing process. Thank you to Maritere López for your guidance, advice, and wisdom during these past three years. I would also like to thank my parents, Paul and Lynne, and my siblings, Zach, Ari, and Toni, for their constant support. Finally, thank to you my husband, Brice, for all of the commas you deleted, all of the cookies you baked, and all of the encouragement and love that you have shared with me during this process.

TABLE OF CONTENTS Page

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION ...... 1

CHAPTER 2: SALLIED FORTH WITH OUR MICROSCOPES ...... 20

CHAPTER 3: YET, HERE ARE DANGEROUS EXCITEMENTS ...... 40

CHAPTER 4: CONCLUSION ...... 57

BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 62

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION

I was willing to treat them with the tenderness of a mother, but not, like some mothers, to continue my indulgence to their ruin. – The examples I gave of good and bad behaviour, was not meerly to divert them, but to inspire them with an ambition of imitating the one, and a care to avoid the other. -Eliza Haywood, The Female Spectator

In Book Five of The Female Spectator, a 1740s British periodical, Eliza Haywood presents her readers with the story of beautiful young Amasina and her fiancé, Palamon. In an ill-fated attempt to increase the love and attention of Palamon, Amasina decided to “indulge her natural propensity to gaiety, in going to all public places.”1 Again and again, Palamon tried to dissuade Amasina from attending these public entertainments: “he intreated her with all the moving eloquence of an honourable affection, that for her own sake, if not for his, she would reflect on her present conduct, and return once more to her amiable former self.”2 Amasina’s mother also encouraged her to refrain from attending such diversions, and to be “more cautious to prevent scandal.”3 Despite their pleas, Amasina believed that her actions were increasing Palamon’s love for her and she continued to attend the public engagements. Her refusal to remain at home upset Palamon, and “all the spells her inchanting beauty had laid on him, lost their power at once.”4 He decided to end their engagement and move to the countryside, leaving Amasina heartbroken and despondent. Soon after his arrival in the

1 Eliza Haywood, The Female Spectator, 2nd ed, vol. I (London: T. Gardner, 1748), 245. I have retained the original spelling and punctuation for all quotes from Haywood.

2 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. I, 247.

3 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. I, 247.

4 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. I, 250. 2 2 countryside, Palamon met and married a young woman and had a happy marriage, while Amasina ended in misery with “nobody in reality to accuse but herself.”5 Haywood’s message to her readers is clear: avoid the ruin of Amasina, who dedicated herself to public diversions and lost the love of an honorable man. Rather, be like the woman who won the love of Palamon through her “charms” and “perfections of the mind.”6 These two components, the rejection of the public entertainment and pursuit of betterment, make up Haywood’s program of improvement and politeness in The Female Spectator. In this study, I investigate the eighteenth-century concepts of improvement and politeness, as presented in Eliza Haywood’s The Female Spectator. As the author of the first periodical written for women by a woman, a study of Haywood and her writings provides valuable insight into how the English Enlightenment concept of improvement was presented to middle-class British women.7 Specifically, I focus on Haywood’s use of natural philosophy as a tool to improve oneself, and on the social spaces that Haywood warned against as detractors for improvement. The ultimate goal of improvement, as implied by Haywood’s text, was politeness, or appropriate social interactions. The Female Spectator, printed between 1744 and 1746, is a collection of twenty-four monthly installments, or as Haywood terms them, “books.” Each book consists of a series of essays, anecdotes, and correspondence which discuss proper female behavior. With topics ranging from drinking tea, to choosing husbands, to

5 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. I, 255, 253.

6 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. I, 255.

7 Lynn Marie Wright and Donald J. Newman, introduction to Fair Philosopher: Eliza Haywood and “The Female Spectator,” ed. Lynn Marie Wright and Donald J. Newman (Lewisburg, PA: Bucknell University Press, 2006), 22. 3 3 attending masquerades, the books blend “social commentary, moral instruction, and advice.”8 To offer her advice, Haywood utilized a panel of four female personae, each representing a different background. The first is the Female Spectator, described as someone who “never was a beauty,” and was “very far from being young,” but who had lived her life in such a way as to be aware of the consequences of poor choices and folly.9 She spent her youth in “a continued round of what I then called pleasure, and my whole time engrossed by a hurry of promiscuous diversions.”10 Her experience, paired with her substantial education, prompts the Female Spectator to share her knowledge so that “the public may reap some benefit from it.”11 The Female Spectator introduces three other women to balance her own point of view. Each additional member of the “club,” as Haywood calls them, represents “the three estates of women”: a virgin, a wife, and a widow.12 Haywood introduces Euphrosine, a young maiden so accomplished that “beauty is the least distinguished part of her.”13 The third contributor is Mira, a happily married woman from a good family. The final voice is the unnamed Widow of Quality, who, despite her widowed status, continues to participate in “all the modish diversions of the times” as long as they are “consistent with innocence and honour.”14 Haywood rarely identifies the views of these writers individually, instead writing with one voice, that of the Female Spectator.

8 Wright and Newman, Introduction,13.

9 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. I, 2.

10 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. I, 2.

11 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. I, 2.

12 Patrick Spedding, A Bibliography of Eliza Haywood (London: Pickering & Chatto, 2004), 431.

13 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. I, 4.

14 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. I, 4. 4 4

However, by suggesting that each of these personae were involved in crafting the content of the periodical, Haywood bolsters her position to provide advice, as it appears to be agreed upon by each of these women. Together this committee of women makes up the singular voice of The Female Spectator. In addition to the four women of The Female Spectator, Haywood also includes a number of other voices in the form of letters. In the periodical, Haywood implies that readers sent these letters to her publisher. However, most scholars agree that Haywood herself wrote the letters, likely inspired by real letters she may have received. Alternatively, Haywood may have asked friends to author letters on specific topics, and portrayed the letters as written by individual readers. Either way, Haywood herself ultimately made the editorial choice of including them in The Female Spectator.15 The letters either agree with the ladies of The Female Spectator, which gives validation to the advice they share, or pose questions which the Female Spectator answers authoritatively. In comparison with the number of reprints of other eighteenth-century periodicals, bibliographer Patrick Spedding found The Female Spectator to have been “moderately successful.” However, that so-called “moderate” popularity included “seven editions in English, one in German, two in French, and one in Italian,” all before Haywood’s death in 1756.16 Furthermore, the other periodicals that Spedding used in his comparison were written by men and aimed at a general

15 Some scholars have addressed whether these letters were from real readers, or creative inventions of Haywood. A judgment of these arguments is not necessary here, as Haywood made the editorial decision to print these letters, it can be assumed that they represent her perspective. See Wright and Newman, Introduction, 16; Kathryn R. King, preface to Selected Works of Eliza Haywood, set II, vol. 2, The Female Spectator, Volumes 1 and 2, ed. Kathryn R. King and Alexander Pettit (London: Pickering & Chatto, 2001), viii.

16 Patrick Spedding, “Measuring the Success of Haywood’s Female Spectator (1744-46),” in Fair Philosopher: Eliza Haywood and “The Female Spectator,” ed. Lynn Marie Wright and Donald J. Newman (Lewisburg, PA: Bucknell University Press, 2006), 194. 5 5 audience. The Female Spectator was the highest ranking periodical by a female author.17 Based on its original cost, as well as the manner and consistency of reprints, the periodical’s audience seems to have been primarily female and mostly affluent, making it also the highest ranking periodical written specifically for women.18 The Female Spectator had an international audience. Copies of the periodical were found as far afield as the Royal Palace of Turin and libraries in Pennsylvania. Indeed, Eve Tavor Bannet has suggested that it “was probably more influential in the American colonies than in the metropolis,” and was “one of the most important books which could be found on the colonial woman’s bookshelf.”19 Circulation records suggest that in the American colonies, The Female Spectator was more widely read than Samuel Richardson’s best-selling novel Pamela.20 Even in Europe, where its circulation was narrower, The Female Spectator was described as “deserv[ing] a place in every lady’s library.”21 The success of The Female Spectator suggests that there was a sizeable audience for Haywood’s writing. In his bibliography of Haywood, Spedding presents some printed advertising of The Female Spectator which marketed it as appropriate reading material for ‘the Young and Unexperienced” as well as “the younger and politer sort of Ladies.”22 Furthermore, in an article in The Whitehall

17 Spedding, “Measuring the Success,” 196.

18 Spedding, “Measuring the Success,” 200.

19 Eve Tavor Bannet, “Haywood’s Spectator and the Female World,” in Fair Philosopher: Eliza Haywood and “The Female Spectator,” ed. Lynn Marie Wright and Donald J. Newman (Lewisburg, PA: Bucknell University Press, 2006), 83.

20 Spedding, “Measuring the Success,” 202, 204.

21 The Nunnery for Coquettes (1771), 85 quoted in Spedding, “Measuring the Success,” 205.

22 Spedding, A Bibliography, 433-434. 6 6

Evening-Post, Haywood thanked her readers, especially “the Ladies” whom she believed were largely responsible for The Female Spectator’s solid sales.23 The fact that Haywood specifically focused on the conflicts and triumphs of women in her anecdotes further suggests that her intention was to create content for women. As Lynn Marie Wright and Donald J. Newman note, “it is reasonable to think that both Haywood’s intended audience and her actual audience were middle-class women confined to the domestic sphere of the home and family.”24 Mary Anne Schofield notes that, based on the price of The Female Spectator, “Haywood was writing neither for the poor nor the rich – her audience was solidly middle-class women.”25 However, in the pages of The Female Spectator one finds a dearth of middle-class women, encountering instead the voices of higher-class women.26 This suggests that Haywood’s readers may have aspired to behave as though they were of a higher class. Haywood’s audience likely also included some male readers. In her periodical, Haywood included a number of letters from male readers, indicating that she received letters from men, or wished for her readers to believe men were interested in her writings as well.27 Wright and Newman conclude that “Haywood aimed at a primary audience comprised of women belonging to the upper echelons of the middle class and upper class but had her eye on a series of secondary

23 The Whitehall Evening-Post, 29 November- 2 December 1755, quoted in Spedding, A Bibliography, 431.

24 Wright and Newman, Introduction, 15.

25 Mary Anne Schofield, Eliza Haywood (Boston: Twayne Publishers, 1985), 4.

26 Wright and Newman, Introduction, 15.

27 Wright and Newman, Introduction, 15. 7 7 audiences that she reached mainly through these primary readers.”28 Ultimately, it is probable that it was not simply the undefined “Ladies” addressed by Haywood who encountered The Female Spectator, but also a number of men, as well as women from differing social backgrounds. The success of The Female Spectator would not have been possible without the significant expansion of print culture during the eighteenth century. The expiration of the Licensing Act in 1695 resulted in the removal of “all limits on the number of printers licensed to publish and sell newspapers, books, and periodicals,” creating a free market for printed materials.29 This led to a staggering increase in the availability of printed works - an increase of nearly tenfold between the 1620s and the 1790s.30 This extreme increase in published materials also meant changes in the way in which audiences interacted with the works. During the eighteenth century, the way in which audiences engaged with printed material began to shift away from intensive to extensive reading. Before the eighteenth century, readers mainly interacted with texts through intensive reading, or the rigorous and repetitive study of a few, mainly religious, texts. In contrast, by the eighteenth century extensive reading, or the single reading of many texts, became popular.31 According to James Van Horn Melton, “extensive reading did not replace intensive reading so much as supplement it,” especially among the middle class that made up Haywood’s audience.32

28 Wright and Newman, Introduction, 17.

29 James Van Horn Melton, The Rise of the Public in Enlightenment Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 20.

