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Home , Achike Udenwa, Adenike Grange, Boni Haruna, Farida Waziri, Goodluck Jonathan, Iyabo Obasanjo

DISCUSSION PAPER

Anti-Corruption was the declared number one policy aim of the administration. The success of this policy was, however, for various reasons not too impressive. Obasanjo's successor, President Umaru Yar'Adua came to power promising to reform and continue the anti-corruption policy.

But while the anti-graft agencies continued to arrest and arraign more individuals, including highly placed officials, for corruption, the general public expressed the view that the fight against corruption became increasingly inefficient under Yar'Adua.

This paper shows that the positive measures taken by the Yar'Adua government were overshadowed by other observed lapses. The first one has been that the government was patronizing some ex-public officials accused of corruption by the EFCC, especially former governors, who played key roles in his election.

Secondly, Yar'Adua also presided over the purge and persecution of popular anti- corruption crusaders, especially Nuhu Rubadu, the former chairman of the EFCC. Thirdly, President Yar'Adu was not forceful enough, notably in his speeches, with his anti-corruption program.

For the incoming administration, the paper recommends to make anti-corruption a strong priority and to reduce political intereference in the work of anti-corruption agencies.

Foreword “ agree that corruption in public and . Our main working life, which was pronounced under areas are: Supporting democracy and its military rule, has reached alarmingly institutions, strengthening the Nigerian pandemic proportions, and should now labour movement and worker‟s rights, be a matter of very serious and pressing and supporting the debate on in public policy concern.” Unfortunately, the international relations. often-quoted statement by the Oputa Part of our mission is to supply quality Panel is still relevant today, many years analysis on timely subjects to strengthen after the drafting of the report. a critical public assessment of pressing Corruption is recognized as a grave policy issues. We therefore initiated the national problem. Virtually all sectors of “FES Discussion Paper” series, which will policy and society are affected by it. It tackle timely and policy-relevant hampers or interrupts the delivery of subjects. I am particularly glad to present basic services to the people, disrupts this first Discussion Paper on “Anti- education and endangers the safety and corruption efforts under the Obasanjo security of every single citizen. and Yar‟Adua presidencies”, which Corruption is a problem in Nigeria, but includes recommendations for the not exclusively a Nigerian problem, as incoming President, after the 2011 the involvement of foreign companies elections. The author, David like the IOCs, infrastructure companies Enweremadu, takes a critical look at anti- like Siemens or Halliburton, and the corruption policies under both past complicity of numerous foreign banks administrations. His assessment shows shows. However, only if decisive steps progress, but much work left to be done. are taken by institutions of the Nigerian More dedication and policy coherence is state can corruption be effectively needed to buttress the fight against battled. corruption. Specifically, after analyzing The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (FES) is a the anti-corruption policies of the past, German independent, non-profit the author suggests to: (1) Make anti- organisation committed to the values of corruption a top priority for any incoming social democracy. We operate in Nigeria government; (2) avoid any political since 1974 and entertain offices in interference into the work of anti- 1

corruption agencies and strengthen their specifically to policy-makers, media operational capacity; and to (3) address representatives, labour and civil society the role of complimentary institutions activists. besides the EFCC and ICPC in the fight against corruption. Thomas Mättig I recommend this policy paper to all who Resident Representative, FES Nigeria struggle for a corruption-free Nigeria, Abuja, October 2010

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INTRODUCTION changes in Nigeria‟s fledging campaign against corruption. These changes On May 29 2007, President Umaru included shake-up in the of Yar‟adua was sworn into office as the Economic and Financial Crimes Nigeria‟s third democratically elected Commission (EFCC), Nigeria‟s most President. Although his victory was widely powerful anti-corruption agency; expected, the April 2007 presidential increased emphasis on respect for the elections were still viewed with anxiety in fundamental human rights of accused local and international circles as to the persons and greater respect for rule of future direction of the reform policies law and due process. This paper reviews started by President Olusegun Obasanjo. these major changes that have taken Many concerns were raised concerning place in fight against corruption in the future of Obasanjo‟s campaign Nigeria since the departure of the against corruption. These quickly Obasanjo administration in May 2007, disappeared when Yar‟Adua, Obasanjo‟s with a view to determining what factors anointed candidate, was proclaimed the triggered them and how significant they winner of the presidential elections. have been. First, a brief account of how Immediately after this, Yar‟Adua gave the war against corruption developed indication that his administration under President Olusegun Obasanjo intended not only to continue with the (1999-2007) will be provided. After that, war against corruption, but that major we will look at some important changes reforms would be introduced in the anti- that took place in the campaign against corruption war to correct perceived corruption, especially with respect to the lapses. management and operations of the two major national anti-corruption agencies, Exactly three years after he took office, Independent Corrupt Practices and Other President Umaru Yar‟adua passed on, Related Offences Commission (ICPC) and following a protracted illness, paving the EFCC, under the administration of way for the emergence of his deputy, President Umar Yar‟adua, with a view to , as President and showing how they impacted on the war Commander-in-Chief. Although President against corruption. The major aim of this Yar‟Adua was in office for less than three study was to identify the key lessons that years, his reign still witnessed significant could be learnt by stakeholders,

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especially the incoming administration At the domestic level, Obasanjo‟s anti- expected after the 2011general corruption drive was propelled by an elections. In other words, this paper also unprecedented disclosure of evidences suggests areas where further reforms of corruption perpetrated by his are required in order to strengthen these immediate predecessors, especially the institutions, and how any observed late General , who ruled loopholes in Yar‟Adua‟s corruption fight Nigeria from 1993 to1998. After his could be avoided, in order to make the death in 1998, his successor, General war against more Abdusalami Abubakar, launched a probe effective in the post-2011 era. into his financial dealings. These investigations uncovered large evidences GENESIS OF NIGERIAN„S ANTI- showing that Abacha and his collaborators had diverted billions of CORRUPTION CAMPAIGN dollars in public funds into several local

and overseas bank accounts, while also Ever since Nigeria‟s First Republic corruptly acquiring choice properties in collapsed in July 1966 amid allegations many locations within and outside the of massive corruption, the fight against country. Public call for a strong anti- corruption has developed into an corruption stance by the newly elected important public policy issue. But current civilian government was further fuelled steps taken towards a corruption-free by the caution with which General society in Nigeria are mainly a result of Abubakar treated those indicted by his the efforts of the Obasanjo regime, which probe. Apart from seizing a few assets for eight years erected it as a major held within Nigeria, publishing a list of policy priority1. The elevation of dozens of foreign bank accounts used to corruption to an urgent national issue by stash looted funds and writing letters to Obasanjo was itself motivated by a some foreign governments urging them combination of some domestic and to support efforts to recover assets kept global developments. within their territories, the regime

refused to undertake any serious anti- corruption measures. It made little or no

1 J. O. Magbadelo, Nigeria‟s Transition to tangible effort in recovering Abacha‟s Democracy and Development: Contributions of the Obasanjo Administration, , Spectrum Books estimated $4-6 billion overseas assets. Limited, 2006. P.46. 4

