Register of Political Parties 23 July 2019
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The General Election in 2007
Provided by the author(s) and NUI Galway in accordance with publisher policies. Please cite the published version when available. Title The "green wave" that never happened: the general election in 2007 Author(s) Rau, Henrike Publication Date 2010 Rau, H (2010) 'The "green wave" that never happened: the Publication general election in 2007' In: P. Share and M.P. Corcoran (eds) Information Ireland of the Illusions: A Sociological Chronicle 2007-8. Dublin: IPA. Dublin : IPA. Publisher Institute of Public Administration Link to publisher's http://www.ipa.ie/index.php?lang=en&p=product&id=240&pro version did=167 Item record http://hdl.handle.net/10379/3884 Downloaded 2021-09-25T09:03:33Z Some rights reserved. For more information, please see the item record link above. Published as: Rau, H. (2010) ‘The “Green Wave” That Never Happened: The General Election in 2007’, in P. Share and M.P. Corcoran (eds) Ireland of the Illusions: A Sociological Chronicle 2007-8. Dublin: IPA, pp. 163-175. CHAPTER 11 The ‘Green Wave’ that Never Happened: The 2007 General Election HENRIKE RAU General elections provide a useful snapshot of public opinion in Ireland. People’s voting patterns tend to reflect their values and attitudes, which both mirror and influence wider social and economic conditions. The general election in June 2007 and its aftermath captured the mood of the Irish electorate at a time when some already predicted that the economic boom of the Celtic Tiger years would come to an abrupt end. Prior to the election, speculation abounded about a radical transformation of the Irish political landscape. -
Northern Ireland's Snap Assembly Elections: Outcome and Implications
CRS INSIGHT Northern Ireland's Snap Assembly Elections: Outcome and Implications March 7, 2017 (IN10663) | Related Author Kristin Archick | Kristin Archick, Specialist in European Affairs ([email protected], 7-2668) On March 2, 2017, voters in Northern Ireland—which is one of four component "nations" of the United Kingdom (UK) —went to the polls in snap elections for Northern Ireland's Assembly, its regional legislature. The Assembly is a key institution in Northern Ireland's devolved government, in which specified powers have been transferred from London to Belfast, as set out in the 1998 peace agreement aimed at ending Northern Ireland's 30-year sectarian conflict (in which almost 3,500 people died). The peace accord mandated that power in the devolved government would be shared between Northern Ireland's two dominant communities: unionists, or Protestants who largely define themselves as British and support remaining part of the UK, and nationalists, or Catholics who consider themselves Irish and may desire a united Ireland. (For more information, see CRS Report RS21333, Northern Ireland: The Peace Process.) Since 2007, Assembly elections have produced successive power-sharing governments led by the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) and the nationalist all-Ireland political party Sinn Fein. Assembly elections determine the composition of Northern Ireland's Executive, comprised of ministers in charge of policy departments. Following the May 2016 Assembly elections, DUP leader Arlene Foster and Sinn Fein's northern leader Martin McGuiness returned to head the Executive as First Minister and Deputy First Minister, respectively. Despite a much-improved security situation in Northern Ireland and progress in implementing important aspects of the peace accord, significant divisions and distrust persist between the unionist and nationalist communities and their respective political parties. -
1. Debbie Abrahams, Labour Party, United Kingdom 2
1. Debbie Abrahams, Labour Party, United Kingdom 2. Malik Ben Achour, PS, Belgium 3. Tina Acketoft, Liberal Party, Sweden 4. Senator Fatima Ahallouch, PS, Belgium 5. Lord Nazir Ahmed, Non-affiliated, United Kingdom 6. Senator Alberto Airola, M5S, Italy 7. Hussein al-Taee, Social Democratic Party, Finland 8. Éric Alauzet, La République en Marche, France 9. Patricia Blanquer Alcaraz, Socialist Party, Spain 10. Lord John Alderdice, Liberal Democrats, United Kingdom 11. Felipe Jesús Sicilia Alférez, Socialist Party, Spain 12. Senator Alessandro Alfieri, PD, Italy 13. François Alfonsi, Greens/EFA, European Parliament (France) 14. Amira Mohamed Ali, Chairperson of the Parliamentary Group, Die Linke, Germany 15. Rushanara Ali, Labour Party, United Kingdom 16. Tahir Ali, Labour Party, United Kingdom 17. Mahir Alkaya, Spokesperson for Foreign Trade and Development Cooperation, Socialist Party, the Netherlands 18. Senator Josefina Bueno Alonso, Socialist Party, Spain 19. Lord David Alton of Liverpool, Crossbench, United Kingdom 20. Patxi López Álvarez, Socialist Party, Spain 21. Nacho Sánchez Amor, S&D, European Parliament (Spain) 22. Luise Amtsberg, Green Party, Germany 23. Senator Bert Anciaux, sp.a, Belgium 24. Rt Hon Michael Ancram, the Marquess of Lothian, Former Chairman of the Conservative Party, Conservative Party, United Kingdom 25. Karin Andersen, Socialist Left Party, Norway 26. Kirsten Normann Andersen, Socialist People’s Party (SF), Denmark 27. Theresa Berg Andersen, Socialist People’s Party (SF), Denmark 28. Rasmus Andresen, Greens/EFA, European Parliament (Germany) 29. Lord David Anderson of Ipswich QC, Crossbench, United Kingdom 30. Barry Andrews, Renew Europe, European Parliament (Ireland) 31. Chris Andrews, Sinn Féin, Ireland 32. Eric Andrieu, S&D, European Parliament (France) 33. -