30 Roy Porter, The Creation of the Modern World: The Untold Story of the British Enlightenment (New York: W.W Norton & Company, 2000), 73.

31 Melton, The Rise of the Public, 91.

32 Melton, The Rise of the Public, 91. 8 8

It was not just the way readers interacted with texts that changed. With the increase in the availability of texts came also “a fundamental transformation of reading tastes.”33 The growth of print culture during the eighteenth-century allowed for a growth in genres, especially outside already-prominent religious and political ones. The Female Spectator fell into one of these new genres: the moral periodical. Creating discussions around appropriate ways to behave outside of the religious or political realm, the moral periodical “consciously avoided explicitly political topics.”34 Growing in both number and prominence during the eighteenth century, moral periodicals “eased the transition to a more secular and diverse print culture by showing that a non-religious genre, aimed at a broad readership, could simultaneously entertain and morally instruct its readers.”35 A host of periodicals attempted to both entertain and instruct, but scholars credit one in particular for giving prominence to the discussion of politeness: Joseph Addison and Richard Steele’s The Spectator. Printed between 1711 and 1714, this periodical’s authority can only be understood in the context of its immense popularity.36 At the height of its run, The Spectator sold between 20,000 and 30,000 copies daily, far surpassing competitors.37 Even this number does not reflect The Spectator’s true reach, as it fails to account for the copies read aloud and discussed in coffeehouses, or shared among friends, which only increased the periodical’s influence.38

33 Melton, The Rise of the Public, 88.

34 Melton, The Rise of the Public, 97.

35 Melton, The Rise of the Public, 96-97.

36 Porter, The Creation, 79.

37 Melton, The Rise of the Public, 96.

38 Melton, The Rise of the Public, 96. 9 9

A collection of essays, anecdotes and letters discussing appropriate behavior, Addison and Steele’s The Spectator touched on topics related to everyday life for the eighteenth-century audience. Topics included courtship, conversation, education, love, and business, among others.39 According to its authors, the goal of The Spectator was to bring “Philosophy out of Closets and Libraries, Schools and Colleges, to dwell in Clubs and Assemblies, at Tea-Tables and in Coffee Houses.”40 More broadly, The Spectator presented “enlightened views and values to the public at large, polishing manners, popularizing the new philosophy and refining tastes.”41 By bringing these discussions to the reading public, The Spectator became the early eighteenth-century authority on politeness, a position termed Addisonionism.42 Like Addison and Steele before her, Haywood presented politeness in The Female Spectator. The Spectator’s success led many to imitate its goal and style, striving to morally instruct in an entertaining manner. 43 According to Katharine Glover, these periodicals’ focus on “the moral, rather than the political… and their role in creating a sense of a new, urban code of manners gave them a particular relevance to women.”44 It was this female audience, and their appetite for moral writings that Haywood focused on in The Female Spectator. The influence that The

39 Erin Mackie, Market à la Mode: Fashion, Commodity, and Gender in “The Tatler” and “The Spectator” (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1997), 2.

40 Joseph Addison and Richard Steele, The Spectator, vol. I, no. 10 (London: S. Buckley, 1712), 54.

41 Porter, The Creation, 80. Also, see Katharine Glover, Elite Women and Polite Society in Eighteenth-Century Scotland (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2011), 51-61.

42 Porter, The Creation, 265.

43 Melton, The Rise of the Public, 96.

44 Glover, Elite Women, 61. 10 10

Spectator had on Haywood’s The Female Spectator cannot be ignored. In addition to the obvious reference in the title, Haywood also refers to The Spectator as the “learned brother” in her own work.45 While Haywood published her periodical once a month, instead of daily, the format of letters and essays is similar. Through these obvious references to The Spectator, Haywood attempted to give authority to her own texts, hoping to generate the same type of discussion among her readers about appropriate social interactions, or politeness, that Addison and Steele addressed. The need for texts discussing appropriate social interactions was related to the growing middle classes of the eighteenth century. The late seventeenth and early eighteenth century saw the emergence of a new middle class, mainly as a result of economic change, and of the demand for skilled professionals such change created. The eighteenth century saw great economic growth and strength, largely as a result of an expanding empire, an introduction of “the notion of paper investments” and “the charging of interest,” as well as the advancement of manufacturing, especially in the textile, metalworking, and leather industries. 46 Alongside manufacturing changes, the development of new ways to distribute goods and the growth of cities, especially London, created the need for new businesses and services. In turn, more skilled personnel were needed, including physical laborers, such as shipbuilders and canal engineers, as well as lawyers, doctors, educators, and other professionals.47 These sought-after skilled laborers

45 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. I, 1.

46 Margaret R. Hunt, The Middling Sort: Commerce, Gender, and the Family in England, 1680 – 1780 (Los Angeles, CA: University of California Press, 1996), 1; Peter Earle, The Making of the English Middle Class: Business, Society and Family Life in London, 1660-1730 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989), 18-24.

47 Hunt, Middling Sort, 18-19. 11 11 found not only employment opportunities but also, thanks in part to the global expansion of trade and shipping, new opportunities for financial advancement.48 Along with financial advancement, these professionals’ purchasing power increased, allowing them to buy Haywood’s periodical, and also take part in the politeness she encouraged. As their financial standings increased, middle class individuals sought to improve their social standing, most notably by emulating the elite, acquiring an intimate knowledge of the elite social standards, and shedding any uncouth manners. According to Erin Mackie, in order for the “tradesman” to appropriately interact with the elite he had to “emulate the modes, social mores, and cultural ideals already established in the fashionable world that was still largely controlled by the aristocracy.”49 However, emulation alone was insufficient, and middle class peoples came to develop for themselves a particular social and cultural identity, closely linked but separate from that of the elite. At the core of this middle class social identity were the values of fashionability and morality, codified in a new standard of behavior: politeness. While the elite may have set the standard for appropriate manners, elite behavior was not universally accepted as flawless. Rather, the periodicals directed at the middle class proclaimed the elite in need of refinement as well, since upper class individuals did not always abide by appropriate morals. The middle class associated the elite with lavish dress, gambling, luxury, sexual vice, and other

48 Hunt, Middling Sort, 18.

49 Erin Mackie, “Introduction: Cultural and Historical Background,” in The Commerce of Everyday Life: Selections from “The Tatler” and “The Spectator,” ed. Erin Mackie (Boston: Bedford/St. Martin’s, 1998), 10. 12 12 immoral behavior.50 According to Addisonianism, these behaviors were “no model on which to base new standards both fashionable and decent” and the development of appropriate behavior required “purging the elites of the habits of vice and folly.”51 In order to improve the behavior of the middle class and remove the vice from the behavior of the elites, a balance needed to be reached and a new standard of behavior needed to be set, accessible to both the growing middle class and the elite. The new behavioral paradigm had to reform both the morals of the elite and the manners of the middle class, “polishing and refining the conduct of the middle classes and purging the elites of the habits of vice and folly.”52 Contemporary authors rose to the challenge of creating this new standard, offering prescriptions and advice in a variety of genres, including conduct manuals and novels. Periodicals, in particular, came to the forefront of the reforming of manners, reaching broad audiences in affordable installments. Periodicals such as Addison and Steele’s The Spectator presented appropriate behavior as accessible to the middle class by relating advice and anecdotes that demonstrated the benefits of appropriate behavior and the drawbacks of vice. Mackie further explains that in regards to the middle class, Addison and Steele’s “periodicals were crucial agents in the definition of the cultural, social, and ethical ideals of that class.”53 Eliza Haywood’s The Female Spectator was a similarly crucial agent. She defined the new middle class’ cultural, social, and ethical ideals, which resonated with her readers, as implied by the periodical’s acclaim. Understanding how

50 Mackie, “Introduction,” 10.

51 Mackie, “Introduction,” 9-10.

52 Mackie, “Introduction,” 9.

53 Mackie, “Introduction,” 2. 13 13

Haywood approached social concepts such as improvement, politeness, and conversation, can give scholars greater insight to eighteenth-century British society. An actress, author, and theatrical critic, Eliza Haywood was born Elizabeth Fowler in about 1693, likely in London, and died in 1756.54 Although scholars know nothing of her formal education, her writings suggest that she had extensive training in English and French poetry and literature.55 By 1715 she appeared on the stage as Eliza Haywood, suggesting a marriage to an unknown Mr. Haywood, the dates of which are also unknown.56 The marriage did not last. Christine Blouch’s research uncovered letters written by Haywood describing her marriage as “unfortunate.” 57 Another of Haywood’s letters suggests that her marriage ended with the death of her husband, and that it was his early death, as well as her father’s, which led to “the melancholy necessity of depending on my Pen for the support of myself and two Children.”58 It was dependency on her writing that led

Haywood to pursue a career in print.

54 Christine Ellen Blouch, “Eliza Haywood: Questions in the life and works” (PhD diss., University of Michigan, 1991), 9, accessed July 18, 2017, ProQuest Dissertations &Theses.

55 Blouch, “Eliza Haywood: Questions,” 13.

56 Blouch, “Eliza Haywood: Questions,” 16.

57 B.M. Add. MS. 4293 f. 82 quoted in Christine Blouch, “Eliza Haywood and the Romance of Obscurity,” Studies in English Literature, 1500-1900 31, no. 3 (Summer 1991): 537, accessed July 18, 2017, http://www.jstor.org/stable/450861.

58 B.M. Add. MS. 4293 f. 82 quoted in Blouch, “Eliza Haywood and the Romance,” 537. Kirsten T. Saxton, introduction to The Passionate Fictions of Eliza Haywood: Essays on Her Life and Work, ed. Kirsten T. Saxton and Rebecca P. Bocchicchio (Lexington, KY: University of Kentucky Press, 2000), 6. According to Blouch, “Eliza Haywood and the Romance,” 540,549, Haywood’s two children were probably not the result of her marriage. Writer Richard Savage likely fathered the first child, and the second was from a relationship with William Hatchett, a playwright with whom Haywood may have had a twenty year relationship. 14 14

In 1719, Haywood published her first novel, Love in Excess, or The Fatal Enquiry. It quickly became “one of the three most popular works of eighteenth- century English fiction,” along with Robinson Crusoe and Gulliver’s Travels.59 It only lost its place with the 1740 publication of Samuel Richardson’s Pamela.60 This outstanding success established Haywood’s early career as a novelist. Throughout the 1720s she published three or four novels a year.61 These included some of her best known works, including The Injur’d Husband, Lasselia, and Fantomina.62 These early novels are particularly notable for their scandalous nature. The Injur’d Husband, for example, tells the story of the Baroness de Tortillée, “a sex-crazed wife who mistreats and betrays her trusting husband,” leading indirectly to her husband’s death.63 In Fantomina, the titular character attempts to seduce a young man four different times, each while donning a different disguise. According to John Richetti, “Haywood’s novellas offer their readers the thrilling, sensational effects of sexual passion, which is evoked vividly as irresistible and turbulent, as a volcanic, all-consuming psychological event in a young woman’s life.”64 Nevertheless, Richetti notes that Haywood’s narrators often suggest that the novels were “not meant to thrill or to arouse her readers but

59 Saxton, introduction to The Passionate Fictions, 2.

60 Saxton, introduction to The Passionate Fictions, 2. The popularity of Love in Excess has been questioned by Patrick Spedding in Spedding, A Bibliography, 88-89.

