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From the Provinces: The Representation of Regional Identity in the British Music Hall, c. 1880-1914 by Nicole Amanda Gocker A Thesis submitted to the Department in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts

Queen's University Kingston, Ontario, Canada June, 1998

O Nicole Amanda Crocker National Libtary Bibliothbque nationale 1+1 of,,, du Canada Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibliographie Services seMces bibliographiques 395 Wellington Street 395. nie Wellington Ottawa ON K1A ON4 OFtawa ON K1A ON4 Canada Canada

The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive licence allowing the exclusive permettant à la National Lîbrary of Canada to Bibliothèque nationale du Canada de reproduce, loan, distribute or selI reproduire, prêter, distn'buer ou copies of this thesis in microform, vendre des copies de cette thèse sous paper or electronic formats. la forme de microfichelfilm, de reproduction sur papier ou sur format électronique.

The author retains ownership of the L'auteur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substantial extracts fiom it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or othhse de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimes reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son oennission. autorisation. i i A bstract This thesis examines the representation of regional identity in the British music hall, c. 1880-1914. It analyses the portrayal of the Wh, Scottish, English and Welsh in music hall song, costume and performance by examining advertising, photographs, art work, sheet music and contemporary accounts. This analysis reveals that the representation of regional identity in the music hall helped to construct notions of community which were based on tradition, custom and rural nostalgia. During this period Britain became increasingly more national, homogeneous, standardised and urbanised. The music hall refiected audience concem about these changes through the presentation of regional comunities which maintained their distinctive heritage through costume, language, tradition and regional character. At the same the, however, these music hall representations constructed a space for regional difference within the larger national community of the United Kingdom and its Empire. The representation of regional identity in the music hall offered audiences an image of Britain that was based on both division and inclusion, diversity and unity. iii Acknowledgements

I am grateful for the assistance of the staff of the Music room at the British Library, the archives of the Theatre Museum in London, and the Music division of the National Library of Canada. Thank you to Dr. Sandra den Otter and to the Queen's School of Graduate Studies and Research for making this project possïble. I wouid also iike to thank Jenn, Kate, Jamie, Ross and Kyla, dong with the other lads and lasses of the History gang at Queen's University. nia& to my Mends and my family, most especially my weli- diuffed Dad and my fantastic Aunt Lynne. I am, however, most indebted to Chris who provided indispensable support each and every day. iv TabIe of Contents i i iii Table of Contents iv Chapter One: Introduction 1 Chapter Two: Paddy and Kathleen: The Representation of the Irish in the Music Hall

Chapter Three: Jock and the "Queen Amang the Heather": The Representation of the Scottish in the Music Hall 64

Chapter Four: The Factory Lass and the Country Bumpkin: The Representation of the Regional English in the Music Hall 92

Chapter Five: Where Was Wales? The Representation of the Welsh in the Music Hall 116

Chap ter Six: Conclusion 128

Bibliography 132

Appendix: Figures, Examples and Contents of the 148 Cassette Recording Chapter 1 Introduction During the blitz, in January 1942, as Londoners sat in the dark waiting for the blackout to end, Max Beerbohm helped many of them to pas the time away with a BBC broadcast entitled "Music Halls of My Youth." Mter reminiscing about the great stars and the good old days of the music hall, Beerbohm conduded the progamme by saying: Perhaps you will blarne me for having spent so much of my the in Music Halls, so hivolously, when I should have been sticking to my books, buming the midnight oil and compassing the larger latitude. But 1 am impenitent. I am inclined to think, indeed 1 have always thought, that a young man who desires to know all that in all ages and in ail lands has been thought by the best minds, and wishes to make a synthesis of all those thoughts for the futw benefit of mankind, is laying up for himself a very miserable old age. 1

Beerbohm, however, need not have been so defensive of his interest in the music hall and his neglect of the "larger latitude." More recently, historians have looked to music hall entertainment as an important gauge of the attitudes, beliefs and values of the workiig classes; indeed, work on the music hall has allowed historians to broaden their perspectives and further examine the "larger latitude" of La te nine teenth and earty twen tieth-century life. The music hall has offered a wealth of evidence to historians studying such topics as class consciousness, gender construction and racial stereovpe, but despite the signüicant number of Irish, Scottish, English and Welsh characters and songs presented to audiences, üttle work has been done on regional and national representation. This is especially surprising

considering the current trends among British historians to explore issues of

1 S. N. Behrrnan, Conversation with MW (London: Hamish Hamilton, 1960) 21 9. community, regionalisrn, nationalism and notions of British identity: topics now especiaily relevant not only because of Irish, Scottish and Welsh nationalism and separatism but also because of Britain's dianguig relationship to the European Community and the inaeasing sense of a 'global community.' 2 The changes that took place in Britain at the tum of the last cenîury may in fact seem very farniliar to modem ears. During the late nineteenth and early twentieth cenhiry, Britain became increasingly more centraiised, homogeneous and national; small communities gave Wray to the larger metropolis; the rural population dedined and urban areas grew as huge nunibers continued to flock to the cities; 3 inaeased consumerism, transportation and communication systerns helped to standardise the nation; and local custom, laquage and dialed diminished. 4 The music hall has rightfully been implicated by some historians as an important part of this process of standardisation and homogenisation, as music hail owners fomed

2 For recent historical work on British identity see: Laurence Brockfiss and David Eastwood. eds.. A Union of Multi~leIdentities: The British Mes. c. 1750-c.1850 (Manchester: Manchester UP, 1997); Linda Colley, Entons: Foraina the Nation 1707-1837 Vintage ed. (London: Vintage, 1996); Roy Porter, ed. Mvths of the Enalish (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1992); Keith Robbins, Nineteenth-Centuw Britain: Intearation and Diversitv (Oxford: Oxford UP, 1988); Raphael Samuel, ed., Patriotisrn: The Makina and Unmakina of British National ldentitv 3 vols. (London: Routledge, 1989); Raphael Samuel and Paul Thompson. eds. The Mvths We Live Bv (London: Routledge, 1990). 3 The number of people engaged in agriculture in mgland fell by 34% between 1871 and 1911. The percentage of the population living in urban areas in England and Wales rose from 65% in 1871 to alrnost 80% in 191 1: AIun Howkins, Resha~inaRural Enaland: A Social Historv 1850- 1925 (London: Harper Collins Acadernic. 1991 ) 171 ,201 : P. J. Waller. Town. Citv~ndNation: Encjand 1850-191 4 (Oxford: Oxford UP, 1983) 8; For more on rural decline see: Jan Marsh, Back to the Land: The P9';tciral Im~ulsein Enaland. from 1880 to 1914 (London: Quartet Books, 1982); For more on urban growth see: Gareth Stedman Jones, Outcast London 2nd ed- (London: Penguin Books Ltd., 1971). 4 See Jose Harris, Private Lives. Public Soirit: Britain 1870-191 4 (London: Penguin 60oks Ltd., 1994); Robbins Nineteenth; For thedecline of local and rural diaIects see Patrick Joyce. Visions of the Peoole: Industrial Enaland and the auestion of class 1848-1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1991). national syndicates and music hall stars went on national tours. But the music hdalso provides important evidence of the working-dass reaction to these trends, as in the face of growing 'sameness', regional 'dialect acts' extolled and trumpeted difference. If, for example, you were to hdyou.rsel£ in Cardiff in June 1898, you might entertain yourself at the popular Empire music hall with an amazing variety of amusements: The programme aJl round is a very fine one, but of course the great attraction is Piper Findlater, V.C. Tt was late in the programme when he appeared, his advent being heralded by the playing of "See the Conquering Hero Cornes." koudly did he mardi round the stage playing "The Cock of the North" on his bagpipes. Then he played "The Haughs of Gomdale," and there were more cheers. The finest part of the show, however, was the really admirable dancing of George ~lilorn,who executed two Highland dances with wonderful ski11 and precision. Pat Rafferty [an Irish comic singer] sang three smart songs and danced in his own dever and original way. The Welsh Quartet te sang ''The Boys of the Old Brigade" in rousing style and then gave "The Banks of AUan Water" with rare effort. Ted Hanley sang with great gusto, and Carola and Thomas, the musical acrobats and humorists, their trapeze performances being both amusing and daring. A. G. Spry sang and danced to the delight of the house, St. John and Swight did dog dames with great agihty, and the Valjeans conjured deverly in Japanese fashion 5

The regional representations offered to audiences by acts such as these point to important trends in the music hall whkh are examined by this thesis: the promotion and endorsement of notions of local and regional community; the