LE19 - a Turning of the Tide? Report of Local Elections in Northern Ireland, 2019
#LE19 - a turning of the tide? Report of local elections in Northern Ireland, 2019 Whitten, L. (2019). #LE19 - a turning of the tide? Report of local elections in Northern Ireland, 2019. Irish Political Studies, 35(1), 61-79. https://doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2019.1651294 Published in: Irish Political Studies Document Version: Peer reviewed version Queen's University Belfast - Research Portal: Link to publication record in Queen's University Belfast Research Portal Publisher rights Copyright 2019 Political Studies Association of Ireland.. This work is made available online in accordance with the publisher’s policies. Please refer to any applicable terms of use of the publisher. General rights Copyright for the publications made accessible via the Queen's University Belfast Research Portal is retained by the author(s) and / or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing these publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. Take down policy The Research Portal is Queen's institutional repository that provides access to Queen's research output. Every effort has been made to ensure that content in the Research Portal does not infringe any person's rights, or applicable UK laws. If you discover content in the Research Portal that you believe breaches copyright or violates any law, please contact [email protected]. Download date:29. Sep. 2021 #LE19 – a turning of the tide? Report of Local Elections in Northern Ireland, 2019 Lisa Claire Whitten1 Queen’s University Belfast Abstract Otherwise routine local elections in Northern Ireland on 2 May 2019 were bestowed unusual significance by exceptional circumstance. -
Political Journalism Since the Foundation of the State
Chapter 12 Social media and political communication Martin Molony The election of Barack Obama in 2008 was widely regarded as being an internet election victory. Greengard (2009, 16) described Obama as ‘the first internet president’ and there was widespread agreement amongst political commentators and digital media experts as to ‘how politicians and the public interact [would] never be the same.’ In the days following Obama’s election, The New York Times reflected on the repetition of history in the effective use of a new medium: ‘One of the many ways that the election of Barack Obama as president has echoed that of John F. Kennedy is his use of a new medium that will forever change politics. For Mr Kennedy, it was television. For Mr Obama, it is the internet’ (Miller, 2008). Commentators, such as Huffington Post founder and editor-in-chief, Arianna Huffington (2008) went further and believed that the Obama win was entirely due to his use of the web: ‘Were it not for the Internet, Barack Obama would not be president. Were it not for the Internet, Barack Obama would not have been the nominee.’ But was Obama’s win entirely down to successful use of the internet? Why did he win when, just four years earlier, Howard Dean had failed having used the same approach? One might assume that Barack Obama perfected Dean’s trial use of internet technologies but it is also reasonable to suggest that such electronic communication had come of age and that the electorate was sufficiently comfortable with the technologies to engage with their preferred candidate. -
Child Literacy and Social Inclusion: Implementation Issues
National Economic and Social Forum The Challenge of Community Participation in the Delivery of Public Services The Challenge of Community Participation ChildThe Challenge Literacy of and in the Delivery of Public Services Exploring Local Participatory Governance in Ireland SocialCommunity Inclusion: Participation Published by the National Economic and Social Forum in the Delivery of Copies of the Report may be obtained from the Implementation Issues Government Sales Office Public Services Sun Alliance House, Molesworth Street, Dublin 2. or Supplementary Report The National Economic and Social Forum Exploring Local Participatory 16 Parnell Square, Dublin 1. Governance in Ireland Price c7.00 (PRN A10/0511) ISBN 1-8-99276-55-6 The Challenge of Community Participation in the Delivery of Public Services Exploring Local Participatory Governance in Ireland By Chris McInerney, Tipperary Institute and Dr. Maura Adshead, University of Limerick A report commissioned by the National Economic and Social Forum March 2010 Table of Contents Preface 5 Introduction and Overview 11 Section 1: Why Participatory Governance – the Conceptual and Policy Context 17 Introduction 17 Participatory Governance – Tensions, Challenges and Expectations 18 The Democracy Rationale 19 The Public Administration Rationale 28 The Social Inclusion Rationale 34 The Public Policy Rationale 38 Conclusion 45 Section 2: Participatory Governance in an Ideal World 49 Introduction 49 Deliberative Democracy 49 Associative Democracy 52 Empowered Deliberative Democracy 53 Conclusion 57 -