Also, the issue of corruption by other administration4. Ultimately, many past regimes, including assets looted Nigerians felt that a democratic under those regimes, was never raised. administration would be more suited to More worrisome, throughout his tenure fight corruption. in office, the Abubakar regime resisted public pressures to put any member of At the global level, the war against the Abacha government on trial for corruption was motivated by a genuine corruption, because “there was no desire to correct Nigeria‟s frequent evidence of sufficient strength” to try appearance at the top of the table of the anyone2. world‟s most corrupt nations. Between 1999 and 2003, Nigeria occupied either The administration‟s selective the 1st or 2nd position in Transparency punishment for Abacha was targeted at International‟s survey of the most corrupt procuring political legitimacy, while at the countries of the world (the Corruption same time avoiding any potential Perception Index) 5. This became not only political backlash that may result from a a source of personal embarrassment to wider anti-corruption crusade3. Worse Nigerian officials travelling overseas, still, sooner or later it became clear that especially President Olusegun Obasannjo the regime also lacked the integrity who was himself one of the founding necessary for any successful anti- members of Transparency International, corruption drive. Indeed, members of this but also an obstacle to the government‟s regime turned out to be as corrupt as much desired goal of reconciling Nigeria those that served under the Abacha with the international community, after many years of diplomatic isolation, of securing debt forgiveness, and much

needed foreign investments. 2 (Lagos), May 10, 1999.

3 Why a high profile anti-corruption crusade will always generate popular acclaim in Nigeria, it does provoke anger and frustration among Nigeria‟s political class with vested interest in the status quo. Thus, the two leaders who had pursued what could 4 For some details on the corrupt activities of some be regarded as an aggressive campaign against senior members of the Abubakar regime, see corruption in Nigeria in the past did not last in Federal Republic of Nigeria, „Commission of power. General Murtala Mohammed was brutally Inquiry for the Review of Contracts, Licenses and assassinated after only 6 months in power, while Appointments‟, Vol. 1-4, Main Report, Abuja, General Mohammadu Buhari which regarded itself November 1999. as an offshoot of the Mohammed regime 5 These surveys are available on: managed18 months. http://www.transparency.org. 5

To make matters worse, negative corrupt individuals. The other two international publicity against Nigeria included a comprehensive anti- coincided with a time when the corruption reform of the public services, international community became including the judiciary6 and an increasing concerned about lack of good international campaign directed at governance and its consequences in stopping the flow of stolen funds abroad, developing countries. As a result, the as well as recovering funds already Obasanjo government was placed under stolen and stashed away in Western international pressure and threats of banks. These measures were sanctions, to implement measures complemented by other important steps against corruption and other forms of taken by the government to advance the financial crimes. The Nigerian anti-corruption crusade: signing and government was also promised some adoption of several anti-corruption laws benefits if reforms were implemented. and international treaties, sacking of This included a possible debt write-off, some prominent officials accused of which materialised when the Club corruption, establishments of ad-hoc wrote off $18 billion, representing 60 commissions of inquiry to probe specific percent of Nigeria‟s debt, in early 2005. allegations of corruption, regular public statements or speeches denouncing NIGERIA‟S ANTI-CORRUPTION corruption and calling for an ethical CAMPAIGN UNDER OBASANJO reorientation.

Out of these, the inauguration of ICPC President Obasanjo‟s anti-corruption and EFCC in 2000 and 2003 respectively strategy involved a wide variety of were the most important steps taken. measures, three of which were These bodies were touted by the particularly outstanding. The first one was the creation of specialized anti- corruption agencies, the Independent 6 Specifically, these reforms were aimed at Corrupt Practices and other Related eliminating monopoly, through privatisation and deregulation, reducing discretion through the Offences Commission (ICPC), in streamlining of functions and reinforcement of controls, and removal of administrative opacity by September 2000 and the Economic and increasing transparency and accountability, especially in public revenue collection and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) in expenditure. The aggressive implementation of April 2003, to investigate and prosecute these policies, it was hoped, would reduce the opportunities for corruption among public officials. 6

administration as the most effective powers of the ICPC as provided in deterrence against corruption. Much of Section 6(a) to (f) of the ICPC Act, include this optimism was derived from the the power to receive and investigate activities of such bodies in other complaints from members of the public countries (e.g. Hong Kong and on allegations of corrupt practices and to Singapore) which was said to have arrest and prosecute those responsible. contributed to a drastic reduction in the The agency is also empowered to level of corrupt practices through speedy examine the practices, systems and investigation and prosecution of corrupt procedures of public bodies, and in individuals. This optimism however cases where such systems aid turned out to be exaggerated, as both, corruption, it would direct and supervise despite a spirited attempt to check a review. In other words, it would corruption, faced deep institutional and instruct, advise and assist any officer, political challenges which greatly limited agency or parastatal of government on their effectiveness and credibility. Similar the ways fraud or corruption may be challenges affected the attempt to eliminated. Although Nigeria had never recover looted assets. A brief recount of convicted anybody for corruption in a these challenges, especially as they regular court, the wide powers given to affects the level of achievement these agencies raised considerable hope recorded by these two bodies under that corrupt officials were in for a tough Obasanjo will help us understand why it time. became necessary to reform them after Obasanjo left office. Immediately after its inauguration, ICPC took steps to implement its mandate. ICPC, EFCC and the War Against Within the first year of its existence, four Corruption under Obasanjo individuals were charged to court for The ICPC was inaugurated in September various corrupt offences. The number 2000, while the EFCC began operations rose to 23 at the end of its second year in April 2003. Unlike similar institutions (September 2002), and 49 at the close set up in Nigeria in the past, both of its third year in September 20037. agencies were given relatively broad powers and mandates to fight corruption 7 These included a High Court judge, prominent and related offences. For instance, the lawyer (Senior Advocate of Nigeria, SAN), chairmen of private and public companies, 7