5 Report in 'Provincial 8abbtencolumn. 'Cardiff" The Music Hall and Theatre Review July 1, 1898: 12 inseparable attention to a rural/urban divide; and the boosting of Britain as a unified nation despite its diversity. The music hall portrayal of regional charaders was a response to the threat of the deche of community, tradition and nual Me, and the growth of national urban standards. It presented and cultivated notions of Irish, Scottish, English and Welsh regional communities which relied on dialect and language, costume and custom, all of which were combined to constitute regional identities. In this sense, the music hall was part of a wider late nineteenth and eariy twentieth-century preoccupation with cementing the bonds of community. Although community was under threat, it obviously did not disappear. Historians su& as Ross McKibbin have examined the strength of working-dass communiües, reflected, for example, in Leisure activities such as gambling and sport. 6 Similarly, the music hall promo ted the notion of regional community. My own concept of regional identity has been uifluenced tremendously by Linda Colley's exploration of the subject Unlike Eric Hobsbawm, who argues that people tend to define thernselves by a single identity rather than overlapping and multiple frames of reference, Colley contends much more persuasively that men and women define themselves in a much less tidy fashion, that, in fact, they "shuffied identities like cards." 7 Regional identities were defined in the music hall by both similarity and difference; they were distinguished not only by traits or characteristics found in

6 Ross McKibbin mesand Cultures: mand 191 8-1951 (Oxford: Oxford UP. 1998); ROSS McKibbin. The IdeolpOies of Class: Social Rel-ns in Britain l88@l9SQ (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990). 7 Unda Colley. preface. Britons: Fomina the Nation lïO7-l8W Vintage ed. (London: Vintage. 1996) x; Enc Hobsbawm. Nations and Nationalism since 1780 (Cambndge: Cambridge UP, 1990)- cornmon, but also by the relationship of these distinctions to those of other regions. A regional group was sometimes defined in the music hall as an 'other' which was compared and contrasted to other regions and found to be remarkably dissimilar. NomLondoners, for example, were set apart From the metropolis dwellers and dehed by their rural peculiarities. At the same time, however, they were embraced for their common Briüshness and brought into the fold of the larger community of the United Kingdom. The regional character was, therefore, portrayed both unkindly and sympathetically and it invoked both difference and belonging. To the music hall audience and the writers of music haIl songs, regional and national identity were to some extent a question of race. 8 In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, cultural difference was often interpreted as racial difference, and while this was most visîbly expressed in the irnperial construction of a colonial 'other,' it is also discemible in contemporq views of the Irish, Scottish and Welsh. This, however, should not be exaggerated. As Keith Robbins points out, nineteenth and early twentieth-century constructions of race which induded the Scottish, Irish, Welsh and English 'races' were thorougjnly entwined with notions of

'national charader.' 9 'National character' incorporated both physical and cultural difference. tWethe music hail portrayal of regiond and national identities had racial elements, as it did feature physical dïfference, it focused much more on cultural differences and Warities- Music hall entertainment had its roots in the first half of the nineteenth century, when enterprishg publicans around the country

8 Christnie Boit. VÏctonan Attitudes to Race (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1971). 9 Robbins Nineteenth 10. expanded their taverns to include small stages for entertainment and brought in professional performers. As the numbers who attended these 'song and supper rooms' or 'sirtging saloons' grew, owners expanded their businesses and the music hall Bras bom. Music hall remained distinct from the popular theatre in part due to the Theatres Act of 1843 which disallowed the sale of alcoholic beverages and tobacco in an establishment which staged dramatic entertainment, and therefore forced publicans to provide variety entertainment instead. in the late 1860s and eady 1870s. the number of halls grew rapidly and more and more Britons flodced to the halls to see their favourite performers, leading to the so-called 'hey-day' of the halls in the 1880s and 1890s. In the 1880s there were about five hundred hails in London alone, and in the early 1890s the thirty-five largest halls in the metropolis drew nightly audiences of 45,000. 10 This project will focus on the period starting in 1880 which is often seen as the point when music hall became more standardîsed and unified. The large number of halls, induding syndicates of music halls around the country, together with inaeased capacities and programmes and the tours of professional performers, all helped the music hall grow and "made the medium a prime agent in the construction of a national taste in entertainment." 11 Audiences expanded at this the to indude a larger section of the British public and, as Dagmar K.points out, "the halls had never before catered to as many visitors from ail dasses of the population as

Gareth Stedman Jones. Lanwaes of Clae (Cambridge: Cambridge UP. 1983) 205; For an overview of the history of music hall see: Peter Bailey, Leisure and Class in Virian England (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1978) 147-68; Peter Bailey, 'Introduction: Making Sense of Music Hall," Music Hall: The Business of Pleasure ed. Peter Bailey (Milton Keynes: Open UP, 1986) viii-xxiii. 11 Bailey 'Introductionn x they did in the 1890s." 12 The demise of the music hall was ushered in during the htdecades of the twentieth-cenhuy by radio, film and American dance music, with television dealing the final death blow to a genre that could not compete. Although the music hall continued to provide entertainment for many Britons during and after the war, 1914 serves as a convenient dividing iine for this project, not only because of the decline of the halls and because the war is so often used by British historians to mark the end of an era, but also because notions of regional identity were challenged during the war,

"when national cohesion was put to the supreme test." 13 The growth of the music hall is clearly reflected in the contemporary popular entertainment press. The first of these periodicals to devote regular space to the music hall was The Era, an industry paper targeted mostly at performem and managers, that began reporting on the halls in 1861 and started its regular music hall pages in 1889. Regular feahws induded interviews with artists, songwriters, managers and ownen, reports on recent performances, and advertisements for upcoming appearances. Another paper, the London Entr'acte, featured a weekly sketch of a stage artist and the programxne of a partidar hall so that it was sold at that hall as a playbill. It was reputed in the height of its popularity to have a circulation of 20,000. Other papers such as the The Music Hall. The Stagp, The Sketch, and The Music Hallsf Gazette have less steady publication histones but are also usefd sources of information on the halls. 14

12 Dagmar KR The Victoriari music hall: Culture. ciass and conflia Vans. Roy Kift (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1996) 25. 13 Rabbins Nineteenth 1. 14 laurence Senelick, David Cheshire and Ulrich Schneider. British Music Hall 1840-1923: A Biblioarwhv and Guide to Sources. with a Suo~lernenton Euro~eanMusic Hal! (Hamden CT: Archon Books, 1981) 19. As the music hall audience grew in the last part of the nineteenth century, so did the demand for more information about the halls and their big stars. The fkst books published on the subject were written by reporters and agents who wrote down recollections of their own experiences. Charles Douglas Stuart and A.J. Park were the first of these joumalists and agents (they were both) to write a general history of the halls, and their book, The Varietv Staee: A Historv of the Music Halls frorn the Earliest Period to the Present The, published in 1895, is SUused by many histofians. Other journalistic memoirs by H. G. Hibbert, H. Chance Newton, J. B. Booth, Archibdd Haddon and Walter James MacQueen-Pope are useful despite their tendency towards nostalgia and anecdote and their frequent la& of important

information such as dates. 15 mer the Second World War, many music hall historians rehuned to original sources for their information. Harold Scott's The Earlv Doors: 015- of the Music Hall (1946)was the first of these and remains a valuable source. Later publications took a more 'scrapbook' approach, induding quotations £rom primary sources, as well as photographs, art and adverthhg material from the halls. Raymond Manders and Joe Mitchenson's Bntish Music Hall. a Storv in Pictures (1965), Peter Gammond's Your ûwrt. Your Vem Own! A Music Hall saa~book(1971) and David Cheshire's Music Hall in Britain (1974) are the best of these and provide the historia. with republished primary material that cmbe otherwise diffidt to hd. Nso popular at this tirne, when music hall appears to have enjoyed something of a revival, were collections of original songs, such as Peter Davison's Sons of

15 Many Iater music hall historians plagiarised whole sections from: H. G. HibbeR Fm Years of 4 me(Edinburgh: Riverside Press Ltd., 1916). the British Music Hall (1971), Peter Gammond's Best Music Hall and Varietv Songs (1972), and John GametYs Sixtv Years of British Music Hall (1976). Like the scrapbooks, these collections provide the historian with valuable primary material republished in more convenient collections. Colin MacInnesf Sweet Saîurdav Ni& (1967) takes a more analytic approach to the songs, frdglines, choruses, and occasional verses in thematic chapters such as Zove," Zondon Life," "Work" and "Holidays." Similar to this book is Chnstopher Pulling's Thev Were Singn~- - : And What They Sang About (1952) with its diapters on war, policemen and the seaside. Other works by Literary and theatre historians such as Ronald Pearsall and

