Communists and the Labour Party
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British Domestic Security Policy and Communist Subversion: 1945-1964
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Apollo British Domestic Security Policy and Communist Subversion: 1945-1964 William Styles Corpus Christi College, University of Cambridge September 2016 This dissertation is submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy William Styles British Domestic Security Policy and Communist Subversion: 1945-1964 This thesis is concerned with an analysis of British governmental attitudes and responses to communism in the United Kingdom during the early years of the Cold War, from the election of the Attlee government in July 1945 up until the election of the Wilson government in October 1964. Until recently the topic has been difficult to assess accurately, due to the scarcity of available original source material. However, as a result of multiple declassifications of both Cabinet Office and Security Service files over the past five years it is now possible to analyse the subject in greater depth and detail than had been previously feasible. The work is predominantly concerned with four key areas: firstly, why domestic communism continued to be viewed as a significant threat by successive governments – even despite both the ideology’s relatively limited popular support amongst the general public and Whitehall’s realisation that the Communist Party of Great Britain presented little by way of a direct challenge to British political stability. Secondly, how Whitehall’s understanding of the nature and severity of the threat posed by British communism developed between the late 1940s and early ‘60s, from a problem considered mainly of importance only to civil service security practices to one which directly impacted upon the conduct of educational policy and labour relations. -
1 Alexander Bogdanov and the Short History of the Kultintern1 by John Biggart to the Extent That There Was a Mainstream View
Alexander Bogdanov and the short history of the Kultintern 1 by John Biggart To the extent that there was a mainstream view within the RSDRP before February 1917 as to the kind of political and economic system that would emerge in Russia in the event of the autocracy being overthrown, it was that the successor régime would be a democratic republic and that the role of the RSDRP would be oppositional, pending a transition to socialism. The general line of the Bolsheviks on the question was articulated in a resolution “On the present conjuncture and the tasks of the party”, adopted at the All-Russian Conference of the RSDRP held in Paris from 3 - 9 January 1909 (Western calendar)2 and re-affirmed at the narrowly based conference convened by Lenin in Prague from 18-30 January 1912 (Western calendar).3 In 1909, the first “task” of the “socialist proletariat” had been defined as being “the overthrow of Tsarism, the conquest of political power by the proletariat with the help of the revolutionary strata of the peasantry,4 the outcome of which will be a bourgeois-democratic revolution brought about through 1 This is a revised version of an article that first appeared in Vestnik Mezhdunarodnogo Instituta A.Bogdanova [Bulletin of the International Bogdanov Institute], 2001 No.3 (7), pp.76–87. 2 The corresponding Russian dates were 21–27 December 1908. The conference was attended, for the Bolsheviks, by 6 local worker delegates (10 had been elected); 4 Mensheviks (three émigrés, including Fedor Dan and Paul Axelrod and one worker delegate from the Ukraine); 3 delegates nominated by the Bund; and 5 Polish Social Democrats who voted consistently with the “orthodox” Bolsheviks (as Proletarii described the Lenin group). -
Communists Text
The University of Manchester Research Communists and British Society 1920-1991 Document Version Proof Link to publication record in Manchester Research Explorer Citation for published version (APA): Morgan, K., Cohen, G., & Flinn, A. (2007). Communists and British Society 1920-1991. Rivers Oram Press. Citing this paper Please note that where the full-text provided on Manchester Research Explorer is the Author Accepted Manuscript or Proof version this may differ from the final Published version. If citing, it is advised that you check and use the publisher's definitive version. General rights Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the Research Explorer are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. Takedown policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please refer to the University of Manchester’s Takedown Procedures [http://man.ac.uk/04Y6Bo] or contact [email protected] providing relevant details, so we can investigate your claim. Download date:30. Sep. 2021 INTRODUCTION A dominant view of the communist party as an institution is that it provided a closed, well-ordered and intrusive political environment. The leading French scholars Claude Pennetier and Bernard Pudal discern in it a resemblance to Erving Goffman’s concept of a ‘total institution’. Brigitte Studer, another international authority, follows Sigmund Neumann in referring to it as ‘a party of absolute integration’; tran- scending national distinctions, at least in the Comintern period (1919–43) it is supposed to have comprised ‘a unitary system—which acted in an integrative fashion world-wide’.1 For those working within the so-called ‘totalitarian’ paradigm, the validity of such ‘total’ or ‘absolute’ concep- tions of communist politics has always been axiomatic. -