These cases stemmed from a total of 17 criminal pursuits, which themselves The arrival of the EFCC brought some emanated from hundreds of petitions improvement in Nigeria‟s fight against submitted to the ICPC by different corruption for two main reasons. Firstly, individuals and groups8. As of December the ICPC was constrained by the limited 2006, the ICPC was prosecuting 185 coverage of its Act, which provided that persons in a total of 91 cases around the ICPC can only investigate corruption country (39 were filed in 2006 alone). In involving public officers. These corrupt October 2008, the number of cases in acts must have also occurred after the court stood at 161 involving 309 inauguration of ICPC, not before. The persons9. But as the number of cases EFCC is endowed with wider powers and filed before the courts rose, the number responsibilities, which include of convictions remained stagnant. The conducting investigations of crimes of number of successful prosecutions from financial and economic nature, including September 2000 to June 2006 was only corruption, money laundering, advance two. The number only increased to 20 in fee fraud or 419, bank fraud, etc., 2007, none of whom was a prominent whether in the public or private sector, figure. In other words, the ICPC could not and arresting and prosecuting the translate all its efforts into tangible perpetrators of such crimes. A second successes. This dismal performance reason has to do with differences in their caused substantial discomfort among approach. In comparison with the slow the populace and within the international bottom-up-approach of the ICPC, community, giving room for further meaning an emphasis on public pressure on the government. This education in contrast to aggressive renewed pressure culminated in the measures like arrest and prosecution of establishment of the EFCC in April 2003. high profile individuals, the EFCC right from its inception favoured a more

confrontational approach to corruption. chairman of government parastatals and local councils, Directors General/ Permanent Secretaries), Ministers, former governors, Senators Available data show that the EFCC and a former Senate President, among many others. Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related indeed achieved more than the ICPC in Offences Commission, Progress Report: September 2000-July 2005, Abuja, 2006. many areas, especially in the key areas 8 Ibid. 9 ICPC Monitor, Vol. 1 Issue 5, August-October of prosecution and recovery of illegally 2008. p ; 34 8

acquired wealth. Between April 2004 of 92 convictions13. By 2007 (January- and June 2006, EFCC recovered over $5 September), a further 53 convictions billion (or N725 billion) from financial were secured, reaching 350 December criminals, both in form of cash and 200814. assets10. The proceeds from the recovery Report Card of ICPC and EFCC as at end of were returned to individuals who have 2006/2007 Agency EFCC ICPC been defrauded, or to the public Number of 300+ (2006) 185 (2006) treasury, in the case of assets seized Persons from corrupt officials or private Arraigned 145 (2007) 20 (2007) companies who had defrauded the government in such areas as tax evasion Number of N725 billion N3.9 billion Persons ( June 2006) (2006) or contract inflation. The amount Convicted recovered by ICPC was only N212 million

11 in 2005 and N3,9 billion in 2006 . For Value of the 2007 fiscal year, 4,7 billion naira funds/Assets was the amount recovered following a Recovered review of allocation and expenditure profile of personnel costs of Ministries, The unprecedented achievements of the Departments and Agencies12. The EFCC brought the organization and its EFCC‟s superior achievement was even leadership a lot of public support but at more glaring in the area of criminal the same time caused considerable investigations, prosecutions and discomfort among members of the convictions. During the same period political elite, notably federal legislatures under review (2004-2006), it arraigned and state governors who had supported more than 300 persons and won a total its creation. There were at least two plausible explanations for the political elite‟s initial acquiescence, if not open

10Assets recovered came from a wide variety of sources, included banks deposits, buildings and other landed properties within and outside the country, vehicles, ships, aircraft, company stocks 13 , “Combatting Money Laundering in etc. Emerging Economies: Nigeria as a Case Study”, 11 Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Guest Lecture Series, Financial Institutions Related Offences Commission, Annual Report op Training Centre/Nigerian Institute of International cit,. p.5. Affaires, Lagos, August 10 2006. 12 See Independent Corrupt Practices and Other 14 My interview with the Deputy Head of Legal Related Offences Commission, Annual Report for Department at the EFCC Headquarters in Abuja 2006-2008, Abuja. took place on the 5th of December 2008. 9

support, for the creation of the EFCC. One perceptions of Nigeria. This is indicated was mounting external pressure. in the annual Transparency International Secondly, the EFCC was not considered Corruption Perception Index after 2004, as a threat by members of the Nigerian Paris Club debt forgiveness, massive political class15. They simply saw it as a foreign financial grants and flattering weapon against fraudsters in the banking commendations. industry or individuals specialising in Advance Fee Fraud, commonly known as Nigeria's Improving Position in TI‟s 419 in Nigeria. This thinking however Corruption Perception Index Year Score proved to be a big mistake. Contrary to Position the expectation of the political class, the 2008 2.7 EFCC, under a young a dynamic 121/180 leadership, made the political leaders, 2007 2.2 which it correctly identified as the major 147/180 2006 2.2 drivers of corruption, its first and 142/179 principal target. By focussing on those 2005 1.9 whose political fortunes depend almost 152/158 totally on the personalisation and 2004 1.6 redistribution of state resources (a 144/145 2003 1.4 metaphor for corruption in Nigeria), the 132/133 EFCC became very unpopular with this 2002 1.6 group. This was not helped by the 101/102 Obasanjo government‟s own attempt to 2001 1.0 employ the agency as a weapon to 90/91 2000 1.2 undermine political rivals ahead of the 90/90 2007 general elections. 1999 1.6 98/99 1998 1.9 The activities of the EFCC still led to 81/85 positive changes in international 1997 1.7 52/52

15 1996 0.6 It should be recalled that the EFCC emerged largely in response to pressures from the FATF, 54/54 which wanted to see stronger financial crimes laws adopted, especially to check such crimes as the advance fee fraud and drug trade. 10

Source: Transparency International, governors, have been charged by the Corruption Perception Index: 1996-2008. EFCC for corrupt practices, only two

senior public officials were convicted by In reality, however, the achievement of the EFCC for using their positions to the EFCC under Ribadu was far from enrich themselves when Obasanjo left perfect. Indeed, the EFCC could neither office in May 2007. The two were Mr individually nor jointly with ICPC solve Tafa Balogun, former head of the Nigeria Nigeria‟s corruption problem. As a matter Police, and Mr. DSP Alamieyeseigha, of fact, only few of the persons convicted former governor of , both of through the efforts of the EFCC were whom were convicted by the EFCC for actually guilty of corruption, which is corruption and money laundering commonly defined as the act of using offences in 2005 and 2007 respectively. „official positions‟ to fester one‟s nests or those of close relatives or allies in Explaining Failure: The Institutional and violation of existing rules or Political Dimensions norms16.Most were individuals engaged Why did the EFCC and ICPC fail in in cyber fraud, advance-fee-fraud (locally bringing top public officials to book known as 419) and money laundering under the Obasanjo administration? A activities, offences that were said to be close scrutiny of the records of the two easier to investigate and prosecute, and anti-graft bodies under Obasanjo reveals are usually perpetrated by people with two key challenges. little or no political influence17. Thus, even though a large number of top public The first challenge is institutional, officials, including a handful of former incorporating a chronic shortage of funds