Dave Russell provide instructive overviews of song material. 16 This project is also a aitical reply to more recent scholarship on the music hall. In the 1970~~the music hall became a popular topic for social historians. Because of their attempts to examine the daily life of the working dasses at toil and at play, publications on music hall topics or using music hall material multiplied rapidly. 17 The works of Gareth Stedman Jones and Martha Vicinus are perhaps the most weU-known but Peter Bailey, Penelope Summerfield and Hugh Cunningham have also made important contributions. Since the soaal historians' use of music hall material origindy stemmed from a need to fill in gaps in the historiography of working people's lives, it cornes as no surprise that their work on the genre focuses on dass consciousness, struggle and conflïct. They see the

16 Colin Maclnnes, Sweet Saturday Niaht (London: MacGibbon and Kee. 19ô7); Ronaid Pearsall. Edwardian Po~ularMusiç(London: Rutherford. 1975); Ronafd Pearsall. &&l& Poouiar Muse (Newton Abbot: David and Charles. 1973): Oave Russell. Rmlar Music in Enaland, 1840-1 91 4. A social history (Montreai: McGilI-Queen's UP, 198f)- 17 The hiçtorical focus on music hall was only part of the effort by social historians to examine working dass leisure actMties For example see: Bailey Leisure (1978); Robert W. Malcolmson, Pooular Recreations in Enalish Society 1700-1 850 (Cambridge: CambrÏdge UR 1973). development from the smaU unsophisticated halls to the larger syndicates as a class stniggle for controi. 18 Peter Bailey surns up this point of view on the music hall nicely: There is an obvious analogy here with the capitalist transfomation of industrial manufacture: the caterefs conversion of the pub sing-song into modern show business can be linked to the shift kom domestic to factory production, with the same organisational imperatives to economies of scale, division of labour and the speciaüsation of plant. Within such a mode1 the performers can be represented as alienated labour in rebellion against a new work disapline and the rationalisation and speed-up of programming that came towards the end of the century. . . In this schema music hall not only manufactures entertainment but a piVtiCU1ar ideology which further assimilates its public to capitalism. 19

This approach follows the downward path of the music hall from the 'authentic' working-ciass voice to middle and upper-class hegemony over working-dass entertainment. Bailey admits that this perspective provides a more realistic approach to the influence of capital in the halls, but rightly criticises its la& of attention to "contradictions and exceptions to the modei," pointing out the very important differencces between the entertainment star

system and the labour force. 20

Gareth Stedman Jones &O sees the later music hall as a 'culture of consolationf in whidi the working dasses learned to make the best of hard tirnes, and were easily swayed by what he sees as middle-class hegemony in the music hall. But while confrontational songs Sung in the 1850s and 1860s,

18 Stedman Jones Lanauaoes 230-31. 19 gailey 'introduction" xv. 20 Bailey ulntroduction' xv; I will retum to a closer d iscussîon of the class dynamic of the music hall iater in mis chapter. like W .G.Ross's "Sam Hall," may not have been popular in the later music hail, Stedman Jones has overiooked the more subtle and sophisticated ways in which performers did resist middle-class hegemony with songs that chdenged not only the dass system but &O quite significantly chdenged gender roles and sexual standards. 21 The regional acts discussed in this thesis rarely illustrate dass conflict or stniggle explicitly but this does not indicate that the songs faiied to respond to class concerns. The presentation of dialect acts, for example, was not solely a celebration of regional difference; it also celebrated dass difference. George Bernard Shaw wrote in the preface to his 1912 play malion, "it is impossible for an Englishman to open his mouth without making some other Englishman despise hia" 22 He was, of course, referring to the differences in dialect in Bntain which were products and indicatorç of regional location and dass difference. While 'Standard English' announcecl respectability and good standing in society, "vulgar" or "substandard" dialect English delineated low birth and disrepute. P. J. Waller argues that dialect was in dedine, not only because of improved communication and transportation, as well as increased migration and industrialisation and standardiseci education, but also because of dass relations which encouraged people in all regions to learn 'Standard English' in order to gain respectability.

23 In contrast, the music hall 'dialect a&' encouraged pride in regional dialect which simultaneously promoted pride in the laquage of the working dasses.

21 Ross's Sam Hall is frequently quoted as an example of an authentic workingclass voice in the eariy music hall because the lyrics are quite openly confrontational. The first verse begins 'My name is Sam Hall. chimney sweep. /Myname is Sam Hall, I I robs both great and srnaIl, 1 But they make me pay for di- I Da& theireyes.' Maclnnes 40. 22 George Bernard Shaw. Pvarnalion 1916 (London: Penguin Books Ltd.. 1957) 5. 23 P. J. Waller. 'Democracy and Dialect, Speech and Classn PoRics and SocM Chanae in Modem mined. P. J. Waiier (Brighton, Sussex: Hanrester Press Ltd.. 1987) 1-33. The social historians, with their focus on class, have opened up new areas of discussion about music hall and class but have at the same theleft many other signifiant areas of study untouched. The history of the regional halls has been neglected by historians in favour of the London halls and the Cockney, and it is pnmarily for this reason that 1 have chosen to focus on the representation of regional and national communities in this project. Senelick, Cheshire and Schneider's invaluable music hall bibliography attempts to open up the area of provincial music hall for Merstudy with its chapter on the provinaal halls, and case studies and local histories have also provided information about halls outside of London. 24 Dagmar Kift's recently published The Victorian music hall, translated from her Cerman doctoral thesis, places more emphasis on regional halls in Lancashire and Yorkshire, but much more work is needed in order to understand how these hails worked both on a local level and within a national system. 2s The focus on class has also left work on music hall entertainment itself largely unwfitten. Articles published in the two Music Hall volumes of the Open University Press series Povular Music in Britain and in the Studies in Xmperialisrn series, edited by John M. MacKenPe, have made important contributions however. 26 Music Hall: The Business of Pleasure contains

24~enelick.Cheshire and ~chneider99-1 24: For local histories of the music hall see Kathleen Barker, Wv Music Hall in Mstoi (Bristol: Bristol Branch of the Historicai Assoc., 1979); J. H. Littleiohn, The Scottish Music Hall 188Ckl99Q (Wigtown: G.C. Book Publisherç Ud.. 1990); G. J. Mellor, The Northern Music Hall: A Centurv of Po~ufarEntertainment (NewcastIeupon-Tyne: Frank Graham, 1970); Robert Poole, Po~uiarLeisure and the Music Hall in Nineteenth-Centurv Bolton (Lancaster: U of Lancaster, 1982); Moms Smith, 'Victorian Music Hall Entertainment in the Lancashire Cotton Towns," Local HiHorian 9 (Nov. 1971) : 37486; Eugene Watters and Matthew Murtag h, Infinite Van'etv: Dan Lowrey's Music Hall 1878-97, (Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 1975). 25 Kift, 26 Peter Weyl ed., Music Hall: The Business of Pleasure (Milton Keynes: Open UP. 1986) ; J. S. Bratton, Music HaII: Performance and SMe (Milton Keynes: Open UP, 1986). articles that attempt to further investigate the music hall business by examining the audience, management, promoters, artists and the battle over morality in the halls. The cornpanion volume, Music Halî: Performance and StyleI focuses on the entertainment provided on the music hall stage and pays more attention to the genre as a unique cultural fom. Any attempt to examine the reception of music hall entertainment is complicated by the historical debate surroundhg the class-makeup of the audience. Most historians agree that the audience of the early music hall was predorninantly working-class, but Dagmar Hoher's artide, 'The Composition of Music Hall Audiences 1850-1900," sheds more üght on the topic: . . .the composition of the pre-1890 audiences has become a subject of confusion, being desaibed altematively, as working-dass, lower middle-dass and labour aristmacy, as working and lower middle-class, as probably not ciass-based at all, as purely male as weiî as generaîiy mixed, and hdy, as 'fa too mked to be easily characterised at ail'. 27

After further evaluation of audiences between 1850 and 1900, through the use of reports and casualty lists gathered at music hall fies and panics, H6her concludes that the music hail provided entertainment "both for the family and for people who worked together, they catered for all memben of the urban working dass and also for sorne sections of the lower middle dass, with the middle dasses joining hesitatingly only towards the tum of the

cenhiry." 28 She suggests that while middle class attendance increased £rom

27 Dagmar HBher. The Composition of Music Hall Audiences 1850-1900,' Music Hall: The ess of Pleasure ed- Peter Baiiey (Milton Keynes: Open UP, 1986) 73; For accounts of the early music hall as a predominantiy working-class institution see: Stedman Jones Lanauw 206; Martha Vicinus, The Industrial Muse: A Studv of Nineteenth Centuw British Workina Class (London: Croom Helm, 1974) 239-40. 28 Hoher 75. the late 1890s, the music hall was not generaiiy accepted until just before the first World War. 29 While Whef s study is certainly the most thorough to date, it soll does not provide a definitive answer to the question of the dass content of the audiences. Her study relies on reports from accidents which were quite probably more frequent at the cheaper and, therefore, more working-class halls, and she leaves out the big West End hails in London which were popular with "sporting aristoaats, military officers, students, clerks and

tourists." 30 In the same article, H6her points out the increasing numbea of the middle class for whom the music hall provided entertainment outside of the halls; nurses and nannies taught middle-class children the songs, middle- dass adults bought the sheet music for music haU songs to play at home on the piano, and Christmas pantomimes increased middle-dass contact with music hall stars. 31 Dave Russell and Jane Traies also point out the growing middle class audience who, according to Traies, rnight have been a larger part of the audience than previously supposed because the invention of the upright piano in the early nineteenth century and the improved technology which made it cheaper to produce had, '%y 1880, made the piano a kature of every middle-dass drawing-room, and a statu symbol in every lower-middle-class