61 Saxton, introduction to The Passionate Fictions, 2.

62 Eliza Haywood, The Injur’d Husband; or, the Mistaken Resentment (London: D. Brown, 1723); Eliza Haywood, Lasselia: or, the Self-Abandon’d (London: D. Brown, 1724); Eliza Haywood, Fantomina: or, Love in a Maze. London: D. Browne, 1725.

63 Jerry C. Beasley, introduction to The Injur’d Husband: or, The Mistaken Resentment and Lasselia: or, The Self-Abandon’d, by Eliza Haywood (Lexington, KY: University Press of Kentucky, 1999), xxiv.

64 John Richetti, introduction to The History of Jemmy and Jenny Jessamy, by Eliza Haywood (Lexington, KY: University Press of Kentucky, 2005), x. 15 15 to warn the innocent and inexperienced among them of the perils of passion.”65 Years later, Haywood would echo these warnings about the perils of passion in The Female Spectator. It was these early works that led eighteenth-century poet James Sterling to call Haywood the “Great Arbitress of Passion” and Haywood scholar Paula Backschieder to note that “she was, indeed, the epitome of the novel until Richardson published Pamela.”66 With the 1740 publication of Richardson’s Pamela, there was a shift in popular taste, specifically a move away from Haywood’s strength, “the tale of amorous intrigue.”67 In response, Haywood moved away from the scandalous novels of her youth towards morally instructive novels, as well as conduct books and periodicals aimed at improving the morals and manners of her readers. Her conduct books included A Present for a Servant-Maid (1743), The Wife (1756), and The Husband (1756). Her periodicals included not only The Female Spectator, but also The Parrot. The fame and success of The Female Spectator was such that Haywood attempted to capitalize on it by marketing The Parrot as by the same authors, publishing its first issue only two months after The Female Spectator’s final installment.68 According to Saxton, “by the time of her death, Haywood’s amatory fiction had become seen as an embarrassing sin of youth, atoned for by her later

65 Richetti, introduction to The History of Jemmy, xi.

66 Richetti, introduction to The History of Jemmy, ix; Paula A. Backscheider, introduction to Selected Fiction and Drama of Eliza Haywood, by Eliza Haywood (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999), xxix. Richetti, introduction to The History of Jemmy, xv; Beasley, introduction to The Injur’d Husband, xii.

68 Spedding, A Bibliography, 491. 16 16 works.”69 In Eliza Haywood, Schofield echoed the theory of Haywood’s attempt at redemption for her scandalous youthful publications through moral writings later in life. 70 More recently, however, scholars have argued that Haywood’s change in style was not ethically but financially motivated, a calculated attempt to keep up with the moral tone sought by the post-Pamela audience.71 In her later novels, Haywood attempted a variety of approaches in tone, all the while keeping her subject matter, usually the struggles of a young woman, the same.72 If success was the motive for Haywood’s newfound morality, she achieved it, as her 1751 History of Miss Betsy Thoughtless “was a stunning bestseller.”73 The first edition sold out within a matter of weeks, and in his bibliography of Haywood, Spedding counts nine editions printed in English in addition to four translations.74 Despite Haywood’s successful sales, she was not well regarded by male authors. As Saxton notes, while Haywood “commanded a huge readership and earned financial success and independence, yet she also gained the distain and malice of her male literary contemporaries, whose tendency to mock and deride her seems to have had less to do with her prose and more to do with her extraordinary sales and her critiques of the gendered status quo.”75 Haywood’s early scandalous novels were particularly stressing to male authors, such as

69 Saxton, introduction to The Passionate Fictions, 9.

70 Schofield, Eliza Haywood , 7.

71 Paula A. Backscheider, “The Story of Eliza Haywood’s Novels: Caveats and Questions,” in The Passionate Fictions of Eliza Haywood: Essays on Her Life and Work, ed. Kirsten T. Saxton and Rebecca P. Bocchicchio (Lexington, KY: University of Kentucky Press, 2000), 19.

72 Beasley, introduction to The Injur’d Husband, xxii.

73 Saxton, introduction to The Passionate Fictions, 2.

74 Spedding, A Bibliography, 529.

75 Saxton, introduction to The Passionate Fictions, 2. 17 17

Jonathan Swift and Alexander Pope, “who clearly believed that Haywood was contributing mightily to a cultural degeneracy, and who also felt strongly that such performances from a woman were disgraceful.”76 Swift also made his disdain clear, famously declaring, “Mrs. Haywood, I have heard of as a stupid, infamous, scribbling woman.”77 Whether Swift and others were morally offended by Haywood’s writings, or simply jealous of her success, one can only suppose. However, it is clear that their negative opinions of her writings influenced early Haywood scholarship. Early Haywood biographies frequently quote Swift’s description as an excuse not to study her further, but it was Pope’s critique that did the most damage to her early reputation.78 In his satirical poem, the Dunciad, Pope mocks a number of his contemporaries, including Haywood. In depicting her as a prize to be won in a crude contest between other characters, Pope insults Haywood by “picturing her as the quintessential licentious woman.”79 While these critiques of Haywood’s writings and person were harsh, she came out ahead in the end; according to Richetti “it is fair to say that as a popular author she had more readers than Pope.”80 Despite its popularity, scholars have not paid the same attention to The Female Spectator as they have to Haywood’s novels. Wright and Newman suggest that the outstanding success of Haywood’s novels “pushed The Female Spectator

76 Beasley, introduction to The Injur’d Husband, xi.

77 Letter to the Countess of Suffolk, dated October 6, 1731. In The Correspondence of Jonathan Swift, D.D., ed. F. Elrington Ball (London: Oxford, 1913) 4:266-67 quoted in Blouch, “Eliza Haywood: Questions,” 3.

78 Blouch, “Eliza Haywood: Questions,” 3.

79 Beasley, introduction to The Injur’d Husband, xii.

80 Richetti, introduction to The History of Jemmy, xiv. 18 18 and her other miscellaneous writings to the periphery of her oeuvre.”81 Not until 1978 did the periodical gain scholarly attention; it was then that Helene Koon, in her article “Eliza Haywood and the Female Spectator,” established The Female Spectator as worthy of independent study.82 The Female Spectator still remained relatively unstudied until the 1990s, when Gabrielle Firmager and Patricia Meyer Spacks compiled and published selections of The Female Spectator, making them widely available to scholars for the first time.83 Availability has not translated into expansive critical study, however, and for the most part scholars have narrowly discussed Haywood’s periodical in one of two ways: focusing either on Haywood’s perceived political leanings or on considering whether The Female Spectator was a proto-feminist work. For example, in their respective essays investigating Haywood’s political views as implied in the periodical, Kathryn R. King and Earla A. Wilputte find evidence of Haywood’s political leanings by reading between the lines.84 As pertains to Haywood’s possible proto-feminism, Wright and Newman note that traditionally scholars have not found evidence of Haywood challenging traditional gender dynamics. However, in her essay, Tavor Bannet emphasizes the importance of female relationships in The Female

81 Wright and Newman, Introduction, 20.

82 Helene Koon, “Eliza Haywood and the Female Spectator,” Huntington Library Quarterly 42, no. 1 (Winter 1978): 43-55, accessed February 22, 2017, http://www.jstor.org/stable/3817409.

83 Wright and Newman, Introduction, 20. Eliza Haywood, The Female Spectator: Being Selections from Mrs. Eliza Haywood’s Periodical, First Published in Monthly Parts (1744-6), ed. Gabrielle M. Firmager (London: Bristol Classical Press, 1993), and Eliza Haywood, Selections from “The Female Spectator,” ed. Patricia Meyer Spacks (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999).

84 Kathryn R. King, “Patriot or Opportunist? Eliza Haywood and the Politics of The Female Spectator,” in Fair Philosopher: Eliza Haywood and “The Female Spectator,” ed. Lynn Marie Wright and Donald J. Newman (Lewisburg, PA: Bucknell University Press, 2006), and Earla A. Wilputte, “‘Too ticklish to meddle with’: The Silencing of The Female Spectator’s Political Correspondents,” ed. Lynn Marie Wright and Donald J. Newman (Lewisburg, PA: Bucknell University Press, 2006). 19 19

Spectator.85 This study attempts to fill in some of the gaps in the historiography by assessing how Haywood approached the eighteenth-century ideals of improvement and progress.

In Chapter 2, I argue that Haywood’s purpose in writing The Female Spectator was to foster improvement in her readers, ultimately for them to participate in polite society through polite conversation. According to Haywood, improvement was accessible through the study of natural philosophy. As demonstrated by the women who comprise The Female Spectator, investigation of nature provided learning opportunities that could be translated to polite conversation. It is through such conversation, the exchange of appropriate ideas, that Haywood’s readers could improve themselves, all the while also improving other participants in their conversation. In my third chapter I continue the discussion of polite sociability as it relates to public places where men and women could interact. I argue that Haywood cautioned her readers against over attendance at these venues, particularly pleasure gardens, as they could lead to a dishonorable reputation and the indulgence of vice. To Haywood, time spent indulging oneself at these public entertainments was time spent away from personal improvement, and therefore to be moderated.

85 Tavor Bannet, “Haywood’s Spectator.”

CHAPTER 2: SALLIED FORTH WITH OUR MICROSCOPES

All that was aimed at in giving this account of what little observations we were able to make, in our short excursion from London, was to shew the female subscribers and encouragers of this undertaking, how much pleasure, as well as improvement, would accrue to them by giving some few hours, out of the many they have to spare, to the study of natural philosophy. -Eliza Haywood, The Female Spectator

Throughout The Female Spectator, Haywood emphasizes the theme of improvement, or bettering oneself in order to appropriately participate in polite society. In her periodical, Haywood addresses how improvement related to the larger eighteenth-century concept of politeness through conversation and social engagements. She presents a program of the study of natural philosophy that, if followed, would allow her readers to participate in polite conversation. She highlights the contemplation of natural philosophy as a way for her readers to better themselves and create appropriate conversation with others. The eighteenth-century concept of improvement was not limited solely to social improvement. Rather, it “touched most aspects of everyday life, and it manifested itself in programs that were at once polite, industrious, and moral.”86 Haywood’s contemporaries applied the term “improvement” so broadly that a single all-encompassing definition would be overly vague.87 Still, the term was largely related to the concurrent concept of progress, or, “amelioration of the state

86 David Hancock, Citizens of the World: London Merchants and the Integration of the British Atlantic Community, 1735-1785 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 16.

87 Jonathan Israel, A Revolution of the Mind: Radical Enlightenment and the Intellectual Origins of Modern Democracy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2010), 8. 21 21 of mankind.”88 Haywood’s program of improvement focused on the social aspects of this betterment of her readers, in order to influence their communities.89 By the time Haywood was writing The Female Spectator in 1744, the ideal of improving morals and manners was already well established in British culture. In the 1690s, for example, the Society for the Reformation of Manners monitored the moral virtues of Londoners and assisted officials in charging anyone caught behaving immorally.90 This trend was not limited to London, but rather encompassed ideals across Europe. According to Rosalind Carr, across the continent this period was defined by “an emphasis on social- and self- improvement through knowledge acquisition and reason.”91 Haywood’s writing is evidence of this trend. She, too, promotes improvement through the acquisition of knowledge, especially, as discussed below, through the study of natural philosophy. While the cultivation of knowledge can be understood as the “how” of improvement, it does not identify the “to what outcome” or the “why” one was encouraged to improve. To that end, Carr clarifies that “improvement should be understood as an imperative to achieve and maintain social progress.”92 This social progress can be equated with the politeness that other eighteenth-century

88 Israel, A Revolution of the Mind, 1.

89 For further discussion of the eighteenth-century concept of improvement see Katharine Glover, Elite Women, 6; Porter, The Creation, 426; and Paul A. Elliott, Enlightenment, Modernity and Science: Geographies of Scientific Culture and Improvement in Georgian England (New York: I.B. Tauris, 2010), 8.