and an inefficient judicial system. For the 16 Khan‟s definition is probably a standard one in first five years of its existence ICPC got this regard: He defines corruption as “any act which deviates from the rules of conduct, including an average of 500 million Naira or $3.8 normative values, governing the actions of an individual in a position of authority or trust, million in yearly budgetary allocations. whether in the private or public domain, because of Persistent demands by the ICPC for more private- regarding motives, (that is non public or general) such as wealth, power, status etc”. See funding were either turned down by M.H. Khan, “A Typology of Corrupt Transactions in Developing Countries”, IDS Bulletin: 27(2), government (which often cited the need 1996. pp. 12-21 17 This view was expressed frequently during the to meet other priorities) or met with interviews carried out with the heads of the legal departments at the ICPC and the EFCC in promises of increased funding in December 2009. 11

subsequent financial years that never branch network (it had 3 to ICPC‟s 1 materialized. This poor level of funding, during the period 2000-2005, according to its managers, was one of investigations and prosecutions. the primary sources of its Consistent shortage of funds also meant infectiveness18. The agency often found that these agencies, particularly the ICPC it difficult to pay for the services of could not hire sufficiently qualified experienced and talented hands, investigators and prosecutors to fight its especially lawyers. Corruption case in the law courts. This problem was investigations do also at times require a compounded by Nigeria‟s inefficient and lot of money, especially when slow judicial process. The delays were investigators need to be sent abroad to usually caused by the frequent track stolen assets or source for adjournments and the interlocutory incriminating evidence, the reason why orders and injunctions normally granted the ICPC never took any step in that accused persons by the courts. But the area. This is certainly one of the reasons problem is also linked to the limited why the EFCC which received more capacity of ICPC‟s lawyers and funding, most of them from international investigators, which explains why many sources19, recorded greater achievement cases filed by the ICPC were thrown out in many areas, including manpower by the courts on technical grounds. (more than double the ICPC‟s size ), However, the conviction of Mr. Tafa

Balogun and ex- governor DSP Alamieyeseigha showed that with some 18 ThisDay (Lagos), June 4, 2005. political will, the EFCC and ICPC could 19 The scope of the activities of the EFCC, which covered financial crimes such as advance fee fraud, still live up to their responsibilities. money laundering and terrorism financing, More damaging to the anti-corruption obviously attracted the attention of the international community than did the ICPC. On November 25 effort of the Obasanjo administration 2005, EFCC was given a grant of 24.7 millions euros (3.8 billion naira) by the European Union. was an observable tendency to employ The sum will be managed by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crimes, will be used to: these anti-corruption agencies, “provide the EFCC with required equipment and especially the EFCC, as a weapon for technical support, further improve the knowledge of the agency’s staff through training, in-country and destroying political rivals. This became overseas as well as to strengthen the capacity of the judicial system to handle economic and financial more noticeable as the second term of crimes”. The Punch (Lagos) November 26, 2005. Total support from the EU to the EFCC is said to be President Obasanjo drew to a close. The worth $32 millions (4,16 billion naira) as at October 2006. The Guardian (Lagos), October 11, crusade against corruption, and the anti- 2006. 12

corruption agencies by extension, at one time even became an instrument for The ICPC was thus widely perceived as „a disqualifying unwanted political aspirants toothless dog‟, while the EFCC, which and paving the way for the smooth was regarded as relatively more election of Obasanjo‟s chosen effective, was increasingly criticized for candidates into the various elective becoming selective and turning into an offices20. The best known example was instrument for witch-hunting political the widely criticized bid to prosecute enemies. Obasanjo‟s Vice President, , and his close political and business associates over allegations of YAR‟ADUA AND THE WAR AGAINST corruption. The political motives in the CORRUPTION: A NEW DAWN OR EFCC‟s case against Atiku Abubakar BUSINESS AS USUAL? were underlined by the provisions of Section 137 (1)(i) of the Nigerian The election of President Umaru Musa Constitution which states that any Yar‟Adua raised hopes that the war person indicted for corruption can not against corruption would be re-energized stand in any election in Nigeria21, and of and strengthened. The President himself course the haste with which the EFCC‟s promised to take the fight against report indicting Atiku Abubakar was corruption to a new height, vowing to run accepted and gazetted by Obasanjo who a „clean government‟ based on the „rule was known to be strongly opposed to his of law‟: “If the federal Government is to participation in the 2007 presidential take action against any person for any elections22. This action was taken just act of corruption which has been few weeks to the election. determined, without doubt, the government will act….As it stands, I assure you that the federal Government

20 My Interview with federal lawmaker and former has zero tolerance for corruption. But aide to the EFCC boss, Rabe Nasir, took place in also in the process, the rule of law and his office in Abuja in July, 2009. 21 See Federal Government of Nigeria, Constitution due process must be followed”23. of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999, Abuja, 1999. 22 Atiku Abubakar was ultimately allowed to participate in the elections on the platform of the Action Congress, courtesy of a Supreme Court double indictment was illegal and of no effect judgment, which held that Obasanjo‟s attempt to whatsoever. disqualify him from the elections on the basis of his 23 Th Punch, September 3, 2007. P.2. 13

Similarly, while receiving the visiting within the anti-corruption agencies. For Vice-President for , example, Titi Ogunye of the Civil Liberties Mrs. , the President Organization, was of the opinion that: assured the world that he will not seek to “Events since May 2007, particularly instrumentalize the anti-corruption recent events relating to the EFCC, agencies. In his words: “I have given all indicate that the fledging anti-corruption the institutions a free hand. I have told crusade handed over to the Yar‟Adua them I won’t interfere, because I am administration is facing a reversal of the strongly in support of the fight against worst kind. The challenge before the corruption. No hurdle has been put on Nigerian people is to resist this their paths. The only thing I have made subversion and build ownership around very clear is that they must follow the the anti-corruption effort”25. In a similar rule of law and due process”24. tone, one senior civil servant in the Presidency, described the President‟s To what extent were these promises frequent talk about „human rights‟ as a kept? How did the anti-corruption war smoke screen for protecting some of the fare under Yar‟Adua? Did specific President‟s friends, especially the former improvements occur? If not, what governors, who are guilty of corruption26. challenges were encountered? The above were some of the questions we There are at least three main reasons for put before our respondents during this pessimistic view of Nigeria‟s anti- interviews. The more widely held view corruption campaign under the Yar‟Adua was that the Yar‟Adua administration administration. The first one was the presided over a dramatic lull in the perception that prosecutions of top tempo of Nigeria‟s anti-corruption public officials, like the implementation campaign. This view is voiced by many of several other government policies, donor organizations, Nigerian civil society were stalling after Yar‟Adua took over. It groups, including Transparency in