29 Hoher 75,88- 30 Stedman Jones Lanauaaes 205-6. 31 Hoher 85. and artisan household which could afford it." 32 She concludes that there was, therefore, more sympathy with the middle dass in music hall Song from

1880 on as they became an important part of the audience. 33 Nevertheless, it should be noted that the majority of performers themselves still came from the lower classes and the Song material refiected this tie. A conternporary who remarked upon the expanding audience of the music hall also observed that "the audiences, as might be expected, correspond to the social sale of the particular place of entertainment, but the Merences in the performances provided by the four classes of music halls are far less strongly marked." 34 The entertainment provided in the West End halls was, then, much like that performed in the lesrespectable East End halls, aithough Dave Russell's statement that "between the late 1890s and 1914, the music-hall had under-gone a total transformation transcending class, and became a genuinely national cultural institution" is probably an exaggeration, at least in this period. 35 Despite attempts by historians to define the music hall audience, in the end many have simply constructed the audience for the needs of their studies, placing the audience in artifïcial groups and drawing solid divisions when in reality the boundaries were far more flexible. 36 As Peter Bailey

32 Jane Traies. 'Jones and the Working Girl: Class Marginality in Music-Hall Song 1860-1900.' Flluçic Hall'- J.S. Watton (Milton Keynes: Open UP, 1986) 26; Russell Po~ular6,82: Russell and Traies also point out the growing middle class audience that not only attended the halls more frequentty from the 1880s, but aiso watched and listened to the songs perfomed in drawing rmms. by pierrots at the seaside. and in pantomimes where their favourite music hall stars often took the role of the 'panto dame'. 33 Traies 47. 34 F. Anstey, 'London Music Halls," Hamer's New Monthhr Maaazine Jan. -l89l: 190. 35 Russell Po~uIar86. 36 For construction of popular cuiture audiences by academîcs see Graeme Turner, British Cultural Studies: An Introduction (London: Routledge, 1990) 1534. points out, the audience contained many different groups who responded to different aspects of their Lives (income, gender or nationality for example) at different moments in the performance: . . . songs and acts celebrated or satirised partidar Spes or groups, sometimes doing both at the same time, drawing their targets from hide as much as outside the audience, inviting identification or disaimination simultaneously. The biilk of the music hail crowd were working-class, but as an audience they constituted a different and more volatile collectivity, dissolving and recomposing as memben of other groups by nationality, age, gender and stratum as invoked in performance. Neither a partidarly cruel nor fractious exeroise, its general effect was no doubt to reassert an overd cornmuni~of feeling, but arguably this agreeable dosure had to be negotiated anew each night. 37

As Bdey explains, the music hall audience was primariiy working dass but it was also remarkably diverse and contained other elements of sotiety. Bailey's notion of audience composition is espeaally usehl to this project since it describes the inclusion and exdusion offered simultaneously to the music hall patrons, some of whom identified with the regional communities portrayed on stage and others who discriminated against them depending in part on the locality of the performance. While this projed explores the representation of non-London identities in the music hall, rnost recent historians who have examined the music hall have focused their efforts on the London halls and London-based acts. This is not surprising considering the large concentration of halls in the metropoh and the huge nurnber of Cockney acts performed in the halls, but thiç approach has disregarded the tremendous number of halls outside of

37 Bailey 'Introduction" xviL London. A qui& glance at the pages of The Era shows that the managers, performers and other industry workers certainly did not ignore the potential profit from the provincial halls. The Era, like many of the other entertainment papers, dedicated a column each week to activities "From the Provinces." The Music Hall named a similar colum "Provincial Babble." The Mamet, another popular music hail periodical hom 1866 to 1926, was published in Leeds and drew most of its readers hmoutside of London. in the chapter of their bibliography entitled "Provincial Halls",Senelick, Cheshire and Schneider list 83 Engiish tomand dies outside of London, 10 in Scotland, 3 in Ireland, 3 in Wales and 1 on the Isle of Man with music halls. 38 This list of course does not begin to show how many halls thrived outside of London, as it only lists those p~apalhails that the authors found articles about in the The Era and The Builder, and much of the source material for local halls is buried in local newspapers. nie authors point out, however, that the "provincial circuits were soon as active as the capital" and that "Glasgow, Dublin, Manchester and Liverpool had nearly as many halls in proportion to population as London itself." 39 As this thesis wül demonstrate, this large nurnber of provincial halls had an important effect on the entertainment provided in British hails. The music hall offered its audiences enterthent both hmweil-known performers passing through town on their national tours and from local acts who filled in the rest of the night's bill for a cheaper wage. These locai ads often induded local dialect, custom, costume and humour in their performance, and the most popular of them often made their way to the

38 Senelick, Cheshire and Schneider 99-1 24- 39 Senelick, Cheshire and Schneider 99- London halls, where the success of performers was still measured. This import and export of performers encouraged both standardisation and innovation. Jeremy Crump writes that music hall "far from being a focus of local and regional popular cultural expression, served as a conduit for the permeation of national standards of performance and national imagery." 40 This view is echoed by Russell and Vicinus who identify the music hall as a key factor in the process of nationalisation, and even Peter Bailey points out that it was "kequent tours that made the medium a prime agent in the construction of a national taste in entertainment." 41 The music hall can quite rightly be labelled a national form of entertainment for all of the reasons pointed out by these hiçtorians but it was not as simple a process as some historians have made it out to be. The flow of influence in the halls worked in both directions with national standards and imagery altering the regional style and vice-versa in a more symbiotic fashion. Historians have generdy seen the trend towards nationalisation in the music hall as part of the decline of an authentic 'folk' voice and the rise of commercialisation. 42 This has coloured their attitudes towards performers whom they accuse of "exploiting their regional ciifferences" to conform to

40 Jeremy Cwmp, 'Provincial Music Hall: Pmrnoten and Public in Leicester, 1863-1 929.' !&,,uc Hall: The Business of Pleasur~ed. Peter sailey (Miiton Keynes: Open UP, 1986) 69. 41 Wley 'Introduction' x; Dave Russell identifies three key processes which took place in popular music from 184-191 4: expansion, diversification and nationalisation. He points out the need for more attention to the process of nationâiisation 'whereby most areas of England dev'ebped an increasingîy sirnilar, unified popular culture* and sees the music haIf as an important force in this process. : Russell Po~ular1.24; Martha Vicinus also points out that music halls played an important mIe in nationalisation. She goes on to say that 'Not oniy was fame and money concentrated in London. the system of booking agents. mastransp~rt~on and communkation made t possible for a single entertainer to visit ail major workingclass centres in a matter of months. Whatever song was a hit in London quickly became one in the provinces.': VicMus 249, 257. 42 Wey 'lntmduaionO vin-ociii. London standards which dominated the hds. 43 Russell suggests that "any provincial artist attempting to attain success in London was forced to offer a stereotype to their audiences," implying that regional representations were both narrow and misinformed and that regional performers were forced to cheapen themselves and their heritage. 44 This perspective, however convincing due to its simplistic villainisation of London capital, is itself narrow and misinformed. The music hall certainiy operated on a more national scale after the 1870s but, as this thesis wiU establish, the national standard itself was also both unified and diverse. Weit was only after achieving success in the London halls that most performers embarked on national tours and helped to 'indoctrinate' regionai audiences with their national entertainment, an impressive number of performers were not originaily from London at all. Sorne of the biggest stars in fact came from outside of London, from Scotland and Ireland, as well as kom Australia and North Amenca. The largest number of these performers who were imported to London did not perform material that pointed out their 'foreipess' to London. Many changed their names for the stage and put on Cockney acts even before arriving in London. Others did perform regional acts which became popular not only with the