90 Naomi Johanna Taback, “A Mission to Reform Manners: Religion, Secularization, and Empire in Early Modern England” (PhD diss., University of California, Los Angeles, 2013), 75-78, accessed January 9, 2018, ProQuest Dissertations & Theses.

91 Rosalind Carr, Gender and Enlightenment Culture in Eighteenth-Century Scotland (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2014), 6.

92 Carr, Gender and Enlightenment, 1. 22 22 periodicals were attempting to create. Haywood discusses improvement for the same purpose. As evidenced below, the intention of providing improvement, through the bettering of morals and manners of her readers, was so that they could ultimately achieve politeness and share that politeness with their peers. Haywood’s discussion of improvement was clearly inspired and influenced by Addison and Steele’s The Spectator, as she borrowed from it more than its title and style. Haywood’s intention to “reform the faulty” or “reform the morals, and improve the manners” echoes the purpose of the Addison and Steele’s work.93 According to Mackie, the purpose of The Spectator and The Tatler was to “reform the sensibilities – aesthetic, sartorial, social, and sexual – of each man and woman in the reading audience so that he or she, guided by the principals of good sense, decorum, and benevolence, would then do, say, like, and buy the right thing.”94 Addison and Steele influenced British social culture writ large, setting the standard for appropriate behavior by identifying vices to be reformed, how to behave appropriately in public, how to dress, and what to buy.95 Especially influential to Haywood was The Spectator’s promotion of “a program of female education that cultivates attention to the internal beauty.”96 Echoing Addison and Steele, Haywood praised those “whose interior beauty shines” and noted that “if we took but half a care of embellishing our intellectual part as we do of setting off our persons, both would appear to much more advantage.”97

93 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. I, 6; Eliza Haywood, The Female Spectator, 2nd ed, vol. II (London: T. Gardner, 1748), 102.

94 Mackie, “Introduction,” 2.

95 Glover, Elite Women, 51.

96 Mackie, “Introduction,” 22.

97 Eliza Haywood, The Female Spectator, 2nd ed, vol. IV (London: T. Gardner, 1748), 57, 62. 23 23

In her introduction, Haywood firmly establishes her goal of inspiring improvement through the offering of advice. In the opening pages of her first installment, or “book,” Haywood writes that the purpose of the periodical is to be “both useful and entertaining to the public.”98 Further along in the introduction, she clarifies that she will create “useful” and “entertaining” content by sharing edifying tales from across Europe, for “being made acquainted with other people’s affairs, should at the same time teach every one to regulate their own.”99 More clearly, Haywood sets out to share stories, letters, and anecdotes that either inspire proper behavior or caution against behaving poorly. These accounts differed from gossip, Haywood notes, since her intention was not “propagating scandal,” but rather to “expose the vice, not the person.”100 This attention to vice implies that Haywood wanted to create in her reader an awareness of personal faults and opportunities for growth. She further elaborates on the purpose of the periodical, writing that “the sole aim of the following pages is to reform the faulty, and give an innocent amusement to those who are not so.”101 While Haywood does not provide a list of the particular faults she hopes to reform, they are implied through each story she relates, culminating in a description of “those who have forsaken wisdom and followed folly, who have devoted themselves to midnight masquerades, immoderate gaming, [and]forgot the duties of their sex.”102 Haywood’s implication is that reading The Female Spectator creates an awareness

98 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. I, 3.

99 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. I, 3.

100 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. I, 5.

101 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. I, 6.

102 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. IV, 60. 24 24 of personal flaws, as well as of how to overcome those flaws to create an improved self. Haywood reaffirms her educational purpose in the introduction and throughout the work’s later books. There, Haywood turns away from the idea of The Female Spectator as a work of entertainment, focusing instead on the purpose of bettering her audience, noting that in her mission to improve readers, she may neglect the entertainment she had promised in her introduction. She writes, “While therefore I am convinced within myself, that what I am doing is not only intended, but also may possibly make any of my readers either better or wiser, I shall easily absolve myself for being less entertaining than many of them may desire to expect from me.”103 Instead, Haywood focuses on her goal of improving the reader, explaining that “to check the enormous growth of luxury, to reform the morals, and improve the manners of an age, by all confessed degenerate and sunk, are the great ends for which these essays were chiefly intended; and the authors flatter themselves that nothing has been advanced, but may contribute in a more or less degree to the accomplishing so glorious a point.”104 In this way, Haywood further defines her intention in publishing the periodical, with special emphasis on morals and manners. Here she also notes that no part of her periodical strayed from her original purpose of instigating improvement in her reader. To solidify her claim, Haywood included letters from readers commending her for attempting to improve her audience.105 One letter writer praises Haywood,

103 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. IV, 62.

104 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. II, 102.

105 Some scholars have addressed whether these letters were from real readers, or creative inventions of Haywood. A judgement of these arguments is not necessary here, as Haywood made the editorial decision to print these letters, it can be assumed that they represent her perspective. Wright and Newman, Introduction, 16. 25 25 stating, “You have hitherto seemed to exert your speculative capacity wholly for the improvement of the morals.”106 Another notes, “The intention of your work is plainly to reform those errors in conduct, which, if indulged, lead on to vices, such as must render us unhappy for our whole lives.”107 Still another writes, “It was easy to perceive from the beginning, that your works were intended to correct all ill habits, whether natural or acquired, particularly those which are a disturbance to society.”108 Each of these letters ignores the previously noted goal of entertainment, instead applauding Haywood’s effective use of her essays and correspondence to encourage her audience’s improvement in morals and manners. While each of The Female Spectator’s twenty-four books is dedicated to educating Haywood’s readers about how to appropriately behave, three emphasize natural philosophy as a means to improvement. Two letters in particular tout the benefits of the study of natural philosophy for women. Both letters come from the same reader: a man who signs his letters “Philo-Nature.”109 Additionally, Haywood explores the theme of natural philosophy in a third book, published between Philo-Nature’s first and second letters, which relates a holiday to the countryside which the women of The Female Spectator took. During this recess from London, the women “sallied forth with [their] microscopes,” to engage with nature both in the garden and through the lens of a telescope, and then report to the

106 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. II, 142.

107 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. I, 211.

108 Eliza Haywood, The Female Spectator, 2nd ed, vol. III (London: T. Gardner, 1748), 164.

109 In her discussion of natural philosophy, Haywood relies heavily on male voices, such as Philo-Nature, male neighbors, and male gardeners, to validate her assertions. This use of male voices to give credibility to her writing, in this discussion as well as others throughout the periodical, is deserving of further investigation by scholars. 26 26 readers of The Female Spectator on their experiences with natural philosophy and how it could lead to the reader’s improvement.110 Despite some scholars’ discussion of natural philosophy, Haywood, and politeness individually, no one has discussed all three of these concepts in conjunction with one another. Susan Scott Parrish merely mentions that periodicals, including The Female Spectator, “popularized the advances of the New Science for a mixed audience, [and] represented women taking part in scientific societies and projects.”111 Kristin Girten explores the significance of natural philosophy within The Female Spectator specifically, focusing on the relationship between natural philosophy and the social position of women in relation to men. She argues that natural philosophy was appropriate for women, as it allowed them to entertain themselves without deviating from their role as women.112 Furthermore, Girten claims that through her discussion of natural philosophy, Haywood attempted to create an opportunity for women to examine nature in the same way as their male contemporaries.113 While this is a fair conclusion regarding Haywood’s use of natural philosophy, it does not effectively consider Haywood’s overarching theme of natural philosophy as access to politeness through improvement, which is evident from Haywood’s inclusion of Philo-Nature’s letters and the discussion about the authors’ vacation to the countryside.

110 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. III, 249.

111 Susan Scott Parrish, “Women’s Nature: Curiosity, Pastoral, and the New Science in British America,” Early American Literature 37, no. 2 (2002):196, accessed February 22, 2017, http://www.jstor.org/stable/25057263.

112 Kristin M. Girten, “Unsexed Souls: Natural Philosophy as Transformation in Eliza Haywood’s Female Spectator,” Eighteenth-Century Studies 43, no. 1 (Fall 2009): 56, accessed February 22, 2017, http://www.jstor.org/stable/25642160.

113 Girten, “Unsexed Souls,” 69. 27 27

Philo-Nature’s first letter begins,

As it is very evident those monthly essays, with which you oblige the public, are calculated for no other end that the improvement of the morals and manners of an age, which stands in the utmost need of so agreeable a monitor; I flatter myself you will pardon my offering you a small hint, whereby they may be rendered yet more effectual for the accomplishment of so laudable an undertaking.114 This “small hint” that Philo-Nature proposes will “improve the morals and manners” is the study of natural philosophy. Specifically, Philo-Nature prescribes a compromise curriculum. In his opinion, women’s engagement with natural philosophy should include neither complex scientific treaties nor the reading of works by scientists like Newton, as “the ideas of those great men are not suited to every capacity.”115 Yet, women should not “content themselves with admiring its superficial perfections.”116 Rather, he clarifies, “what I mean by the study of natural philosophy, is only so much as nature herself teaches, and every one’s curiosity, if indulged, would excite a desire to be instructed in.”117 Through this distinction, Philo-Nature suggests that special qualifications are not required to participate in the observation of nature, and that the study of natural philosophy was accessible to even the most inexperienced of observers through direct observation and contemplation. In his first letter, through the use of particular examples, Philo-Nature takes care to elucidate how the observation and contemplation of nature may lead to improvement. The study of bees, for example, allows one to notice that the insects

114 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. III, 124.

115 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. III, 126.

116 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. III, 126.

117 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. III, 126. 28 28 follow the “immediate direction of Divine Providence,” which compels them to do what is “necessary for the common good of their whole community, as well as that of each particular individual.”118 The implication, therefore, is that through contemplation of the hive’s activities one can learn to “regulate [one’s] passions by the example of the moderate bees.”119 Ultimately, in this passage Philo-Nature implies that, through the observation and subsequent contemplation of nature, Haywood’s readers could improve their own manners. He writes that “the contemplation therefore on the works of nature affords not only a most pleasing amusement, but it is the best lesson of instruction we can read, whether it be applied to the improvement of our divine or moral virtues.”120 In studying natural philosophy, Philo-Nature believes that women’s “moral virtues” would be improved, a major part of Haywood’s goal of improvement. According to Philo-Nature, this exercise is best carried out by taking a walk in the country, during which women should carry with them a magnifying glass in order to examine nature more closely.121 Haywood drives the point home in Book Seventeen, wherein the women who make up The Female Spectator embark on a countryside excursion, “in order to make those inspections he [Philo-Nature] recommends.”122 Leaving London for the fresh air of the country garden, if only temporarily, the women studied nature, examining caterpillars and snails with their microscopes, taking note of the different colors and physical variations among the species. Haywood stresses the value of studying even these small creatures, noting

118 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. III, 131-32.

119 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. III, 133.

120 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. III, 134.

121 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. III, 129.