Nigeria, the local arm of the global anti- 25 corruption watchdog and highly placed Titi Ogunye, leader of the CLO was cited in Ben Ukwuoma et al, “Raising the Stakes in the Fight sources in government, including some against Corruption in the Country”, The Guardian, July 11, 2008. P.28-29. 26 Interview with this official, an Assistant Director in the Cabinet Office/Office of the Secretary to the Government of the Federation, took place in Abuja 24 The Punch, January 16, 2008. P.9. December 17, 2008. 14

was in this light that President Yar‟Adua agencies during the Obasanjo was derisively nick-named baba-go-slow administration (notably former by sections of the Nigerian press. The governors) continued. Similarly, a second was the feeling that some ex- number of new cases involving politically public officials accused of corruption by exposed persons (PEPs) were started the EFCC, especially the former under Yar‟Adua. Many of these new governors who played key roles in the cases were later taken to court27. election of President Yar‟Adua, were According statistics published by the been shielded from justice under the EFCC on May 1, 2010, the number of pretext of following the „Rule of Law‟. The high- profile cases being prosecuted in third major source of concern was the the courts by the EFCC were only 10 in fact that, some anti-corruption crusaders May 1,2008. However, two years later, (such as Nuhu Rubadu, the former the number has increased to 50. Within chairman of the EFCC and Malam Nasir the same time frame, the EFCC added a El-Rufai, former Minister of the Federal total of 100 new convictions, bringing Capital) have been purged from their the total to 400, while also recovering positions. some illegally acquired funds in excess of $3.5billion (EFCC, 2010). Slow Down in the Prosecutions of Top Public Officials Some of the officials involved in the 40 The first reason for the negative new high profile cases include two perception of the campaign against former ministers of Aviation, Professor corruption under Yar‟Adua does not Babalola Borishade and Femi Fani- stand up completely to the available Kayode who were arrested and charged facts. Our review of local press for the to court in July 2008 for their handling of period covering Yar‟Adu‟s administration the N19.5 billion Aviation Intervention and documents obtained from the Fund28. The list also includes the offices of the EFCC and the ICPC, showed daughter of the former President, Iyabo that the arrest and investigation of Obasanjo-Bello (May 19, 2008) who is a individuals and officials suspected of corruption did not cease. The trial of 27 Interview with the Acting Head of EFCC‟s Legal officials and individuals investigated or Department, in Abuja. 28 See Zero Tolerance (The Magazine of the charged to court by the anti-corruption Economic and Financial Crimes Commission), Vol. 3 N° 2, August, 2008. p.48. 15

Senator, former Minister of Health former governor of , Lucky , her deputy and several Igbinideon, who was subsequently senior officials of the Ministry of Health convicted for corruption by a high court (April 7, 2008), docked over allegations through the EFCC. Although he was later of sharing of N300 million belonging to released upon the payment of a fine, his the Ministry of Health29. Mrs. Obasanjo- conviction represented the biggest Bello was said to have received N10 achievement of the EFCC since the million, part of the N300 million, in her conviction of former governor of Bayelsa capacity as the Chairperson of the state in 2006. Even the relatively Senate Committee on Health. Also the weaker ICPC also recorded some former governor of , improvement during the period under Michael Botmang was arraigned on the review. For instance, the number of 17th of July 2008 for allegedly stealing cases being pursued in the courts by N1.7 billion in the six months he ruled as ICPC rose from about 91, involving 185 governor following the brief suspension persons, in 2006 (ICPC,2006; 21) to 142 in 2006 of the substantive governor, cases involving 269 persons by the end , as well as , of 2007 (ICPC,2007; 21). The number of former governor of Adamawa, who was cases under prosecution for 2008 was charged on 5th of August on 21 count 186 (ICPC, 2008;15). As at the time of charges of corruption30. our last visit to the ICPC June 2010, the figure stood at 21532. There is very little The case of the ex-governors needs to be evidence to support the allegation that clarified further. Although there there had been a change of policy on the persistent reports in the media issue of prosecuting ex-officials, suggesting that the new leadership of including the ex-governors. Despite the EFCC was considering a review of the public perception, the prosecution of top cases against the ex-governors31. These public officials for corruption and other have turned out to be untrue. Indeed, at related offences did not slow down while one point, at least 11 former governors Yar‟Adua was in office. were placed under trial. One of them was

29 ThisDay, May 20th, 2008. p.1 . 30 ThisDay August 6, 2008. p.9. 32 This information was contained in a undated 31 Thisday, July 25, 2005. p.1; The Nation, July 25, document provided by a member of ICPC‟s 2005. p.7. Research and Planning Department, June 2010. 16

removed as a result of human rights Harassment of Former Anti-Corruption violations perpetrated by the EFCC under Crusaders his lead34. This argument was flatly The deliberate harassment of former rejected by most informed opinion in anti-corruption crusaders, especially Nigeria. Even then, the government‟s those associated with the Obasanjo own position was not helped by the administration, was another untidy manner in which the former EFCC development supporting the widely held Chairman was demoted and later view that Yar‟Adua was not very sincere dismissed from his main job in the about the anti-corruption campaign. The Nigeria Police, an event that had been most visible manifestation of this was predicted by one of the former governors certainly the trial of Malam Nasir El- facing trial for corruption. After his Rufai, the former reform-minded Minister dismissal, Mr. Ribadu fled into exile in of the Federal Capital, and the the alleging threats to controversial removal of Nuhu Ribadu as his life. He only returned to the country Chairman of the EFCC in December after President Yar‟Adua had passed on 2007. Ribadu, who enjoyed much and was replaced by his deputy, Dr. support from the Obasanjo Goodluck Jonathan, who subsequently administration and was greatly dropped all charges and accusation patronised by the international donor levied against him. Ribadu‟s removal as community, was initially said to be on head of the EFCC, in turn precipitated course, which implied that he will be the removal and resignation of several allowed to return to his position33. But other officials who worked with him in the appointment on May 15 2008 of a the EFCC. substantive head for the EFCC, Mrs , proved that this was never Mr Ribadu‟s removal as Chairman of the the governments‟ intention. In what EFCC and subsequent brush with the looks like an afterthought, on June 26, Police authorities was itself preceded by 2007, the Attorney-General and Minister many months of open tussle for power of Justice, Mr. Michael Aondoaaka, pitching the former EFCC Chairman and informed the public that Mr. Ribadu was Yar‟Adua‟s Attorney-General and Minister