local crowd but also nationdy or even intemationdy. 45

43 Vicinus 257. 44 Russell Po- 98- 45 Some of the big stars who did not hail from London and did not 'exploit their regional differences" on stage include Little Tich from Kent. Vesta Tilley from Worcester, Vesta Victoria from Leeds. Wilkie Bard from Manchester. Tom Costello and George Lashwood from Birmingham. TEDunvillle from Coventry, G.H. Uliott from Rochdale, Hetty King fmm New Brighton, George Leyboume from Wolverhampton, Billy Merson from Nottingham. Arthur Uoyd from Edinburgh. the Loftus sisters from Glasgow, Fiorrie Forde from Australia. Eila Shields and Eugene Straton from the United States and R.G. Knowles from Hamilton, Ont-: Senelick, Cheshire and Schneider 165-240. The music hall provided a 'national entertainment' for its audiences because it provided the sarne entertainment throughout the British Isles. The strength and number of the provincial halls allowed the biggest stars to sell their songs to audiences from Belfast and Inverness to Swansea and Plymouth. The national entertainment offered by the music hall, however, did not exist by itself as a separate entity, swallowing up any regional differences in its path; it was composed of many regional acts operating on a nationwide scale. Without the regional acts from inside and outside of London there wouid have been no national entertainment. London acted as a hub for the British music hall circuit but the combination of acts ftom all over the Isles allowed the music hall to provide entertainment that presented Britain as both &ed and diverse. This thesis examines the representation of regional identity on a national scale. While local acts made up a signuicant part of the music hall bill, it is impossible to examine them without an intensive shrdy of the local newspapers of dozens of towns. htead 1have focused on those performers who were popular not only in their home towns but &O toured around the British Isles. To do this 1have examined every issue of the contemporary entertainment newspaper The Era hm1874 to 1914, supplemented by a survey of The Music Hall and London Entfacte, dong with memoirs, autobiographies, photographs and artwork. Some of this material comes from the picture and dipping archive at the London Theatre Museum which 1 have searched extensively. The majority of my material, however, comes from the lyrics of the songs themselves because, as Simon Frith \rites, "in everyday terms a sons - its basic melodic and rhythmic structure - is grasped by people through its words, even if these words corne to us in fits and fragments." 46 The original sheet music used in this thesis was found in the music collection at the British Library and the Foreign Sheet Music Collection at the National Library of Canada, but 1 have also relied on republished Song material. 1 have approached the songs as written texts and although 1 realise the importance of the musical element of the performance, I have not attempted to analyse the music itself. Instead 1 will suggest that the simple singable melodies of most music hall songs allowed the audience to join in the performance, singing dong not only in the halls, but also at home, at work or while wallcing down the street; giving audience members further access to the songs and the lyrics after they had left the hall. 1 have also paid much attention to the visual presentation of the songs, since most acts were performed in costume and even the sheet music presented portraits of the character or performer on the cover. Costume was an important part of most music hall acts but was especially important to regional characters who were often identified by theit appearance as well as their accent or dialect and subject material. In addition to the interpretive difficulty presented to this project by audience composition, is dso the challenge of determining audience reception. It is impossible to tell how many people attended a particular music hall performance, or even how many people bought copies of a specific Song. But although one cm never be sure of the popularity of any but the most famous songs, songs were not usually published unül they had been shown to have at least some popularity, and therefore can be considered

46 Simon Frith, Perforrnina Rites: On the Value of P~pularMusic (Cambridge. MA: Harvard UP. 1996) 159. representative of broader social attitudes. 47 It is also difficult to separate the influence of the performers, composers, songwriters and audience on the content of the Song, but 1 have generdy assumed that the songs were market driven. Many performers wrote their own material but even those who relied on songwriters for their material decided which songs they would or would not take. 48 As I will disfuss in the next chapter, the performers in hun ançwered to the audience who applauded or booed the performances and to at teast some extent deaded the populariv of speSc performers and songs. Only recently have histon- tumed their attentions towards the language and meaning of music hall performances and the relationship between the audience and performer. Music hali material presents historians wi th significant interpretive problems. The humour of ano ther generation can be difficult to interpret because it is düncult not only to know why an audience regarded something as hurnorous, but also to determine what the humour sigufies. Does it challenge conventions through mockery or does this mockery in fact legitimise the authority that the conventions hold? Harry Laudefs act, for example, made jests at the Scottish küt, but the ovenvhelming message in his performances validated rather than challenged the tradition. The fact that later generations ceased to find Lauder's jokes hinny suggests that humour is contingent on historical context. The performance as an event is also dîffidt to evaluate not only because source material is difficult to find, but also because each individual performance had an element of spontaneity that made it unique. Peter Bailey points out that a

47 Russell Po~uldf95. 48 Anthony Bennett, 'Music In the Hails," Music Hall: Performance and Stvk ed. J.S. Branon (Milton Keynes: Open UP, 1986) 9, "knowingness'' rvas required of audiences so that they might 'get' the references and jokes uivolved in a performance, yet it is diffidt for the historian who pieces together the music hall performance through scraps of evidence to be 'in the know.' 49 My evaluation of the material has been ifienced by both Literary and culhuai studies rvhidi, despite the difference in subject matter, have led me to question the meanings produced by popular culture and representation. 50 1 do not intend to debunk these representations as unrealistic or false; they were created as comic stage characters and as such are larger than life generalisations and stereotypes whidi of course never reflect reality. 51 While an examination of Scottish household econorny or of misdemeanour charges against Irishmen may in fact disprove the belief that Scots were thrifty and that Mshmen were always drinking and fighting, it would do littie to explain the significance of these representations. htead, 1 propose that the music hall representation of regional * characters helped to construct regional and national mythologies which contributed to a contemporary understanding of regional and national communities. 52 These regional representations reflected the needs and

49 Peter 8ailey. 'Conspiracies of Meaning: Music-Hall and the Knowingness of Popular Culturen Pas.and Present 144 (1994) 138-70. 50 See: John Fiske. lntro@ction to C~mrnunicationStudiw (London: Methuen and Co. Ltd.. 1982); John Fiske, yndetmdina Po~uIarCulture (London: Unwin Hyman. 1989) ; Simon Frith, Musçfor Plem(New York: Routledge. 1988); Fnth it Turner. 51 For more about the tendency of historians to try to expose 'counterfeit' tradiions. and. beliefs see: Porter 4; Raphael Samuel. 'Introduction: The figures of national rnyth." Patnotism: The Makina and Unmakina of British National Identihr. Volume III National Fictions ed. Raphael Samuel (London: Routledge. 1989) mïi-mix; Raphael Samuel and Paul Thompson, introduction. The Mvths We Livea eds Raphael Samuel and Paul Thompson (London: Routledge. 1990) 4- 52 1 use the word 'mythologiesmhere and throughout the thesis, not as a judgment of the incredlbility of a belief but in the sense used by Roland Barthes who uses 'myth" to mean 'a culture's way of thinking about something, a way of conceptualiung or understanding it." : Fiske introducti~n88. concems of the predominantly urban working and lower-middle-dass music hall audience who, faced with growing standardisation, nationalisation and urbanisation, dung to notions of regional identity which invoked the traditions and customs of distinct mal communities, and allowed regional diversity to CO-existwith a national form of Britishness. Chapter 2 Paddy and Kathleen: The Representation of the Irish in the Music Hall In his 1889 illustrated book, Stage-Land: Curious Mamers & Customs of Its Inhabihnts, London theatre critic Jerome K. Jerome takes a hurnorous look at characiers presented on the late nineteenth-cenw theahical stage. Induded in his ['List of Citizens Interviewed" is a Stage Irishan (Figure 1). Ragged and unshaven, in hornespun breeches with shillelagh in hand, he scratches his head in a confounded manner. Jerome writes of the Stage Iris han: He says: "Shure," and "Beded," and, in moments of exultation, "Beghorra." That is all the Irish he knows. He is very poor, but smpulously honest. Kis great ambition is to pay his rent, and he is devoted to his landlord. He is always cheerful, and always good. We never knew a bad Irishan on the stage. Sometimes a Stage Irishman seems to be a bad man - such as the "agent" or the "informer" - but in these cases, it invariably hirris out, in the end, that this man was all dong a Scotchman, and thus what had been a mystery becomes clear and explicable. . . The Irishman, to remto our friend, is very fond of whiskey - the Stage Irishan we mean. Whiskey is for ever in his thoughts - and often in other places belonging to him besides . . . The fashion in dress among Stage lrishmen is rather picturesque than neat. Tailors must have a hard theof it in Stage Ireland. The Stage Irishman has also an original taste in hats. He always wears a hat without a crown; whether to keep his head cool, or with any political significance, we cannot Say. 1

In his 1991 artide "Staging the Irishrnan" Richard Allen Cave also desmies the features necessary to the stock or stage Irishman of the nineteenth