54 Seanad Éireann 753
54 SEANAD ÉIREANN 753 Déardaoin, 24 Meitheamh, 2010 Thursday, 24th June, 2010 10.30 a.m. RIAR NA hOIBRE Order Paper GNÓ POIBLÍ Public Business 1. An Bille um Rialáil Leictreachais (Leasú) (Tobhach Ioncaim Carbóin) 2010 [Dáil]— An Dara Céim. Electricity Regulation (Amendment) (Carbon Revenue Levy) Bill 2010 [Dáil]— Second Stage. 2. (l) An Bille um Cheartas Coiriúil (Substaintí Sícighníomhacha) 2010 — An Coiste. (a) Criminal Justice (Psychoactive Substances) Bill 2010 — Committee. 3. An Bille Ombudsman (Leasú) 2008 [Dáil] — An Dara Céim. Ombudsman (Amendment) Bill 2008 [Dáil] — Second Stage. 4. An Bille Sláinte (Leasú) 2010 [Dáil] — An Dara Céim. Health (Amendment) Bill 2010 [Dáil] — Second Stage. 5. An Bille Cróinéirí 2007 — An Coiste. Coroners Bill 2007 — Committee. 6. An Bille Cumarsáide (Sonraí a Choimeád) 2009 [Dáil] — An Coiste. Communications (Retention of Data) Bill 2009 [Dáil] — Committee. 7. An Bille chun Airm Úráiniam Laghdaithe a Thoirmeasc 2009 — An Coiste. Prohibition of Depleted Uranium Weapons Bill 2009 — Committee. —Senators Dan Boyle, Fiona O’Malley. 8. Bille na dTeangacha Oifigiúla (Leasú) 2005 — An Dara Céim. Official Languages (Amendment) Bill 2005 — Second Stage. —Senators Joe O’Toole, Paul Coghlan, David Norris. P.T.O. 754 24 Meitheamh, 2010 9. An Bille um Chosaint Coigiltis Comhair Creidmheasa 2008 — An Dara Céim. Credit Union Savings Protection Bill 2008 — Second Stage. —Senators Joe O’Toole, David Norris, Feargal Quinn, Shane Ross, Ivana Bacik, Rónán Mullen. 10. An Bille um Chumas Meabhrach agus Caomhnóireacht 2008 — An Dara Céim. Mental Capacity and Guardianship Bill 2008 — Second Stage. —Senators Joe O’Toole, David Norris, Feargal Quinn, Shane Ross, Ivana Bacik. 11. -
Prohibition of Depleted Uranium Weapons Bill 2009: Committee and Remaining Stages Wednesday, 17 November 2010
Prohibition of Depleted Uranium Weapons Bill 2009: Committee and Remaining Stages Wednesday, 17 November 2010 SECTION 1 An Cathaoirleach: Amendment No. 1 has been ruled out of order on the grounds that it would expand the scope of the Bill. [825]Amendment No. 1 not moved. Senator Dominic Hannigan: I move amendment No. 2: In page 3, subsection (2), line 14, after “Minister” to insert “for Foreign Affairs”. The purpose of the amendment is to insert “for Foreign Affairs” after “Minister” because there is no definition of “Minister” in the Bill. Senator Dan Boyle: I thank the Labour Party Senators for proposing this amendment. I believe it is a drafting improvement and I am quite happy to accept it. Amendment agreed to. Question proposed: “That section 1, as amended, stand part of the Bill.” Senator David Norris: I seek an explanation, although perhaps it will not be possible to provide one. Did I understand the Cathaoirleach to state amendment No. 1 was ruled out of order because it caused a charge on the Exchequer? An Cathaoirleach: No, it was ruled out of order for expanding the scope of the Bill. Senator David Norris: I see. I thank the Cathaoirleach. Question put and agreed to. SECTION 2 An Cathaoirleach: Amendment No. 3 is ruled out of order as it would expand the scope of the Bill. Amendment No. 3 not moved. Question proposed: “That section 2 stand part of the Bill.” Senator David Norris: I do not mean to be pestiferous but how can a deletion expand the scope of a Bill? Surely it would contract it. -
Local Government Arrangements in Cork the Report of the Cork Local
Local Government Arrangements in Cork The Report of the Cork Local Government Committee September 2015 Contents Contents .............................................................................................................................. 2 Chair’s Foreword ................................................................................................................4 Executive Summary............................................................................................................ 8 Recommendations and next steps ................................................................................... 9 1. Introduction................................................................................................................ 13 1.1 Establishment of the Committee....................................................................... 13 1.2 Work of the Committee .................................................................................... 14 2. Setting the Context..................................................................................................... 16 2.1 A word on areas and their definitions............................................................... 16 2.2 The historical context ....................................................................................... 18 2.3 The international context.................................................................................. 20 2.4 The national context ........................................................................................ -
Challenger Party List