33 The Nation, December 28, 2007. p.1. 34 The Nation, June 27, 2008. p.9. 17

of Justice, Mr. Michael Aondoaaka, over percentage of the public and majority of who should be in control of the trial of Nigerian legal practitioners, that it has the ex-governors. This Attorney-General the powers to prosecute the former had once served as a defense lawyer to governors. But this action worsened one of the former governors been tried relations between the EFCC and the by the EFCC ( of Benue office of the Attorney-General and state). The later was also said to have Minister of Justice, culminating in the facilitated his appointment to his new removal of Mr. Nuhu Ribadu as job. The Attorney-General and Minister of Chairman of the EFCC in late December Justice‟s role in this matter was therefore 2008. HIs removal had both immediate understandably tilted in favour of the and long term consequences for former governors. Indeed, in the cause Yar‟Adua‟s anti-corruption drive. In the of his duties as Minister, he left no one in immediate period, it slowed down the doubt about his determination to protect pace of the anti-graft war. In the longer not only his benefactor, but also all the term, it further undermined the other accused former governors. One legitimacy of Yar‟Adua‟s war against way he tried to do that was to take over corruption. It was not surprising that one the trial of the ex-governors, under the of the very first actions President pretext that this was premised on the Goodluck Jonathan, was the removal of „administrations respect for rule of law‟ Mr. Aondoaaka, first as Attorney-General and „the need for government to obey all and Minister of Justice, and judicial orders‟35. President Yar‟Adua subsequently, member of the Federal himself did not openly support this Executive Council. action, but consistently ignored public pressure to call the Attorney-General and Minister of Justice to order.

In the end, the Nuhu Ribadu-led EFCC managed to resist the move by the Attorney-General and Minister of Justice, insisting, with the support of a greater

35 The Punch, September 18, 2007. p.14. 18

President Yar’Adua’s Close Relations state, who was appointed Minister of with Ex-Governors Commerce and Industry. A second factor that negatively affected public confidence in Yar‟Adua‟s anti- In July 2009, the EFCC published a list of corruption campaign related to his 56 prominent people, many of them personal closeness to some ex- senior public officials, such as former governors, who are widely perceived as governors, ministers, permanent corrupt. Among the most prominent of secretaries, civil servants, chairmen and this class of ex-governors are members of parastatal agencies, local and DSP Alamieyeseigha, the convicted government chairmen, members of the former governor of Bayelsa state. Both House of Representative and senators, men wielded considerable influence over who were accused of collectively Yar‟Adua. Mr. DSP Alamieyeseigha removing over N243 billion from the became some sort of unofficial adviser nation‟s treasury. The document which or „consultant‟, according to one of our was tagged “Ongoing High Profile cases” respondents, to the President on the also stated how much money was conflict. A very senior official allegedly embezzled by each of these within the Presidency confirmed during individuals, which ranged from N10 an interview with us that at least six of million to N100 billion37. The list was the ex-governors were among those subsequently handed over to the considered for the 2009 edition of the leadership of the Nigerian Labour annual national honor exercise, during Congress, which is the central umbrella which the President honour individuals organization of the Nigerian trade who had contributed to the development unions, as part of strategic partnership of the nation36. Many of them were to intensify the fight against corruption in appointed Federal Ministers by President the country. Subsequently, all 56 Yar‟Adua. These included , individuals were charged to court in 33 former governor of who separate cases. became Minister of Education, and , former governor of Imo

36 A top civil servant with the Presidency confirmed this statement during an interview in December 2008. 37 Nigerian Tribune, July 10, 2009. 19

Names on the EFCC List others S/no Name Amount Femi Fani-Kayode, ex 1. , ex- N100 billion Minister of Aviation 2. Chairman Nigeria Ports N36 billion , ex governor 3. Authority N32 billion of 4. Saminu Turaki, ex N15 billion Boni Haruna, ex governor 5. goveronor of N7.7 billion of 6. Patrick Fernandez, Indian N6 billion Dr. Albert Ikomi, retired 7. businessman N5.6 billion Permanent Secretary 8. Tom Isegholi, Mohammed N5.6 billion Dr. Yuguda Manu, 9. Buba & Mike Okoli, N5.6 billion Chairman, Taraba state 10. Transcorp PLC N5.6 billion Civil Service Commission 11. Kenny Martins, Police N5.2 billion , Senator 12. Equipement Fund N5 billion and daughter of ex 13. , ex N4.7 billion President Obasanjo 14. governor of N3.6 billion Joshua Dariye, ex 15. Roland Iyayi, ex Managing N1.5 billion governor of Plateau state 17. Director of FAAN N636 Source: Nigerian Tribune, July 10, 2009 18. Babalola Borishade, ex million 19. Minister of Aviation N250 One major problem with the list, that 20. Eider George, Austrian million raised public concern, was that in 21. Businessman N180 22. , million compiling the list, the EFCC had 23. Senator and ex governor N93 million deliberately excluded the names of some 24. N43 million „well-connected people‟ who had also Senator N17.5 been accused of embezzlement, some of and 9 members of House million which were also standing trial. One of of Rep. N10 million , ex governor Amount not them is James Ibori, the immediate past of stated governor of who was accused Nyeson Wike, Chief of of stealing over N10 billion. During staff to Ribadu‟s tenure, the EFCC made governor desperate efforts to prosecute Mr. Ibori. Four senior Zenith Bank Managers These efforts came to naught under Michael Botmang, ex Yar‟Adua, when Mr. Ibori was released on acting governor of Plateau bail and even went on to secure one state legal victory after the other against the Molkat Mutfwang and 3 EFCC. Few months after the emergence