1 Jerome K Jemrne. StageLand: Curious Manners & Customs of Its Inhabitants (London: Chatto & Windus, 1889) 68-72 century. In an assessrnent of an 1861 play which intended to lampoon the stage Irishman he writes: In one brief episode every feature of the stage Irisluna, the stock Paddy, had been given an airing: the dishevelled appearance, the rags for dress and the shambling gait; the perpetual idïotic grin and the pose evocative at best of naive innocence, at worst of stupidity. For orb and sceptre this King of Misrule carries those emblems of iniquity, the keg and the shülelagh, implying a Me tom between the rival attractions of booze and violence, an indulgence for which his failure in love provides the excuse. 2

Historians of the British music hall have long assumed that the Irish character presented on the music hall stage was merely an extension of this

Paddy-stereotyped stage Irishman offered to audiences of the theatrical stage. 3 Dave Russell, for example, writes that music hall Irish acts "were then effectively stereotyping an existing stage culture rather than anything else. The Edwardian music hall Irishman (representations of Irish-women were less frequent), tailored to suit toms with large Irish populations, was almost indis tinguishable from his Victoria forebear." 4 Historians have no t, however, offered suffisent evidence from the music hall songs and performances of the period to validate theV assumptionç that the portrayal of

2 Richard Allen Cave, 'Saging the Irishman," Acts of îyprernacv: The Rritîsh Emwe and the staae. 1 790-1 939. ed. J.S. Bratton (Manchester: Manchester UP, 1991) 63; See also: James Malcolm Nelson, 'From Rory and Paddy to Boucicault's Myles, Shaun and Conn: The Irishrnan on the London Stage, 1830-1 860" Eirelreiand 13 (1978) 80; Nelson finds that plays with lrish themes and setting often focused on "the romantic past of Ireland, the lively and loquacious lrish peasant, the Irish cottage with its spinning wheel, and the lively songs, romantic airs, and boisterous jigs and dames." 3 See for example Colin Maclnnes. Sweet Saturdav Niaht (London: MacGibôon & Kee Ud.. 1967) 99. 4 Dave Russell. 'fhe making of the Edwardian music hall," The Edwardian Theatre: Wscin performance and the staw eds. Michael RI Booth and Joel H. Kaplan (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1996) 76. the Irish in the music hall was simply an extension of the stage Irishman of the popular theatre. Although they have easily provided a few examples of the Paddy stereotype in music hall Song, they have ignored evidence which shows that the music hall stage was by no means confined to this Limited and narrow view of the Irish. Dagmar Kift is the only music hall historian to depart from this view and she provides a more judicious evaluation of the music hall Irish: The Irishman was not only popular for his exoticism. In cities with a high proportion of Irish immigrants like London or Liverpool the character &O sewed as a figure of identification, someone who kept up the traditions and customs of his homeland &d put hem on public display. If one part of the audience regarded this as exotic, another saw in it an expression-of national pride and the upkeep of traditions. This was all the more true because the character of the Irishan was not always presented as a source of ridimie and scom. In this way it exactly Weda dual function which was the hallmark of most music-hall characters. It did not simply mirror a particular section of the audience; this &or confllaied a particular identiv and simul taneously dis torted i t. 5

Most historians have assumed that the representation of the Irish on the music hall stage mimicked that of the theatrical stage; this is an easy assumption to make before looking dosely at the sources. But Kift is right; the music hall did not simply offer the same Paddy and stage riishman representations as its theahical cornterpart. The music hall offered a space within the medium of popular culture in which there was far more variety for Irish characters on stage. The representation of the Irish in the music hall

5 Dagmar KiThe Victorian rn- and conflict trans. Roy Kift (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1996) 46. was not as restricted or derogatory as historians have claimed it to be and in fact presented notions of an Irish comniunity whkh was defined not only by ciifference but also by belonging. The Irish charader of the English theatncal stage dates back to at least the sixteenth century but the first music hall star to present the Irish character was Sam Collins, a London chtouiey sweep who was bom Samuel Vagg in London in 1827.6 Collins became quite popular in the 1840s for his comic Irish songs "Paddy's Wedding," "Limerick Races," and "The Rocky Road to Dublin," which he performed in a caubeen hat, green dress coat, knee breeches, worsted stockings and brogues whüe carrying a shillelagh. 7 Collins eventudy made enough money with his act that he took over the Lansdown Arms in Islington in 1861 and opened it as Sam Collins' Music Hall in 1863. After he died in 1865, his headstone was decorated with a hat, shülelagh and shamrock and Collins' Music Hall continued as one of the most popular in

London. 8 Sam Collins was typical of the early music hall Irishman, and most likely the perforrner that historians envisage when they write of the music hall Paddy, but even the image that Collins presented was not simply the poor, dirty Irishman of the theatncal stage. The cover of the sheet music for *'Limerick Races" (Figure 2) shows a tidy Sam Cobwho, despite his crooked hat, appears to be quite proud and confident as he stands at the races

- - 6 J. O. Barüey, Ts.Shenkin and Sawn~~~vof the miest Irisk Welsh and Scottish Charaders in Fnalish Plav~(Cork: Cork UP, 1954) 9; Roy Busby, Britiçh, Music Hall: An lllustrated Who's Who from 1850 to the Present Dav {London: Paul EIek Ltd., 1976) 39. 7 Walter MacQueen-Pope, The Metridies Linger On (London: W.H. Allen, 1950) 82 8 Frederick Boase, Modem Enaiish Bioara~hyvol. 1 (London: Frank Cass & Co. Ltd., 1965) 679-80; Busby 39- 29 in his clean and neat pants and coat, and polished shoes. 9 At the same time, a picture hom the sheet music cover for "Vilücens and his Dinah," (Figure 3) a Cockney character Song contemporary with Sam Collins' act, shows the singer F. Robson dressed in his comic Cockney costume of baggy, ripped, and patched clothuig with a broken hat. Pathetic and cowering with his hands dasped in front of him, and a sorrowhl look on his face, his appearance is quite different from that of Collins, who in contrast seems quite well- dressed. 10 An engravuig of another early music hall Irishman, Charles George, perfonning at the Borough Music Hall in Southwark in 1859, also shows the performer as a dean and well-dressed gentleman with a shotgun

under his amrather than a shillelagh. 1 1 In 1860 Sam Collins sang "No Irish Need Apply," a Song which

denounces English prejudice against Irish workers. 12 The ktverse begins: Troth I went out, the other day, on such a wîld goose chase, Tho' reading an advertisement to try and get a place: If you rvant a decent servant, Mam, I'm just the one, says 1, But the mistress said you did not read: "Xo Irish need apply." If to my counby you object, Just tell the reason why, And don't throw out that dirty slur "No Irish need apply."

The following verses go on to provide evidence of Irish contributions to the British army, literahire and politics, with the final verse cahg for a united Irish, Englis h and Scottis h front against foreign foes .

9 Illustrateci sheet music cover to "Limerick Races," colour lithograph signed Harry Maguire. Enthoven Collection, London. 10 Roy Hudd, Music Hall (London: Eyre Methuen Ltd., 1976) 14- 11 Raymond Mander and Joe Mitchenson, British Music Hall. a story in ~ictures(London: Studio Vista M., 1965) 44. 12 Quoted in UIrich Schneider. Die 1 nndoner Music Hall und ihre Sonas 1850-1924 (Verlag Tübingen: Max Niemeyer. 1984) 140-42; Thanks to Uta Gchler. Queen's University, for translation from German of the chapter in which this song was cited. This of course is not to Say that the early music hall Irishan provided audiences with a complete departue from the Paddy stereotype. In fact, it often dosely resembled the stage Irishan described as typical of the theatrical stage in both appearance and behviour, but there was &O a signifmnt difference. The early music hall Irishan was not defined by filth and raggedness as the stage Irishman of the theatre often was, and he cKned his shillelagh as an emblem of his uishness, so that the audience rnight instantly recognise him, in much the same way that the music hall coster carried baskets of fruit and the music hall Scotsman wore a kilt. This trend to present a cleaner, higher dass of Irishman in the halls was more obvious by the late nineteenth century, when Irishmen appeared rnost often in soldien' uniforms, and even more skiking by the early twentieth century when Talbot (YFarreU appeared on stage. OFarrell was actually a Yorkshkeman named Will Panott who sang in Northern clubs Erom the age of 10. After se~ceduring the Boer War, he went back to the halls in 1902 as a Scottish cornedian narned JO& Mdver but later switched to sinping Irish ballads for which he dressed in "shephef d-plaid trousers and black coat, spats and patent leathers, and a grey topper," sometimes with a monade, and renarned himself Talbot O'Farrell (Figure 4). 13 The audiences and critics soon dubbed him 'The Irishman from Saville Row' and he was very popular both in Britain where he perfomed in the Royal Variety Performance in 1925, and on North hencan, Australian and South Afncan tours. 14 CYFarrell's apparel led one contemporary to wxite in 1935:

13 Clarkson Rose, Red Plush and Gr-aint: A Memorv of the Music-Hall and Life and Times from the Nineties to the Sixtie (London: Museum Press Ud., 1964) 39; Mander and Mitchenson plate 248. 14 Busby 132-33; Russell The making" 76- . . . the most popular Irish "comic" of the period, Talbot W Farrell, succeeds in being Hibernian without Shamrodc, knee-breeches, and shillelagh. Next to WFarrell's ability to shg a Song of Erin, the most remarkable thing about him is the complete get-away he has made hom every sartorial tradition associated with music hall Irishmen. In appearance and method, he is utterly unlike any of his predecessors . . .15

This was not just OFarrell's style, however, but typical of the late nineteenth and early twentieth-century music hail Irishman. Michael Nolan, who was bom in Tipperary, also sang Irish ballads in more dapper apparel for British audiences as well as audiences in South Mica and Australia. A 1904 photo of Pat Doherty shows him in a dashing suit with a top hat and mous tache; an advertisement for George Lashwood's diaracter "Mister Pa t û'Hare8' (Figure 5) shows Lashwood in tails and topper, with white gloves and a cane; and even Nellie Coleman, a popular performer în 1904, billed as the only "fernale Irishan," is pictured in her advertisements as an Irish - gentleman with a long coat. 16 Horace Wheatley, a popular comic Irishman, also appeared on stage as the snazzy Irishan in a tartan vest, short jacket, and tall top hat (Figure 6). 17 An interview in The Era makes it dear that he consciously rejected the older version of the stage Irishman: On the question of the stage representation of the INhman, Mr Wheatley holds strong views, and vigorously deprecates the practice of some performers ushg red hair and green whiskers. ''Put

15 Archibald Haddon, The Storv of the Music Hall: from Cave of Harrnonv to Cabaret (London: Fieetway Press Ltd., 1935) 1TI. 16 B. Feldman and Co. adverüsement, The Fra Sept 17, 1910: 24; 'Death of Michael Nolm," The Eta Jan. 15.1910: 21 : 'Mt Pat Doherty.' msa9 Apr. 1904: 25; Nellia Coleman, advertisement, The €fa 20 Feb. 1904: 2 17 'Chat With Mr. Horace Wheatley.." The Ers Aug. 17, fW7: 22 on the legitimate Irishan anywhere, leave out all the burlesque feahires, and it will get a hearty reception," he says. "1 am pieased to see that the old- tirne idea of the Irishman is gradually dying away on the stage and soon I hope to see ail perfonners treating the character as it redy deserves to be trea ted. " 7 8

Wheatley was well-received in bot.the British and the Irish halls where he stepdanced and sang. 19 Qearly then, by the early twentieth century, the old-style stage Irishman of the popular theatre was no longer acceptable to music hail audiences. Shabby and soiled Paddy had given way to suave and spiffy Pat, who music-hall audiences felt was more realistic and a truer representation of the Irish. This desire for 'authenticity' can be seen in reviews of Wheatley's performances: Horace Wheatley, an Irish cornedian who is a genuine representative of his country, cornes an easy first in the race for honours this week. 20

It is scarcely possible to desaiie the affection of a music hall audience for Horace Wheatiey; quite imposs~iIeto exaggerate it. If we were asked to endeavour to account for the great hold he has on the house we should attribute it to his naturalness. His singing and dancing and patter are all absolutely his own, and that is where his power lies. .. . We are glad to see Horace Wheatley again. So many überties are being taken with Irish cornedians these days that it is quite refreshing to see him from the Irishrnan's point of view. Wheatley is a tnie Itishman - anyone who is a judge of the brogue can soon teii that Perhaps this is the reason why the

18 'Char 22: This is the only mention Ifound of 'red hair and green whiskers being part of an Irish act 19 'Horace Wheatley in Dublin." The Era June 20.1908: 21 ; 'Horace Wheatley in Scotland.' The Ers June 13, 1908: 21. 20 mPmvincialBabble." The Music Hall June 18. 1892: 17. audiences saw and appreciated his smart jokes and witticisms at the first heof asking. 21

The value of a good music hall Irishman was measured like any of the other performers of the music hall - by their accurate portrayal of the character. With the late nineteenth-century music hall audience demanding the debonair Irishman without his knee-breeches, broken hat and shillelagh, performers had to find ways of presenting an Irish character that was still recognisable as Irish and would not be confused with just some jaunty toff from London. The most obvious way they were able to do this was through the Irish names of their characters like Pat, Paddy, Patsy, Midc and Callaghan to name a few (although this was not always reliable since the most famous music hall Kelly was 'Xeliy from the Isle of hian'') and through their lyrical and thick Irish brogues which, as shown by the review of Horace Wheatley, could be a test of authenticity. But names and accents were not enough to make a character ring bue. Performers also relied on the 'national character' of the Irish to b~gthe role to life. This notion of Irish 'national character' in many ways resembled the earlier stage Paddy of the theatre. Many Irish characters were still characterised by thw feisty behaviour, fondness for drink, tendency to laziness, and eagemess to exchange tali-tales in their thick Irish brogue. But there were also significantdifferences in the Irish characters presented on the late music hall stage that show that the new dapper Paddy was not simply the same 'WOU in sheep's dothing.' The tradition of a quaint and rural Ireiand certainiy conünued on the later music hall stage. A large number of music hall songs present Ireland in

24 'Horace Wheatley: At the Palace. Grimsby," The Ga Apnl 10. 1909: 23. a pastoral, romantic, or idyllic fashion, with uish characters who have emigrated forever longing to remto the homeland where their families sit waiting in cute Little cabins. Home De Vere's song, "Over There in Donegall" desmies the "dear little homestead away o'er the sea" with its "poor red mud cabinf' whidi she aches to retum to. De Vere sang in the chorus: Over there in DonegalI Stands the home 1 love best of all Tho' the cottage is rather smd Sweet it is to see. Roses trailing and on the ground Three leaved Sharmock can there be found If 1 travel the whole world round it wiU always be home to me. 22

The chom of Nellie Gannonk 1895 song "Only A Few Miles Of Water" echoes this sentiment: For there's only a few miles of water, Only a sketch of the foam, Lies between Mother and daughter, In Ireland, my own native home. Only to see the old cabin again! How my poor heart would rejoice To see the old faces 1 loved, hdto hear my poor Mother's voice! 23 The cover of the sheet music of Gannon's Song (Figure 7) pictures the singer standing at the top of a diff that leads domto the ocean, listenuig wisWy to try to "hear [her] poor Mother's voice" while a smaller picture in the background of the cover shows 'The Dear Old Cabin." 24 The 1895 Song 'The Bünd Irish Girl" presents the pathetic story of Katie Farrell, the blind Irish colleen who lives in the singer's "native home, Lisscarroll" where she "knit[s]

22 Hany Beckett, 'Over There in Donegall" (London: Rossi and Spinelli, ad.). 23 Mander and Mitchenson plate 134. 24 Beckett (n.d.); Mander and Mitchenson plate 134. beside her mother" and "milks the cows at early dam!' 25 This image of Ireland as a charming and picturesque place that time had forgotten was not only porhayed by the British music hall however. Contemporary Arnerican songs like "Mother Machree" which was advertised in The Era as 'The Greatest Irish Ballad Ever Wntten," and the ever popular "When hheyes are smiling" which Talbot WFarrell sang to audiences in Britain, also helped to present a mmanticised Ireland that invoked ideals of pastoral innocence and purity. 26 Even very early films (at this time still called the 'Bioscope') showri in the halls presented Ireland in this way. An advertisement in The Era boasted a "most Complete Series of Films illustrahg the Beauties of the Emerald Isle, also the Industries of the Country. A number of Pictures of Typical Irish Peasant Life have also been obtained. The whole Series from a photographie point of view is perfect, whilst for general interest they are very hard to beat." 27 Some of the titles induded in the set are: "Scenes of Irish Cottage Life," "Scenes in an Irish Market-Place," "Potters at Work (Cork Exhibition)," "Getting in the Hay," "Milking Time - A Kerry Herd," "At Work in a Peat Bo&" "Scenes in an ksh Bacon Factory," "Irish Peasants Bringing Their Milk to a Co-Operative Creamery" - even the industry is ruralised. The hardship of dIreland waç rarely discussed in these sentimental songs and there was little or no discussion of landlord disputes, dass conflïct or even, perhaps most surprisingly given the history of British fear of papalisrn, religious difference. The idealised rural Ireland tw almost