Appendix List of Challenger Parties Operationalization of Challenger Parties A party is considered a challenger party if in any given year it has not been a member of a central government after 1930. A party is considered a dominant party if in any given year it has been part of a central government after 1930. Only parties with ministers in cabinet are considered to be members of a central government. A party ceases to be a challenger party once it enters central government (in the election immediately preceding entry into office, it is classified as a challenger party). Participation in a national war/crisis cabinets and national unity governments (e.g., Communists in France’s provisional government) does not in itself qualify a party as a dominant party. A dominant party will continue to be considered a dominant party after merging with a challenger party, but a party will be considered a challenger party if it splits from a dominant party. Using this definition, the following parties were challenger parties in Western Europe in the period under investigation (1950–2017). The parties that became dominant parties during the period are indicated with an asterisk. Last election in dataset Country Party Party name (as abbreviation challenger party) Austria ALÖ Alternative List Austria 1983 DU The Independents—Lugner’s List 1999 FPÖ Freedom Party of Austria 1983 * Fritz The Citizens’ Forum Austria 2008 Grüne The Greens—The Green Alternative 2017 LiF Liberal Forum 2008 Martin Hans-Peter Martin’s List 2006 Nein No—Citizens’ Initiative against -
The Struggle for a Left Praxis in Northern Ireland
SIT Graduate Institute/SIT Study Abroad SIT Digital Collections Independent Study Project (ISP) Collection SIT Study Abroad Spring 2011 Sandino Socialists, Flagwaving Comrades, Red Rabblerousers: The trS uggle for a Left rP axis in Northern Ireland Benny Witkovsky SIT Study Abroad Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcollections.sit.edu/isp_collection Part of the Civic and Community Engagement Commons, Inequality and Stratification Commons, Peace and Conflict Studies Commons, Political Science Commons, and the Politics and Social Change Commons Recommended Citation Witkovsky, Benny, "Sandino Socialists, Flagwaving Comrades, Red Rabblerousers: The trS uggle for a Left rP axis in Northern Ireland" (2011). Independent Study Project (ISP) Collection. 1095. https://digitalcollections.sit.edu/isp_collection/1095 This Unpublished Paper is brought to you for free and open access by the SIT Study Abroad at SIT Digital Collections. It has been accepted for inclusion in Independent Study Project (ISP) Collection by an authorized administrator of SIT Digital Collections. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Witkovsky 1 SANDINO SOCIALISTS, FLAGWAVING COMRADES, RED RABBLEROUSERS: THE STRUGGLE FOR A LEFT PRAXIS IN NORTHERN IRELAND By Benny Witkovsky SIT: Transformation of Social and Political Conflict Academic Director: Aeveen Kerrisk Project Advisor: Bill Rolston, University of Ulster School of Sociology and Applied Social Studies, Transitional Justice Institute Spring 2011 Witkovsky 2 ABSTRACT This paper is the outcome of three weeks of research on Left politics in Northern Ireland. Taking the 2011 Assembly Elections as my focal point, I conducted a number of interviews with candidates and supporters, attended meetings and rallies, and participated in neighborhood canvasses. -
Second-Order Success, First-Order Gains and the European Electoral Cycle
Prepared for the 26th ECPR Summer School on Political Parties. The University of Nottingham (UK), School of Politics and International Relations, 12 September - 23 September, 2016. This is a preliminary draft that will be revised. Comments welcome. A Springboard to the Domestic Arena? Second-Order Success, First-Order Gains and the European Electoral Cycle Julia Schulte-Cloos 21 August 2016 [Word Count: 9250] Abstract European Parliament (EP) elections offer a distinct incentive structure to voters as there is no government formation at stake. Triggering protest and non-strategical votes, small and radical parties enjoy structural advantages in the supranational contest. While these patterns are well established in the literature, it remains puz- zling how success in the second-order arena impinges on the parties’ first-order trajectories. We lack a systematic understanding of the implications that the sec- ondary elections themselves have on party competition within the domestic arena. This paper posits that EP elections serve as a springboard for success in the national arena. The institution of the EP elections along with the different voting calculi therein has unanticipated consequences for domestic party competition. Drawing on a novel database encompassing the electoral results of all EU member states in national and EP elections since 1979, the temporal distance between these elections, and their position within the respective electoral cycles, I show that particularly populist radical right parties benefit from a spillover of European success to the na- tional arena. This effect is especially pronounced if the temporal distance between the national and the European election is close. The results suggest that the insti- tution of EP elections not only provides these parties with a permeable forum for politicising Europe and their antagonism towards further integration, but that the European campaign also bestows salience upon their nationalistic policy demands.