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of President Jonathan, Mr. Ibori was grateful Yar‟Adua seemed to be ready to declared wanted by the EFCC, and do all he could to protect their interests subsequently arrested in Dubai. This once elected. Unfortunately, his selective approach of listing some unwillingness or inability to dispense with corrupt officials and omitting others, by these few powerful political figures after the current EFCC Chairman, Farida his elections turned out to be the major Waziri, and EFCC‟s changed posture liability for his fight against corruption. towards former governor James Ibori show how difficult it is to separate Anti-Corruption Campaign as A Non- politics from the work of anti-corruption Priority agencies in Nigeria. It also shows how Thirdly, and perhaps more importantly, much continuity there was between the another minus for the anti-corruption regimes of President Obasanjo and fight was that, even though Yar‟Adua had Yar‟Adua in the area politicization of the a personal reputation for honesty and anti-corruption crusade. never shied away from emphasizing his administrations commitment to fighting Why did President Yar‟Adua find it so corruption, his efforts against corruption difficult to distance himself from a few were certainly not as vigorous as they ex-governors? A good understanding of were under his predecessor Olusegun the influence these ex-governors wielded Obasanjo. Yar‟Adua‟s approach was under Yar‟Adua cannot be possible generally mild, done with less publicity, without first understanding that with a lot of emphasis on respect for the Yar‟Adua, the former governor of Katsina rights of the accused and due process. state, won his party‟s nomination as a Indeed, it was pretty clear that anti- result of the support of these governors, corruption campaign did not rank first who controlled their party‟s machinery in among the priorities of the Yar‟Adua their various states, and unanimously government. For instance, the anti- chose him as their candidate for the April corruption campaign did not feature in 2007 presidential elections. After his much publicized seven point agenda, securing his nomination as the candidate which included agriculture, electricity, of the ruling party, they collectively employment, health, electoral reform, worked for his success at the the Niger Delta and housing. This presidential polls. In return, a very contrasts sharply with what obtained

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under the Obasanjo administration, country launched a new crusade against where corruption was more or less the corruption. Due to its more elaborate number one priority, and featured nature38, international pressure and prominently in virtually all speeches President Obasanjo‟s personal given by the President. involvement in anti-corruption activities in the past, this campaign attracted A plausible explanation for this different considerable attention and interest. The approach – apart from differences in heightened attention was also due to the personalities of the two Presidents -, fact that it was the first time a Nigerian concerns the changed international leader made the fight against corruption environment within which Yar‟Adua his number one policy priority, which operated. Much of the negative indeed culminated in the fall of quite a international reportage and diplomatic number of highly placed public officials pressures which Nigeria faced at the (Senate Presidents, Speaker of the beginning of Obasanjo‟s Presidency had Federal Parliament, State Governors, largely abated by the time Yar‟Adua Ministers, Head of public parastatals, assumed office in May 2007. This more etc.). conducive environment, produced by the little improvements brought by Yet, Obasanjo‟s anti-corruption fight was Obasanjo‟s earlier campaign against also politicized, especially towards the corruption had ironically removed most end of his second term in office, when it of the incentive available to fight was employed to destroy his political corruption. adversaries, such as Vice-President Atiku Abubakar, without regards to constitutional rights and due process. CONCLUDING REMARKS AND LESSONS The question of whether corruption was FOR THE NEXT ADMINISTRATION not increasing even under a regime that

For many decades, Nigeria has grappled 38 with the challenge of eradicating Unlike previous anti-corruption programmes in Nigeria, Obasanjo‟s anti-corruption policy offered a corruption from its body polity with little far more comprehensive anti-corruption strategy, encompassing the setting up of specialised anti- success. In 1999, following the election corruption institutions, implementation of a host of public sector reforms and some international of President Olusegun Obasanjo, the measures aimed at the repatriation of looted funds starched away in some secret overseas accounts. 22

was supposedly fighting corruption was rights39 and selective application of anti- also raised, just as there were corruption laws (against Obasanjo‟s arguments about whether the campaign political enemies) surfaced towards the against corruption was not originally April 2007 elections. The politicization of designed to please the international these agencies under the Obasanjo community. Those concerns were mainly administration gradually rendered the due to the way of the fight against campaign against corruption difficult, if corruption was conducted or carried out not plainly ineffective. by the major anti-corruption agencies, the EFCC and the ICPC. After President Obasanjo left office, President Umaru Yar‟Adua came to The inauguration of these agencies had power in May 2007 promising to reform raised a lot of hope. Even though it was and continue the anti-corruption not the first time anti-corruption struggle. Some of the new changes agencies were inaugurated in Nigeria introduced included shake-up in the (e.g. the Corrupt Practices Investigation leadership of the EFCC, Nigeria‟s most Bureau in 1975 and Code of Conduct powerful anti-corruption agency; Bureau in 1979 respectively), the increased emphasizes on respect for the unprecedented powers and promise of fundamental human rights of accused political support given to these persons and greater respect for rule of institutions led many analysts to believe law and due process, just to mention a that a lasting solution might have been few. Also under Yar‟Adua, the anti-graft found to Nigeria‟s perennial struggle with agencies continued to arrest and arraign corruption. As it soon turned out, these more individuals, including highly placed institutions achieved very little in terms officials, for corruption. But despite this, of deterring Nigerian public officials and the general public continued to express politicians from looting public resources. the view that the „vigorous‟ fight against More discouraging, the credibility earned corruption under Obasanjo has become by the EFCC, following the successful arrest and prosecutions of highly placed 39 At least one high profile detainee died in one of criminals, soon began to evaporate when EFCC‟s numerous detention facilities. The victim, Maurice Ibekwe, a member of the House of allegations of violations of human Representatives, who was standing trial for advance-fee-fraud related charges died after his request that he be allowed to go home to seek medical attention was turned down by the EFCC. 23

inefficient under the legacy of Yar‟Adua, of his anti-corruption campaign. so that throughout his three year stay in President Yar‟Adua‟s selective and soft office, Yar‟Adua‟s anti-corruption drive or „gentlemanly approach‟ to fighting attracted more criticisms than praise. corruption, to quote one leading newspaper columnist40, proved to be far It was observed that the positive less popular with the public, than the measures taken by the Yar‟Adua harsh and radical style adopted under government were unfortunately his predecessor. overshadowed by other observed lapses. The first one has been that the Yar‟Adua What lessons does these offer to the government was patronizing some ex Goodluck Jonathan-led government, and public officials accused of corruption by indeed the incoming administration the EFCC, especially former governors, expected after the 2011 elections? The who played key roles in his election. first lesson that should be drawn from Instead of prosecuting all of them who the foregoing analysis is that there is have been accused of corruption, it need to continuously emphasis the point appeared the Yar‟Adua government was that the fight against corruption is one of prosecuting some and protecting a few the most important priorities of others (notably the former governor of government as it was under the Delta state, James Ibori), by interfering in Obasanjo Presidency. This also means the work of the anti-corruption agencies. that the President himself must at all Secondly, President Yar‟Adua also times be willing to demonstrate his presided over the purge and persecution personal commitment to the struggle but of popular anti-corruption crusaders, in words and in deeds. Secondly, there is especially Nuhu Rubadu, the former an urgent need to find a way to minimize, chairman of the EFCC. Thirdly, President if not totally eliminate all forms of open Yar‟Adu was not forceful enough, notably political interference or favoritism in the in his speeches, with his anti-corruption work of the anti-corruption agencies, program. Thus, even although evidence while strengthening their operational show that the prosecution of corrupt capacity. The point being made here is officials, including several other ex- governors continued under him, these 40 Interview with Sola Fasure: January 11, 2009. factors combined to limit the popularity Sola Fasure is political Scientist and member of The Nation Newspaper‟s editorial board. 24