1 Alexander Bogdanov and the Short History of the Kultintern 1 by John
Alexander Bogdanov and the short history of the Kultintern 1 by John Biggart This is a revised version of an article that first appeared in Vestnik Mezhdunarodnogo Instituta A. Bogdanova [Bulletin of the International Bogdanov Institute] 2001 No.3 (7), pp.76–87. To the extent that there was a mainstream view within the RSDRP before February 1917 as to the kind of political and economic system that would emerge in Russia in the event of the autocracy being overthrown, it was that the successor régime would be a democratic republic and that the role of the RSDRP would be oppositional, pending a transition to socialism. The general line of the Bolsheviks on the question was articulated in a resolution “On the present conjuncture and the tasks of the party”, adopted at the All-Russian Conference of the RSDRP held in Paris from 3 - 9 January 1909 (Western calendar) 2 and re-affirmed at the narrowly based conference convened by Lenin in Prague from 18-30 January 1912 (Western calendar).3 In 1909, the first “task” of the “socialist proletariat” had been defined as being “the overthrow of Tsarism, the conquest of political power by the proletariat with the help of the revolutionary strata of the peasantry,4 the outcome of which will be a bourgeois-democratic revolution brought about through 1 Revision of November 2018. 2 The corresponding Russian dates were 21–27 December 1908. The conference was attended, for the Bolsheviks, by 6 local worker delegates (10 had been elected); 4 Mensheviks (three émigrés, including Fedor Dan and Paul Axelrod and one worker delegate from the Ukraine); 3 delegates nominated by the Bund; and 5 Polish Social Democrats who voted consistently with the “orthodox” Bolsheviks (as Proletarii described the Lenin group). -
Working Class Adult Education in Yorkshire 1918 – 1939
Working Class Adult Education in Yorkshire 1918 – 1939 Christine Pushpa Kumbhat Submitted in accordance with the requirements for degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Leeds School of History December 2017 ii The candidate confirms that the work submitted is her own and that appropriate credit has been given where reference has been made to the work of others. This copy has been supplied on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement iii Acknowledgements I would like to thank my supervisors Professor Richard Whiting and Professor Malcolm Chase for their patience, encouragement and calm guidance over the course of my PhD research. Richard Whiting’s observations, comments and suggestions have always brought clarity to my thoughts and arguments. His unruffled, measured, incisive and constructive approach kept me on track for the duration. Malcolm Chase’s recommended readings throughout added quality and depth to the final thesis. My navigation of the seas of historical research had the potential to be stormy. With the supervision I received, the outlook was generally clear and the going good. For his good humour, kindness, encouragement and unwavering support, my thanks to Peter, always. iv Abstract This thesis considers the place of workers’ adult education in the world of the British labour movement, and what impact it may have had on worker-students as citizens. It concentrates on three voluntary working class adult education organisations – the Workers’ Educational Association (WEA), The National Council of Labour Colleges (NCLC), and the Co-operative. The WEA delivered an impartial, non-sectarian, non-political programme of education in the liberal arts and humanities with the support of universities and Local Education Authorities. -
Image of the Region in Eurasian Studies
IMAGE OF THE REGION IN EURASIAN STUDIES IMAGE OF THE REGION IN EURASIAN STUDIES Edited by Suchandana Chatterjee Maulana Abul Kalam Azad Institute of Asian Studies Kolkata in association with KNOWLEDGE WORLD KW Publishers Pvt Ltd New Delhi 2011 BEST PUBLISHERS AWARD (ENGLISH) The Maulana Abul Kalam Azad Institute of Asian Studies (MAKAIAS) is an autonomous body under the Ministry of Culture, Government of India. It was set up at the joint initiative of the Government of India, Department of Culture, Ministry of Human Resource Development and the Government of West Bengal. Based in Kolkata, it was registered as a Society under the West Bengal Registration of Societies’ Act of 1961 on the 4th of January 1993, with Prof. Nurul Hasan, the then Governor of West Bengal, as the President of the Society. It is funded by the Department of Culture, Government of India. Presently, His Excellency, Governor of West Bengal, is the President of the Society. MAKAIAS is a centre for research and learning with a focus on social cultural, economic and political / administrative developments in Asia from the middle of the 19th Century onwards, with special emphasis on their links with India, and also on the life and works of Maulana Abul Kalam Azad. It operates out of Azad Bhavan in Salt Lake as well as the Maulana Azad Museum located in the erstwhile residence of Maulana Azad at 5 Ashraf Mistry Lane, Kolkata. © 2013, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad Institute of Asian Studies (MAKAIS) All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the copyright owner.