122 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. III, 126. 29 29 that “there is certainly somewhat so innocently pleasing, and at the same time so very improving, in contemplating even most minute works of the creation, that I cannot help wondering they are not more attended to.”123 Through this exercise that she proposes, Haywood achieves both of the goals she originally set out to achieve in her journal – entertain while providing improvement. On this same trip to the countryside, a neighbor invites the ladies of The Female Spectator to enjoy the use of his telescope and observe the night sky. Haywood presents this event differently than the exploration of the garden, presumably because many readers would not have had access to a telescope, and the exploration of the sky was less easily attained than the exploration of garden insects. So, Haywood is more descriptive than in other portions, not only describing what the women view through the lens of the telescope, but also the instruction that the women receive from their host. For example, upon the observation of Venus, she writes, “how great was our astonishment, when, instead of a round globe, her form seemed to us to be semi-circular!”124 In response to her exclamation, a gentleman in the party informed the women that “the cause of her appearing with only half her face, was because the other half was behind the sun.”125 By relating this exchange in her periodical, Haywood passes along the knowledge of this topic to her readers. By gleaning information about natural philosophy from Haywood’s inclusion of this discussion, her readers could still improve their understanding of the topic, and ultimately, knowledgeably partake in polite conversation.

123 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. III, 252.

124 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. III, 267.

125 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. III, 267. 30 30

According to Haywood, these continued discussions about the night sky were “edifying to us” and “made us sensible.”126 By listening to the conversation of their host, the women of The Female Spectator, and their many readers, became educated about astronomy, and therefore able to intelligently partake in a conversation about this topic in polite company. These discussions created a broader understanding of ongoing conversations regarding astronomy for Haywood’s audience, and allowed them to enter more comfortably into any polite conversation on the topic. Notably, Haywood presents this discussion as a conversation, instructing a reader might on how she might encounter this topic in polite society. In the conclusion of this book, Haywood writes, “If any thing we have advanced, concerning a system full of innumerable delights, proves of service to those ladies, who have not as yet turned their speculations that way, we shall be highly satisfied.”127 The study of natural philosophy and the explanations and descriptions Haywood included could prove of service for the reader. Within the larger context of Haywood’s discussion, this new knowledge was intended to serve women in their improvement. The story’s significance is magnified by its uniqueness, as only very rarely in the twenty-four books do the women discuss themselves or their own doings, and even then it is only to say that they met with another woman whose story they share. The only activity in which the women participate themselves, aside from coming together to write The Female Spectator, is this trip to the country. In so doing, the women give their seal of approval to the activities to be taken up there, literally writing the study of natural philosophy into the canon of appropriate behavior fitting to the improvement of their readers.

126 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. III, 266-267.

127 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. III, 272. 31 31

Philo-Nature writes his second letter in response to the ladies’ journey to the countryside. In this letter, he replies to questions posed by the women during their holiday, using this opportunity to share his knowledge with both the authors and readers of The Female Spectator, furthering their improvement. He praises the women’s choice of studying snails and caterpillars rather than being “inactive” due to the poor weather and the resulting lack of fauna.128 He notes that their curiosity and willingness to seek out nature, even in poor weather, provides great benefit to the observer because “a mind eager to enquire into the minutest works of nature, will be insensibly led to a contemplation of the greatest.”129 Philo- Nature sums up his letter of praise and encouragement by writing, “How do we run madding after novelties, which are so far from giving us either profit or improvement, that they ruin our fortunes, and corrupt our morals and understandings, while natural philosophy, every day, every season, and in every place, affords us fresh subjects to entertain and to instruct. All capacities, all degrees of ages may in proportion be delighted, and made better by it.”130 Thus, Philo-Nature further promotes the contemplation of natural philosophy as beneficial to Haywood’s readers, as it both “entertain[s] and instruct[s].”131 Haywood’s prescription of improvement through a study of natural philosophy expanded beyond personal improvement to politeness. Critical to the eighteenth-century concept of politeness was conversation. Through Philo-Nature and the women who make up The Female Spectator, Haywood repeatedly notes

128 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. IV, 34.

129 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. IV, 37.

130 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. IV, 38.

131 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. IV, 38. 32 32 that the contemplation of natural philosophy leads to opportunity for good conversation, and ultimately politeness in the reader and the reader’s conversation partners. From the Latin root “politus,” the eighteenth-century concept of politeness literally meant “to polish.”132 In order for a person to be polished, there first had to be an engagement, or a friction, with another person. In the case of Haywood, the reader’s interaction with The Female Spectator creates the friction. This friction generated an awareness and growth of information through reading, which could then be shared with the larger society through social interactions, particularly through conversation. 133 The notion of politeness originated in the princely courts of fourteenth- century Italy and later gained momentum in England in the mid-seventeenth century as it applied to the behavior and status of those who attended royal courts.134 However, by the eighteenth century, the English term was separated from its courtly association, instead becoming broadly applied to society.135 Eighteenth-century contemporaries used the term to characterize large portions of eighteenth-century life, including “material and visual cultures, the organization of space, the constitution of social and political identities, the character of intellectual

132 Mark Kingwell, “Politics and the Polite Society in the Scottish Enlightenment,” Historical Reflections/Réflexions Historiques 19, no. 3 (Fall 1993): 367, accessed April 27, 2017, http://www.jstor.org/stable/41298976.

133 For a larger discussion on politeness, see: Lawrence E. Klein, “Liberty, Manners, and Politeness in Early Eighteenth-Century England,” The Historical Journal 32, no. 3 (September 1989): 587, accessed April 27, 2017, http://www.jstor.org/stable/2639534; Alice N. Walters, “Conversation Pieces: Science and Politeness in Eighteenth-Century England” History of Science 35, no. 2 (1997): 123; Glover, Elite Women, 4; Kingwell, “Politics and the Polite Society,” 367.

134 Klein, “Liberty, Manners,” 583-585.

135 Klein, “Liberty, Manners,” 583. 33 33 and artistic life, and even institutional structures.”136 So defined, politeness had social, psychological, and formal class dimensions.137 To begin, politeness was concerned with social interaction, prescribing restraint of the self among others. Thus, by necessity, politeness required the presence of more than one person. Secondly, this social interaction was meant to be pleasing to each party, creating a sense of satisfaction and comfort for self and others. Finally, politeness was “an art, or technique, governing the ‘how’ of social relations.”138 Therefore, to be polite in the eighteenth century implied the comfort and ease experienced within social settings felt by those who utilized and adapted to social protocols, which could be demonstrated through conversation. As a primary source for the dissemination of information regarding appropriate behavior, periodicals were at the forefront of discussions of politeness. Scholars argue that Addison and Steele’s The Spectator established the eighteenth- century discussion of politeness as it applied to social interaction, influencing other writers at the time.139 This periodical mode of politeness, as Paul Langford terms it, was “paraded, described, characterized, applauded but rarely very precisely defined.”140 Nevertheless, the politeness introduced by Addison and Steele created an opportunity for access to social status without the necessity of

136 Lawrence E. Klein, “Politeness and the Interpretation of the British Eighteenth Century,” The Historical Journal 45, no. 4 (December 2002): 870, accessed April 27, 2017, http://www.jstor.org/stable/3133532.

137 Lawrence E. Klein, Shaftesbury and the Culture of Politeness: Moral Discourse and Cultural Politics in Early Eighteenth-Century England (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 4.

138 Klein, Shaftesbury, 4.

139 Kingwell, “Politics and the Polite Society,” 366; Paul Langford, “The Uses of Eighteenth- Century Politeness,” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 12 (2002): 312, accessed April 27, 2017, http://www.jstor.org/stable/3679350.

140 Langford, “The Uses of Eighteenth-Century Politeness,” 312. 34 34 formal rank or education.141 Periodicals implied that a thorough reading and adoption of the recommended behaviors would improve the politeness of the reader. Emulating The Spectator in her consideration of politeness, Haywood adds to the collective social definition of politeness by suggesting that natural philosophy makes an appropriate conversation topic for those seeking to participate in polite conversation. Haywood’s writing agrees with Glover’s assessment that “the politely educated girl was not by any means particularly well versed in any aspect of what she had been taught; what was important was that she had some superficial understanding of the various fields of knowledge which, taken as a whole, where deemed essential to the polite individual.”142 This general knowledge is termed by Glover as “good sense,” which she defines as “an ability to make reasonably knowledgeable conversation with both men and women that, without being too heavy, required some understanding of history, geography, and current affairs.”143 A thorough study of Haywood makes clear that natural philosophy should be added to Glover’s list of topics that polite eighteenth-century women were expected to be able to discuss. As part of her prescriptions for politeness, Haywood argued for a merging of politeness and science through social interaction, promoting the study of natural philosophy as content for polite conversation. Haywood echoed the sentiment shared by other periodical authors that politeness and science were intertwined in such a way that, in order to participate fully in politeness, one must not only

141 Langford, “The Uses of Eighteenth-Century Politeness,” 312.

142 Glover, Elite Women, 33.

143 Glover, Elite Women, 29. 35 35 observe science, but also actively engage in the pursuit and discussion of it. In her article, Walters claimed that polite science had two specific characteristics:

First, because politeness was strongly associated with conversation, contemporary conceptions and conventions related to conversation provided the blueprint for the construction of the social character of polite science, while standards of what was and was not ‘polite’ in conversation delimited its topical content. Second, because polite society was, almost by definition, heterosocial, women were deliberately encouraged to play an active role in the pursuit of polite science; indeed, the efforts of various writers to ‘popularize’ and market science for women must be viewed as part of a conscious strategy to locate and legitimize scientific discourse within polite society.144 As Walters suggests, this legitimization was created through the process of printed materials, such as The Female Spectator, asserting that natural philosophy was “a legitimate, socially ornamental, and even necessary accomplishment,” which ultimately implied that one could not partake of polite society without some knowledge of natural philosophy. In her study, Walters uses the example of astronomy as particularly polite because of the strong correlation between astronomy and geography, which was topical and relevant to the colonizing British.145 As previously noted, Haywood does capitalize on the study of astronomy when the ladies of The Female Spectator visit the countryside. Walters does not address Haywood in her argument, nor does she examine any specific types of natural philosophy thought to foster politeness - other than the vague references to astronomy, which she notes was perfectly suited to the “purposes of English polite science,” or an even more vague reference to botany as “peculiarly ‘feminine.”146 I contend that Haywood’s The Female Spectator expands the

144 Walters, “Conversation Pieces,” 122.

145 Walters, “Conversation Pieces,” 125.

146 Walters, “Conversation Pieces,” 125. 36 36 eighteenth-century definition of polite science to include an exploration of natural philosophy through contemplation of insects. While conversation was arguably the ultimate expression of politeness, contemporaries did not consider every conversation topic to be polite. Many subjects lacked both substance and the potential to be improving to the participants, missing the golden mean espoused by periodicals of the time: conversation among educated men and rational women that avoided pedantry on the one hand and gossip on the other.147 In The Female Spectator, Philo-Nature makes the point explicitly, noting that the study of natural philosophy is an attractive instigator of improvement because it differs from the general topics of women’s conversation, such as “the article of dress” or “what fine things have been said to them by their admirers” that would quickly be exhausted.148 Observations of the natural world in this way provided both appropriate topics and opportunities to have conversations of greater substance than clothing or admirers, allowing for the improvement of both partners in the discussion. Furthermore, there is nothing about Philo-Nature’s letters or the ladies’ trip to the countryside that could be perceived as gossip, as they avoid discussing the personal affairs of others. Nor does Haywood present natural philosophy as pedantic. Haywood notes several times that she does not write to encourage her readers to become professionals, but rather to become appropriately familiar with natural philosophy. In his second letter, Philo-Nature writes “I would not by this be understood to perswade the ladies to turn physicians; they may amuse themselves with considering the nature and use of those plants which grow every day before their

147 Amanda Vickery, The Gentleman’s Daughter: Women’s Lives in Georgian England (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998), 196-97.