that the attempt to protect one single information divulged by the Chairman of individual, James Ibori in this case, can this committee, Senator Sola Akindele, destroy public confidence in the entire the proposed bill aims to strengthen the anti-corruption campaign, irrespective of independence of these agencies the number of people successfully (especially the EFCC), streamline their prosecuted. Happily, as our research functions to minimise jurisdictional confirmed, most of the administrative conflicts or duplication of functions, and problems encountered by these agencies possibly set a threshold, i.e. a fixed (mainly caused by shortage of funds and amount of money that should have been manpower) in the early stages of their lost to corruption, before the anti- existence have progressively been corruption agencies can intervene in a addressed by the government. What is case. These efforts, which appear to now left is how to secure the political have stalled in recent times due to independence of these agencies vis-à-vis limited public support, deserve to be the incumbent government. This can be supported by critical stake holders, done, for example by strengthening of especially donors and civil society. the enabling laws of the anti-corruption agencies to make them more Assuming that bill on the reform of the autonomous and also by reforming of the anti-corruption agencies finally sails judicial system, so that the courts can through, one very important area that deliver timely judgments. still remains to be addressed is the role of other complementary institutions in It is interesting to note that some the fight against corruption. This is the reforms that may strengthen these third lesson that should be drawn from institutions politically and legally are this study. Indeed, most of the negative already receiving the attention of some publicity attracted by these institutions people in the government. A good have stemmed from a misconception or example is a bill being prepared by the over-exaggeration of the role of these leadership of the Senate Committee on bodies in the fight against corruption. Anti-corruption41. According to Contrary to the perception being promoted by recent governments in

41 A personal interview with Senator Akindele took Nigeria, these agencies are supposed to place in his office on November 25, 2008. complement, and not replace „traditional

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anti-corruption institutions‟, notably, the agencies will continue to be saddled with Police, the Parliament at all levels of impossible targets in Nigeria. Until these government, Office of Attorney General agencies are strengthened and and Minister of Justice (at state and encouraged to perform their oversight federal levels), Office of Accountant functions, government and politicians General of the Federation, Office of the will continue to instrumentalise the Auditor General of the Federation, civil campaign against corruption. society organizations, the ordinary voter and the media. Until this fact is well appreciated in Nigeria, anti-corruption

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

Bello-Imam I. B., The War Agaisnt Corruption in Nigeria: Problems and Prospects, Ibadan, College Press & Publishers, 2005.

Belgore Madibo Alfa Salihu, « The Court Procedures and Justice, Corruption and Politics », in The Guardian, August 21, 2007.

Enweremadu U. D, The Struggle Against Corruption in Nigeria: The Role of the ICPC, in IFRA Ibadan Special Research Issue, Vol. 2, 2006. p.41-66

Enweremadu, U. D, Lutte anti-corruption et politique au Nigeria sous la quatrième République :1999-2006, Centre d‟Etudes d‟Afrique noire/Institut d'Etudes Politiques de Bordeaux, Université Montesquieu Bordeaux IV, Bordeaux, (PhD dissertation). 2006.

Federal Government of Nigeria, Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999, Abuja, 1999.

Fredrik Galtung and Jeremy Pope, “The Global Coalition against Corruption: Evaluating Transparency International”, in Andreas Schedler et al, The Self Restraining State: Power and Accountability in New Democracies, Colorado, Lynne Rienner Publishers Inc., 1999.

Haarhuis K. Carolien, Promoting Anti-Corruption Reforms: Evaluating the Implementation of a World Bank Anti-Corruption Program in Seven African Countries (1999-2001), Wageningen, Posen & Looijen b.v. Printers, 2005.

Khan M.H., “A Typology of Corrupt Transactions in Developing Countries”, IDS Bulletin: 27(2), 1996. pp. 12-21

Klitgaard Robert, Controlling Corruption, University of California Press, Berkeley, 1988.

Magbadelo, J. O., Nigeria’s Transition to Democracy and Development: Contributions of the Obasanjo Administration, Ibadan, Spectrum Books Limited, 2006.

Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission, Progress Report: September 2000-July 2005, Abuja, 2006.

Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission, Annual Report 2006, Abuja, 2006.

Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission, 20007 Annual Report, Abuja, 2007.

Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission, Annual Report 2008, Abuja, 2008.

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Our Milestone (A special publication of Nigeria‟s Economic and Financial Crimes Commission), Vol. 1, No1 May, 2010. p.14.

Ribadu Nuhu, “Combatting Money Laundering in Emerging Economies: Nigeria as a Case Study”, Guest Lecture Series, Financial Institutions Training Centre/Nigerian Institute of International Affaires, Lagos, August 10, 2006.

Transparency International, Corruption Perception Index: 1999-2007, : http://www.transparency.org.

Ukwuoma Ben et al, “Raising the Stakes in the Fight against Corruption in the Country”, The Guardian, July 11, 2008.

ICPC Monitor, Vol. 1 Issue 5, August-October 2008.

The Eagle Watch (Newsletter of the EFCC Training and Research Institute), Vol 2. No 5 January 2008,

Zero Tolerance (The Magazine of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission), Vol. 3 N° 2, August, 2008.

Nigerian Dailies: ThisDay, May 20th, 2008; ThisDay August 6, 2008; Thisday, July 25, 2005; The Nation, July 25, 2005; Nigerian Tribune, July 10, 2009; The Nation, December 28, 2007; ThisDay, May 15 2008; The Nation, June 27, 2008; The News, December 8, 2008; The Punch, September 18, 2007; The Punch, September 3, 2007; The Punch, January 16, 2008; The Punch, December 10, 2008; The Guardian (Lagos), May 10, 1999.

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Dr. David Uchenna Enweremadu is a lecturer in Political Science at the Department of

Political Science, University of Ibadan. He is specialized in Public Administration and

Nigeria‟s Anti-Corruption Efforts. His email is [email protected]

ISBN

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