148 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. III, 134. 37 37 eyes the whole year round, without entering into any laborious study about them.”149 Haywood writes that she intentionally includes essays that “by a familiar way of treating a science, which has hitherto been looked upon as too abstruse for female observation, will give a clearer light into it than any of those elaborate treatises, which, by their stiffness and tediousness, fright the gay part of the world from consulting, or even dipping into them.”150 In this way, Haywood purposely attempts to include the study of natural philosophy in a way that was accessible to her reader, without intimidation. Most clearly, Haywood writes that an appropriate amount of knowledge “may be acquired without the least trouble or study: - we need but look to be informed of all that books can teach us of this part of natural philosophy.”151 By instructing her readers about natural philosophy in an accessible manner, Haywood created an opportunity for her readers to discuss something that fell within the “golden mean” of appropriate conversational topics. Haywood further encourages her reader to pursue natural philosophy as a topic of conversation between “reasonable” but not “too heavy” through the experiments the women pursue on their country trip. One experiment she suggests is to gather a “Camelion” caterpillar and place it in a box with some soil and leaves to watch for any changes in color.152 The women were not in the country long enough to conduct this experiment, but they did conduct another. In some freshly turned ground, the women sensed movement and decided to inspect more closely. Upon finding “little living creatures incased in shells, which seemed

149 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. IV, 27.

150 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. III, 272.

151 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. III, 135.

152 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. III, 251. 38 38 exactly the same of those of snails, though of a different colour, and almost transparent” the women scooped them up and placed them in a pot with dirt and leaves.153 First being sure that there were no additional insects in the soil, the women took the pot inside the parlor, and anxiously waited for a change. Within three days, the women noticed that the insects had emerged atop the soil and “we then took one of them out, and found it considerably increased in bulk, and that the shell was grown harder, and of a more brown colour.” This was evidence enough for the women to conclude that the creatures were indeed snails.154 An experiment of this sort required few tools and little action on the part of the reader, only requiring observation. In this way, the reader could increase knowledge for themselves about natural philosophy, and participate in polite conversation, without performing anything “too heavy.” According to Philo-Nature, the contemplation of nature not only provides moral instruction, but also “affords matter for agreeable conversation, especially for the ladies.” 155 Philo-Nature notes that women who studied natural philosophy would have access to infinite conversation topics: “new subjects of astonishment will every day, every hour start up before them, and those of the greatest volubility will much sooner want words than occasions to make use of them.”156 Moreover, he writes that “one summer is sufficient to make them perfect mistresses, and furnish a stock of beautiful ideas for their whole lives.”157 In his second letter to The Female Spectator, he states again that this study will “always afford matter to

153 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. III, 253.

154 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. III, 254.

155 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. III, 134.

156 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. III, 134.

157 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. III, 135. 39 39 speak, to think, and write upon; since in all seasons of the year, and in all places whether abroad or at home, we shall always find something new if we attend to it, which will consequently furnish us with new ideas.”158 In her response to Philo- Nature’s letter, Haywood echoes the idea of natural philosophy as a prime subject for polite conversation, noting that a study of natural philosophy allows students of nature to “entertain ourselves with the most agreeable ideas, and to entertain others, so as to render our conversation valuable to all who enjoy it.”159 As conversation was a vital part of politeness, these inclusions confirm that natural philosophy was an appropriate part of politeness.

158 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. IV, 26.

159 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. III, 137.

CHAPTER 3: YET, HERE ARE DANGEROUS EXCITEMENTS

Far be it from me to debar my sex from going to those public diversions, which, at present, make so much noise in town:- none of them but may be enjoyed without prejudice, provided they are frequented in a reasonable manner, and behaved at with decency. - Eliza Haywood, The Female Spectator

Haywood established natural philosophy as an appropriate avenue for polite conversation, but her discussion of politeness expanded further than this. In order for conversation to be considered polite, public engagement was necessary. This polite sociability required a place to occur. Haywood discusses a number of public places where men and women could interact, but she mainly focuses on pleasure gardens. She touches on the risks her readers assumed by attending places of public entertainment, most specifically the temptation of vice, and, in turn, a rejection of improvement. While Haywood does not proscribe attendance of these public entertainments, she does warn her readers to practice moderation in the frequency of their presence. Ultimately, Haywood expresses concern that a high frequency of attendance at such events might distract from her readers’ greater pursuit of improvement. The eighteenth-century concept of politeness went beyond conversation to the socialization of men and women in public places.160 Glover notes that “these social spaces and the activities with which they were associated prioritized the leisure, sociability, and status that were the core tenets of polite society.”161 Glover furthers this discussion by suggesting that attendance of public events was

160 Glover, Elite Women, 4.

161 Glover, Elite Women, 4. 41 41 not solely about entertainment, but also about creating politeness through the bringing together of men and women. She writes, “they believed that by socializing together in such spaces (often public, always to some degree regulated) men and women would lose any awkwardness or ungainly manners, and instead acquire through observation and imitation the easy, refined behaviour that defined the polite.”162 Roy Porter also notes that there was already an established notion of social interactions as polite, as demonstrated through The Spectator. According to Porter, Addison and Steele presented the idea of “the honnête homme, whose moderate pursuit of rational pleasures in social settings would produce lasting enjoyment. Stressing urbanity, politeness, rationality and moderation, Addisonianism authorized smart pursuits – light reading, tea-table conversation, [and] the pleasures of the town.”163 Haywood’s discussion echoes that of Addison and Steele. She encourages her readers to pursue public engagements, provided they do so with moderation. Haywood hoped that her readers would practice moderation in public engagements as they interacted with other middle class and wealthy attendees. Vickery and Porter agree that places of “commercialized leisure,” that is, assemblies, pleasure gardens, theater, and other public gatherings, were fashionable during this period.164 Since attendance at these outings required available funds and leisure time, the attendees were often economically well off. For this reason, these events were popular with the middle class, as they attempted

162 Glover, Elite Women, 79.

163 Porter, The Creation, 265.

164 Vickery, The Gentleman’s Daughter, 227. 42 42 to mimic the wealthy.165 As entrance to some public gatherings, especially pleasure gardens, was on the ability to pay the entrance fee rather than on the reputation of the attendee, all who could afford to attend these events did so. Pleasure gardens in particular, “the most public of public places,” were host to any number of undesirable characters.166 For this reason, Haywood cautions her readers about their attendance at these events. She suggests that merely by attending the pleasure gardens, her readers would risk accusation of inappropriate behavior and vice. General avoidance of these public places could therefore prevent her readers from dishonorable associations. However, Haywood does not condemn these events entirely due to the fact that they were places that polite interactions were still possible. As Vickery frames it, “polite, agreeable entertainment was to be had if one kept to the lighted path, in the company of known acquaintances.”167 In Haywood’s attempt to keep her readers on the lighted path, she first had to define public entertainments. She does so in several parables where she instigates a discussion of appropriate public behavior framed around the various types of public entertainment. In some passages of The Female Spectator Haywood discusses pleasure gardens specifically, whereas in others she considers public entertainment as a whole. For example, in Book Four, Haywood lists public entertainments as including “masquerades, balls, and assemblies in winter,” and in summer “Vauxhall, Ranelagh, Cuper’s Gardens, Mary le bon, Sadler’s-Wells,

165 Porter, The Creation, 266-67.

166 Vickery, The Gentleman’s Daughter, 244.

167 Vickery, The Gentleman’s Daughter, 248. 43 43 both old and new, Goodman’s- Fields, and twenty other such like places.”168 This passage includes a variety entertainments that Haywood cautions her readers about, as too frequent of attendance may distract from their pursuit of improvement. In Book Twenty, a letter from Philocletes includes a passage titled “A Mirror for True Beauty,” which Haywood uses to define the ideal woman. The passage describes a mirror that reflects a person’s inner beauty rather than their physical appearance. In the mirror, an ideal woman would appear beautiful because it would reflect her inner qualities. However, in glancing into the mirror, a morally flawed woman would only find an ugly woman peering back, because her inner qualities were lacking. This passage clarifies the ideal, improved, woman that Haywood presented to her readers, especially as it relates to their attendance of public entertainment. “A Mirror for True Beauty” reflects “spotless virgins,” who “despise the gay fopperies of the times, and find it sufficient to appear once at each place of present resort, to be able to shun them all for ever after.”169 This ability to visit each place only once is evidence of Haywood’s recommendation of moderation. She does not say that the ideal maidens never visit public places, but rather that they are contented with limited attendance. The passage continues: these beauties are also “free from pride, affectation, vanity, or ill nature,” and “divide [their] hours between acts of duty and innocent recreation.”170

168 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. I, 163. Also see Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. IV, 122.

169 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. IV, 57.

170 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. IV, 58. 44 44

However, not every woman would see such beauty when peering into the mirror. Women who “have forsaken wisdom and followed folly, who have devoted themselves to midnight masquerades, immoderate gaming, forgot the duties of their sex and place, and are in any respect the reverse of such as I have described,” will find only “deformities they little expected.”171 This passage clearly denotes masquerades and gaming as inappropriate to her readers. Haywood cautions her readers to avoid over attendance of public entertainments because they might create vice in her readers, especially vanity, pride, and a curiosity about others’ affairs. Haywood presented the pursuit of vice as a hindrance to improvement. As discussed in Chapter One, one way that Haywood instructs her readers to improve is through the rejection of vice and other inappropriate characteristics. She wrote The Female Spectator to “expose the vice” and “reform the morals” of her readers.172 Haywood demonstrates these vices through various anecdotes and letters where the attendees have a desire to see and be seen at these diversions. If her readers desire to follow Haywood’s program for improvement as laid out in Chapter One, they must reject, or limit, their exposure to public events that might tempt them into vice. In a discussion about the appropriateness of pleasure gardens, Haywood addresses the possibility of vice that would be present at Ranelagh, one of the most popular pleasure gardens. She writes,

But the misfortune is, that whatever is done by persons of quality presently becomes the mode, which every one is ambitious of apeing let it suit ever so ill with their circumstances: it is not the fine prospect that Ranelagh is happy in, the pleasant walks, the magnificent amphitheater, nor the melodious sounds that issue from the orchestra, that makes the assembly there so

171 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. IV, 60.

172 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. I, 5. Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. II, 102. 45 45 numerous; but the vanity every one has of joining company, as it were, with their superiors: - of having it in their power to boast, when they come home, of the notice taken of them by such a lord, or such a great lady; to descant upon their dresses, their behaviour, and pretend to discover who likes who; what fine new-married lady coquets it with her husband’s intimate; what duke regards his wife with no more than an enforced compliance; and whether the fortune, or person, of the young heiress is the object of her obsequious follower’s flame.173 Haywood continues, noting how people go to these pleasure gardens to satisfy “this ridiculous desire of being thought to have a knowledge of things,” and “that vanity of attracting admiration,” which together makes it difficult to “restrain them from going to any place which flatters them with the gratification of their pride in both these points.”174 In this passage, Haywood clarifies that it is not the walks or the amphitheater that draws people to Ranelagh. As she explains elsewhere, people need some sort of entertainment Haywood considered walking and orchestras to be appropriate ways to pass the time. However, according to Haywood, these innocent amusements were not the predominant reason for people to attend Ranelagh. Rather, the vice that people engage with once at the pleasure garden is what Haywood warns her readers to avoid. Attendees found joy in the vanity that comes with appearing in public with “their superiors” and the ability to “boast” at being noticed by one such superior. In this way, visitors attended the gardens to be seen by others. By attending the garden with the intention of being seen, the attendees were behaving with vanity and pride. Haywood had already identified vanity and pride as qualities that an ideal woman does not possess in “A Mirror for True Beauty.” As such, Haywood recommends to her readers to avoid

173 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. I, 216-217.

174 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. I, 217. 46 46 the vices, such as vanity and pride, associated with the pleasure garden. However, the vanity presented in the pleasure gardens were not Haywood’s only concern. According to Haywood, the pleasure gardens provided not only the opportunity to be seen, but also the opportunity to see others. In these gardens, attendees could see and note the outward presentations of others, including the dress, company, and behavior of their peers. The pleasure garden visitors also presume to know the inner thoughts and desires of the other attendees, with a special emphasis on the romantic entanglements. Haywood implies that the purpose behind visiting the pleasure gardens was to judge and gather information about the other visitors that could fuel gossip and create a sense of superiority in the reader. By having a knowledge of the relationships of others, the reader could only partake in gossip, not the polite conversation that Haywood advocated for. Ultimately, Haywood’s inclusion of this passage suggests that visitors attended pleasure gardens to see and be seen, neither of which contribute to Haywood’s goal of improvement. Haywood further discusses the desire to see and be seen amongst peers as the reason why so many of her audience attend public diversions. She writes,

It is this love of company, more than the diversions mentioned in the bills, that makes our ladies run galloping in troops every evening to masquerades, balls, and assemblies in winter, and in the summer to Vauxhall, Ranelagh, Cuper’s Gardens, Mary le bon, Sadler’s-Wells, both old and new, Goodman’s- Fields, and twenty other such like places, which in this age of luxury serve as decoys to draw the thoughtless and unwary together, and, as it were, prepare the way for other more vicious excesses: for there are, and of condition too, not a few (as I am informed by the Gnomes who preside over midnight revels) that, going with no other intention than to partake what seems an innocent recreation, are prevailed upon by the love of company, either to remain in these houses, or adjourn to some other place of entertainment, till the sweet harbinger of day, Aurora, awakes, and blushes to behold the order of nature thus perverted; nor then perhaps would separate, did not wearied limbs, heavy languid eyes, and dirty linnen, remind them of 47 47 repairing to their respective habitations, where having lain awhile, they rise, dress, and go again in quest of new company, and new amusements.175 This “love of company” that she cites is the motive of the attendees of the pleasure gardens. However, this is not a love of improved company, or of company that will, through polite conversation, improve the others. It is these “thoughtless and unwary” coming together that seems to create much of the chaos that Haywood anticipates may result from attending the pleasure gardens. As Haywood discussed earlier, these attendees devote themselves to excesses that take away from time that might have otherwise been set aside for improvement. In this way, the attendees ultimately do not follow Haywood’s proposal of improvement. Haywood mocks the type of women who enjoy attending public events. In Book Five, Haywood calls attention to the lack of manners that some women display in these public gatherings. She writes,

How far is it consistent with that decent reserve or even that softness so becoming in womankind, I leave any one to judge who has been witness in what manner some ladies come into public assemblies: - they do not walk but straddle, and sometimes run with a kind of a frisk and jump; - throw their enormous hoops almost in the faces of those who pass by them; - stretch out their necks, and roll their eyes from side to side, impatient to take the whole company at one view; and if they happen to see any one dressed less exact, according to the mode, than themselves, presently cry out, - antiquity to perfection! – a picture of the last age! – then burst into a laugh, loud enough to be heard at two or three furlongs distant; happy if they can put the unfortunate object of their ridicule out of countenance. – Can such a behaviour pass upon the world for modesty, good-manners, or good nature!176 These boisterous women who call attention to themselves and ridicule the dress of others cannot also be improved women, women with “modesty, good-manners, or

175 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. I, 163.

176 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. I, 241. 48 48 good nature.” By attending the public entertainment in this manner, these women seek to be seen by other attendees, for why else would they “throw their enormous hoops almost in the faces of those who pass by them,” or laugh loud enough to be heard across the room. Furthermore, these women openly deride others they deem less fashionable than themselves, which seems to imply intent to call attention to their own appropriate fashion. They are also so desirous to see others that they “stretch out their necks, and roll their eyes from side to side,” in an attempt to take in the room. The intentions of these women, to see others and be seen by others, prevent them from obtaining the improvement prescribed by Haywood. The folly that was available at these public entertainments was particularly dangerous, according to Haywood, because of the likelihood that it would develop into vice. She writes,

Follies however, when too much indulged, frequently lead us into vices before we are aware, and are the more dangerous as we perceive not where we are going till too late to retrieve ourselves, and we have nothing but a sad repentance to befriend us. The love of gambling, being fond of every new trifle, and a continual habit of rambling from one publick place to another, are of this sort; and I may say they are captains – general of that army of errors, which enable us to combat against virtue, and will in time overthrow it.”177 According to Haywood, folly developed into vice “when too much indulged” or when visiting public places became a “continual habit.” Her solution, then, to the dangerous, distracting, vice that public entertainments presented, was the practice of moderation. Haywood establishes that it is not the physical gardens, or the desire for entertainment, that may harm her reader. Rather, it is over attendance of these diversions that could lead to a distraction from improvement. As Haywood writes,

177 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. II, 307. 49 49

“far be it from me to debar my sex from going to those public diversions, which, at present, make so much noise in town:- none of them but may be enjoyed without prejudice, provided they are frequented in a reasonable manner, and behaved at with decency.”178 However, she includes a warning about the dangers associated with these diversions, should her readers choose to attend them: “it is the immoderate use, or rather the abuse of any thing, which renders the partaking in a fault.”179 She continues, “some pleasure is doubtless necessary to the human system; taken in moderation it invigorates both mind and body, but indulged to excess is equally pernicious: - in fine, it ought never to break in upon those hours which, with greater propriety, might be devoted to business in persons of maturity, and to improvement in the younger sort.”180 “Taken in moderation” Haywood finds public events to be pleasurable and necessary. However, she cautions that the overindulgence in public diversions is dangerous to her reader, in that time devoted to pleasure is time away from improvement. According to Vickery, many of Haywood’s contemporaries were concerned with the appropriateness of public events.181 This concern is echoed in a letter to the authors of The Female Spectator from a mother worried about her daughter’s fascination with the pleasure gardens. In Book Five, Haywood introduces a letter from Sarah Oldfashion, a reader of The Female Spectator with a teenage daughter who enjoys attending Ranelagh with her friends at the expense of her studies. Oldfashion expresses her concern that since Ranelagh has started public

178 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. I, 241-242.

179 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. I, 242.

180 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. I, 242.

181 Vickery, The Gentleman’s Daughter, 279. 50 50 breakfasting, her daughter and friends leave in the morning, and “nothing is talked of at their return but what was said and done at Ranelagh, and in what dresses they shall repair at night again to that charming place; so that the whole day is entirely taken up with it.”182 She entreats the authors of The Female Spectator to

convince our young ladies of the loss it is to themselves, how much it disqualifies them for all the social duties, renders them neglectful of what they owe to heaven, and to those who gave them being, and incapable of being either good wives, good mothers, good friends, or good mistresses; and thereby entails sure unhappiness on their own future days, as well as on all those who shall have any relation to them.183 This reader expresses her concern about the long-term detrimental effects that her daughter will experience if she continues to devote her energies to Ranelagh. Her concern is so great that she threatens to send her daughter to a relative who lives in the country, where the daughter would have only nature to occupy her time if the answer she receives from The Female Spectator is insufficient.184 Oldfashion expresses concern that by allowing her daughter to attend the pleasure garden, she is not behaving as a “woman of prudence.”185 Due to the entertainments available at the pleasure gardens, Haywood does not express surprise at Oldfashion’s daughter’s desire to attend Ranelagh. She writes, “it is not, therefore, greatly to be wondered at, that young ladies, who cannot be expected to have that solidity which experience only teaches, should seem so careless in improving time, when we see very many of those, who have been married years, neglect their husbands, children, and families, to run galloping

182 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. I, 213.

183 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. I, 214.

184 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. I, 215.

185 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. I, 213. 51 51 after every new entertainment that is exhibited.”186 According to Haywood, it is no wonder that Oldfashion’s teenage daughter would be entranced by the public entertainments available at Ranelagh, as even older women cannot contain their excitement at attending these diversions. These women even neglect their own families in order to participate in the public festivities. Haywood defends the daughter’s desire to attend the pleasure garden, as so many other people are drawn to the same excitement, including the upper classes. She writes,

Yet after all, what are the mighty pleasures which these walks afford? – Have not most of our nobility who frequent them much more delightful recesses of their own! – Can either Ranelagh, or any of these places where they pay for entrance, equal in elegance or magnificence many of those gardens, which they need but step out of their own apartments to enjoy the pleasures of! – Nobody sure will pretend to say the contrary; but then indeed it may be alleged, that to such persons, who by their high offices in the state, or attendance at court, are obliged to keep much in town, such places of relaxation are both necessary and agreeable: it must be acknowledged that they are so, and it would be the highest injustices, as well as arrogance in a Spectator, to pass any censure on the great world of amusements, which seem calculated chiefly for them; and which are indeed prejudicial to the people of an inferior condition, only by being indulged to an excess.187 In this passage, Haywood affirms that personal gardens, particularly those in the country, were preferable to the pleasure gardens in the city. However, because the people who could afford these country gardens did not have the luxury to escape the city, they turned instead to these “places of relaxation” available in the city. According to Haywood, these pleasure gardens exist as a paltry alternative to the gardens in the country, where the wealthy would prefer to retire and her readers could seek improvement. Therefore, by proscribing these pleasure gardens, which

186 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. I, 243.

187Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. I, 216. 52 52 are the only relaxation that poorer people can access, Haywood would be committing “the highest injustices.” However, as in previous passages, Haywood clarifies the specific dangers that lie within the garden, especially vanity, pride, and a desire to know the personal affairs of others. To further her argument, Haywood once again turns to anecdotes to discuss the pitfalls of attending public events and the association of pleasure gardens with vice and poor behavior. Haywood demonstrates this through the story of a young woman named Christabella. Christabella had an “ airy disposition [that] would scarce suffer her to be ever at home – the park, the play, the opera, the drawing room, were the idols of her heart: – dress, equipage, and admiration took up all her thoughts.”188 While her character was blameless, others began to notice Christabella’s frequent attendance at these public diversions and consequently openly question her honor. Haywood writes, “in fine, though perfectly innocent, even in thought, of everything to which virtue was repugnant, the gaiety of her behaviour rendered her liable to the censures of some, who take a malicious pleasure in blasting the characters of those more amiable than themselves.”189 Christabella’s father became so concerned about the gossip surrounding her attendance of these public diversions that he confined her to her room so that her actions could not bring her any dishonor. Upset that her father would believe the gossip surrounding her character, Christabella eventually escaped and married a man who stole her fortune, leaving her miserable. Through the relation of Christabella’s downfall, Haywood demonstrates that one’s honor could be called into question by the frequenting of public entertainments. However, Haywood

188 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. I, 218-219.

189 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. I, 219. 53 53 does not suggest the imprisonment of those who attend these events as they would result in unintended consequences, as Christabella’s father discovered. Rather, she suggests that to avoid this fate one must “wean” oneself off of frequent attendance.190 In another passage, Haywood cautions her readers about how they might be perceived if they frequently attend pleasure gardens. When speaking about the festivities at the pleasure garden Ranelagh, Haywood writes, “the men are so censorious, that they look on all those of our sex, who appear too much at these public places, as setting themselves up for sale, and therefore taking the liberty of buyers, measure us with their eyes from head to foot.”191 This passage suggests that the men attended these events with the intention of wooing a woman based not only on her physical appearance, but also the frequency of her attendance at public entertainments. The more frequent the attendance, the more available the woman appeared to be. The implication, then, is that if a woman would prefer not to appear as though she were “for sale,” then she ought to limit her attendance of the public diversions. The story of Sabrina gives further credence to Haywood’s argument that frequent attendance of public entertainments could be damaging. In Book Ten, Haywood includes an essay about a recently married young couple who disagree about the wife’s attendance of public entertainment. The wife “fell soon after her marriage into acquaintance, which took a greater latitude than she had been accustomed to see while in her virgin-state; but they were people of condition, and reputation too, and therefore she made no scruple of doing as they did: – she went

190 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. I, 231.

191 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. I, 240. 54 54 frequently to the public diversions of the town; – and made one at most of the assemblies.”192 The young woman, Sabrina, was innocent in her reason for attending these events, and she “did not think all this was an error, because she perceived it was the fashion.”193 However, even though Sabrina was in the company of “people of condition, and reputation too,” this involvement with these “public diversions” caused her husband great concern. He “reminded her, that the less she was seen at any of those places, the more it would redound to her praise.”194 In stubbornness, Sabrina ignored her husband’s wishes, continued to attend the public events, and eventually let herself be wooed by another man. Unsurprisingly, this led to the dissolution of Sabrina’s marriage and her miserable end.195 As already noted, public entertainments were considered to be fashionable and often attended by people of condition and reputation, like the company of Sabrina. However, Haywood is careful to note that despite the prominence of Sabrina’s companions and her married state, frequent attendance of the public places were still inappropriate. Haywood implies that had Sabrina listened to her husband and moderated her attendance of these events, her honor would have been retained and her marriage survived. Besides the frequent attendance of the pleasure gardens, Haywood addresses other possible risks to her readers’ honor should they attend public diversions. Haywood dedicates much of her first book to discussing the risks young women faced by attending masquerades. According to Haywood, the

192 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. II, 182.

193 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. II, 183.

194 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. II, 183.

195 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. II, 187-192. 55 55 anonymity at masquerades placed many young women in compromising positions. Shifting her discussion to pleasure gardens, Haywood writes, “I cannot say our summer evenings public entertainments, of which I think Vauxhall not only the most pleasant, but also the most frequented by the great world, are liable to such unlucky accidents. – Every one there appears with the same face which nature gave him, and if intrigues are carried on, it must, at least, be with the consent of both parties.”196 Comparatively, according to Haywood, Vauxhall is the preferable public entertainment to masquerades, as people are unmasked and must therefore be accountable for their own actions, and aware of with whom they interact. “Yet,” Haywood continues, “here are dangerous excitements, – music, flattery, delightful groves, and sweet recesses, to lull asleep the guardians of honour.”197 Not only does Haywood list these risky entertainments that might cause her readers to forget to be prudent, but she continues on to note that some men take advantage of these weakened defenses: “A certain well-known gentleman, whose acquaintance bodes no good to the young and beautiful of our sex, has often boasted that Vauxhall was the temple of Flora, of which he has long been constituted high-priest.”198 This gentleman’s self-appointed title of “high- priest” of the “temple of Flora” connotes that he was familiar with the sexual intimacies that could be found in Vauxhall. While Haywood does not directly call on her readers to reject Vauxhall, and even praises it as the most pleasurable of public entertainments, the implication is that the garden and the distractions found

196 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. I, 47.

197 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. I, 47.

198 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. I, 47. 56 56 therein could prove hazardous to her readers’ honor. Therefore, should her readers chose to attend these gardens, they should exercise caution. According to Haywood, a woman that attended public entertainments ought to be highly aware of guarding her sexual honor, as well as aware of the company she keeps. Haywood writes, “A woman of honour ought to tremble to think what creatures may join in conversation with her in some of our public rendezvous, who will not fail afterwards to boast of an acquaintance with her, and take notice of her as such, if they happen to see her in any other place.”199 Haywood cautions her readers that, should they choose to attend such a public place, they might find themselves in the company of those with a dishonorable reputation. Once met, the dishonorable person could claim to be an acquaintance, suggesting that the reader keeps company with dishonorable people, and is, by association, also dishonorable. While Haywood does not proscribe attendance of public events, she does caution against frequent attendance of public entertainments, especially pleasure gardens. She expresses concern about damaged reputations for women who attend public diversions too often. She was also aware of the opportunities for vice that these public events allowed for, and warned her readers that should they desire to pursue improvement and politeness, they needed to shun all possibilities of vice. Through The Female Spectator Haywood’s audience received the message that in order to become polite and improved they needed to be moderate in their attendance of public entertainments and aware of the vanity and pride that often accompanied attendees.

199 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. I, 233.

CHAPTER 4: CONCLUSION

For Haywood, the self-improvement she proposed was only the first step for a larger program of social improvement. Haywood’s wrote The Female Spectator to inspire her readers to purposely embrace improvement, by developing their morals and manners. She instructs her readers to follow two directives when pursuing improvement: the study of natural philosophy to promote polite conversation, and moderation and avoidance of vice when participating in social spaces. In the twelfth book, Haywood makes clear that her program of self- improvement presented throughout The Female Spectator was intended to have broader implications. Haywood’s program compliments the eighteenth-century British ideal of improvement and progress within society by presenting her readers with a formula for improvement, so that they might improve others. This final step, the improvement of others, is ultimately the purpose of The Female Spectator. In Book Twelve, Haywood shares the story of Celia and Strephon in order to “convince them [her readers] how much it is in the power of a fine woman to convert barbarism into elegance, and call the latent seeds of wit forth from the coarsest soil of rusticity,” or how an improved woman can inspire others to improve, as well.200 Strephon was the twenty-year-old son of a country gentleman, who rejected his education and all polite forms of engagement with society. “Dancing, musick, or the politer accomplishments, were his aversion,” and he “flew all genteel conversation,” preferring instead to converse with the laborers in the countryside.201 His father was disappointed in him, and others viewed

200 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. II, 296.

201 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. II, 297. 58 58

Strephon as a “compleat clown.”202 However, a visit from Celia, his father’s ward, inspired a change in Strephon. Celia possessed charms “as might attract as many admirers as beholders, yet were they infinitely short of the more valuable perfections of her mind.”203 According to Haywood,

She was affable, good-natured, chearful, had an uncommon love for learning, and had made a good deal of progress in such of the sciences as were looked upon by those who had the care of her education, becoming in a person of our sex. – To add to all this, she was entirely free from pride, affectation, and every modish foppery of the times, though bred in London, and then no more than seventeen; an age in which few can boast of being wholly free from them.204 In short, Celia was the type of woman Haywood’s readers should aspire to be. Her upcoming visit to the countryside created excitement and admiration among those who knew of her accomplishments.205 While Strephon at first showed little interest in the acquaintance of Celia, upon meeting her “he insensibly lost all inclination for his former pleasures, and wished only to do that which might be approved by her.”206 In order to impress Celia, he began to pursue those parts of his education he had neglected; “as he found she loved reading, he began to love it too, and would pass several hours of the night in that employment, that he might be able to have somewhat to entertain her with the next day.”207 Upon finding his sister and Celia dancing together, the

202 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. II, 297.

203 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. II, 298.

204 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. II, 298.

205 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. II, 298.

206 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. II, 299.

207 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. II, 299. 59 59 young man “fretted inwardly that he had so much neglected that accomplishment,” and called for the dancing master to instruct him. He resumed study of the bass- viola so that he might accompany his sister when she played the spinet, and he studied Latin and Greek after hearing Celia speak of Greek and Latin poets. 208 Strephon became “the very reverse of all that he had been; and perfectly sensible of the time he had lost, endeavoured to retrieve it by a continual application.”209 Haywood writes that “the passion he was inspired with for the amiable Celia, the consciousness how little he was worthy of her as he then was, and the ardent wishes he had to render himself more so, enabled him to work wonders; and a few weeks accomplished that which the same number of years had failed to do.”210 Her inspiration prompted his improvement, which delighted his family. Haywood’s story ends happily. As the end of Celia’s stay neared, Strephon grew despondent, which concerned his father. Strephon’s father feared that Celia’s departure would lead Strephon to fall back to his old habits. For this reason, he approached Celia and informed her that “it is solely to your presence I owe a son worthy of being called so.”211 He requested that she continue to remain in the country with his family, and, if Strephon continued to improve, an eventual marriage between the two would be arranged.212 Celia had become very impressed by Strephon; “the person of Strephon had nothing in it disagreeable, and the thoughts that all the pains he took to regulate his behaviour, was intirely owing to his desire of pleasing her, had more weight than had she found him the

208 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. II, 299- 300.

209 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. II, 299-300.

210 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. II, 300.

211 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. II, 305.

212 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. II, 304. 60 60 most accomplished man on earth.”213 Furthermore, Celia knew that with her small inheritance, it was unlikely she would be presented with such an advantageous match again. For these reasons, Celia remained in the countryside, Strephon continued to improve, and the two were eventually wed to the great satisfaction of all parties. Haywood ends the account by telling the reader: “I hear that he became a most accomplished person, and what may justly be called a fine gentleman.”214 This anecdote suggests two important things about Haywood’s intended result of improvement. First, by improving oneself, one might improve one’s circumstance. Celia’s manners and education benefitted her by creating such an impression with Strephon’s father that he decided to allow her to marry his son. Haywood notes that Celia’s social status was significantly below that of Strephon, and presumably, as a ward of Strephon’s father, she was unable to offer any new social advances to his family. Celia’s only contribution to the marriage was that her improved character, which in turn inspired Strephon to actively improve as well. If Celia, who personified improvement, could marry above her station, presumably Haywood’s readers might as well – if their morals and manners were improved enough to compensate for their lack of fortune or family connections. Second, by improving oneself one could inspire improvement in others, potentially leading to the improvement of society at large. Importantly, Celia’s improved manners and education benefitted not only her by securing a more comfortable marriage than she might have otherwise have hoped to achieve, but also Strephon, by encouraging him to better himself, and ultimately his family by inspiring an heir of whom they could be proud.

213 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. II, 304.

214 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. II, 305. 61 61

Noticeably absent from this tale is Celia’s active attempt to improve Strephon. Rather, her very presence inspires Strephon to improve himself. Furthermore, it is not Celia’s physical beauty that attracts Strephon, but rather her accomplishments. Celia’s accomplishments do more than stir Strephon’s interest and courtship; they actually prompt a change in him, demonstrated in his return to studying dancing and music, among other subjects. Significantly, this change in Strephon was not temporary, as his father feared; Strephon continued on in his improvement of self even after marrying Celia, until he became “a fine gentleman.”215 Similarly, the improvement of one of Haywood’s readers could ultimately benefit their community. By engaging in the study of natural philosophy and the moderation of their exposure to vice in public places, Haywood intended that her readers would be better prepared to participate in polite society. Through polite engagements, Haywood’s audience could demonstrate the improvement they had obtained, thereby allowing others to also improve.

215 Haywood, The Female Spectator, vol. II, 305.

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