25 C9arles Keeping, Cocknev Dina-Donar A Sonabook (Hmondsworth: Kestrel Books. 1975) 129-30;The Iyrics and music of this song are credited to R. Donnetly. 26 Maclnnes 100; 'Mother Machree" advertisement. The FJ~Apri112. 1913: 19. 27 The Biosmpe in Ireland." advertisement. The Era 5 Sept 19W: 31. completely purified of these hindrances. Dave Russell points out two songs about Irish eviction which show that the "tragedy of rurai Ireland was ruthlessly exploited" in the music hall. Todt Burn the Cabin Dom," Sung by Pat Ricks in 1894, and Felix McGlennonfs 1903 "Spare the Old Mud Cabin," tell the stories of families who are late in their rent payments, on the point of eviction, and then miraculously saved, but the Irish are not the only characters in music hall Song that are evicted. 28 The 'midnight fit' of other Britons before the rent-collector came is often featured in music hall songs, the most farnous of which is cockney cornedienne Marie Lloyd's ever-popular

"Don't Dilly Dally on the Way," which begins with the lines, "We had to move away / Cos the rent we couldn't pay/ The moving van came round just after dark." a Russell's portrait of the 'exploitation' of Irish hardship is exaggerated; the portrayal of nual Ireland in the music hall is at times sentimental and even tragic, but no more so than the portrayal of other regions such as Cockney London. 30 An important part of the sentimental dscenery of these songs is the female characters. The Irish women of music-hall Song generally fdi into two categories; they are either mothers or sweethearts. Irish parents like "Mother Machree" often sit in their cabins faithfully waiting for their Mdren to retum and the Irish mother, like all music-hall Irish women, is sweet and gentle; üke the Irish sweetheart she personifies the Emerald Isle,

28 Dave Russell. Pppular music in Enaland. 1840-1 914. A social histoq (Montreai: McGill- Queen's UP, 1987) 102-3- 29 Keeping 150. 30 Albert Chevalier's veiy popular song 'My Old Dutch', for exarnpfe,is sung by a poor oid Cockney to his wife as they stand together Ri front of the men's and women's workhouse doors which will separate them after forty years of marriage- The final verse concludes: 'Many years now. old gal. f Since them young days of murün' II ain't a coward. still 1 trust l When we've to part, as part we must f That death may corne and take me fust ITo wait .. .my pal!" : Keeping 116. "Kathleen." Irish women, like their homeland, are simple yet beautiful and they await the rehirn of the men who have left them to seek thek fortunes but promise to return again. Wdter Mumoe's 1906 song "I'm Coming Ba& To Dublin" teils the story of an lrishman who is fa.away in a gold mining camp and writes "a long letter home, / To one colleen, his id01 and his prize."31 The chorus is: Pm coming badc to Dublin, Pm coming home again; Pve made a pile of money far aaoss the main. Though for years that we've been parted Pve prayed to him above To bring me safely badc to Dublin Bay and the Irish girl 1 love.

The singer continues, "Though so many miles across the sea / Old Ireland and you seem near." There are many more examples of this Srpe of song, aIl with the same description of lovely colleens left behind in the beautiful country that has also been left behind. Michael Nolan's 1903 song "My Irish

'Pet Name' Girl," Alfred Hurley's 1903 'My Own Little Lüy of Killamey," . Walter Mwoe's "The Colleen Dhu," Talbot (YFarrell's "That Old-fashioned Mother of Mine" and Thomas P. Westendorp's "Pl1 Take You Home Again, Kathleen" all present this theme, but Michael Nolan's "As Long As She's Irish Shell Do" perhaps best illustrates the notion that although Irish women are not fancy they are particularly special. 32 The chorus prodaims:

31 Hany Leighton and George Everard. 'i'm Coming 8ackTo Dublinn (London: Francis. Day and Hunter, 1906). 32 Hany &den. Walter Munroe. and George Le Brunn, The Colleen Dhun (London: Francis Bros. and Day, n.d.); Haddon 177; John P. Hamngton and George Le Brunn, "My Irish 'Pet Name' Girl" (London: Francis, Day and Hunter, 1903); John P. Harrington and George Le Bninn, 'My Own Little Lily of Killarney" (London: Francis, Day and Hunter, 1904); Sixtv Old f ime VarkW Sanas (bndon: Francis, Day & Hunter, n.d.) 92-93; Hafflngton and Le Bninn, "te Gilbert and SuIl-ban of the Halls," wrote an extraordinary number of music hall songs, including most of Marie Uoyd's repertoire: Christopher Pulting, Thev were Sinaina: And what thev san~ abouf (London: George G. Harrap and Co- ttd,, 1952) 238. 1 don't want a lady with diamonds all over her! To play piano-fortes or "parlez-vooi So long as she's comely, And loving and homely, And Irish - rale Lrish! - she'll do! 33 Women who presented Irish characters on the music hall stage did not often dress in a particularly Irish costume. Most often they wore dresses similar to other female music hall stars, although they rnight have &en green ones more frequently, and some wore plain light-coloured dresses, perhaps to reflect the simplicity of rurd life. The only example that 1 found of a woman wearing an extravagant costume to present Irishness was Ida Barr, who was born Maud Barlow in London. She ran away at the age of 16 to make her fkst stage appearance in Belfast in 1898, where she appeared as a great success in tights, tassels, green sequinned sharnrocks and Irish harps,

before moving back to London and abandoning her Irish act. 34 Most female performers stuck to the presentation of Irish wornen as simple and quaint, an important part of the nual scenery; the very few who broke away from this pattern hinied to male impersonation and did not present Lrish women at all. Both Nellie Coleman and Nellie Farrell had brief careers in Britain dressing as dapper Irishmen on stage, but this aberration was far less cornmonly used for regional representations than it \vas for other music W acts, perhaps because it conflicted with the traditional female roles that were essential to

the music hall depiction of a utopian rural ideal. 3s

33 John P. Harrington and George Le Brunn, 'As Long As She's Irish She'll Do" (London: Francis, Day and Hunter. 1902). 34 Busby 21. 35 For more about drag in the music hall see: J. S. Bratton. 'lrrational Dress," The New Woman and her sisters: feminism and theatre 1850-1 914 eds. Vivien Gardner and Susan Rutherford (Milton Keynes: Open UP. 1992) 23-48; J. S. Bratton. 'Beating the Bounds: gender play and role reversal in the Edwardian music hall," The Fdwardian theatre: essavs on ~erformanceand the eds. Michael R. Booth and Joel H. Kaplan (Cambridge: Cambridge UP. 1996) 86-1 10. This comection of the Irish to the nual, old-f~shionedand picturesque was part of a larger trend within the regional representations of the music hall that sentimentalised rural settings and smaller doser-knit communities. As Britain became uiueasingly more urban and national, and as people moved away €rom the mal and local, the music hall responded by romanticising this 106s. The nual representation of Mand reflected concems brought on by both British and Irish migration to urban centres and constructed visions of a utopian pastoral Ireland untouched by modern industry and decay. 36 This rural image of Ireland, however, aiso provided a setting for an Irish charader, who like the 'old country,' was simple and out-of-date. The rural quaintness that was associated with Ireland could &O be seen as patronising, as the rural innocent was contrasted with the more civilised urbanites that made up the music hall audiences, and as Ireland remained locked in a rural past while England became more modem and refined. The most common of the songs that contrasted the rural with the urban were those that presented rurd Irish charaders lost in an urban world. "They Left No Stone Untumed," sung by Midiael Nolan in 1900, desaibes McCarthy from Cork's escapades in London, where he loses his watch and then has d of Scotland Yard out looking for it. 'With pride Md-arthy burn'd / When from the chief he learn'd / To find his fifteen shüling watch / Mdleave no stone unturn'd!" 37

36The worship of an iderrlised rural landscape in cantrast to the modern city was not unfarniliar in lrefand a! this tirne, As Tom Ganrin notes, many priests who educated young Inçhmen offered an 'urban-versus- rural polarity" which identified the 'evil city" with England and the"virtuous village" with lreland and Irish-language traditions: Tom Garvin, 'Priests and patnots: Irish separatism and fear of the modem. 1890-1 91 4," Irish Historical Studie~xxv :97 (1 986) :68. 37 John P. Harrington and George Le Bninn. They Left No Stone Unturnedo (London: Francis. Day & Hunter, 1900). This idea of a regional yokel who made his or her way to the more modern and more avilised city was a recuming theme in music hall song. Rural Scottish, Lancashire, or Yorkshire men and women were often part of music hail songs which contrasted the modem indushial life of the aty ~6th a rural life which in some ways remained stuck in the past. Although (as I will discuss in Chapter 4) the representation of the yokel did not always poke fun at just the rural characters, but often simultaneously mocked the urban counterpart, the Irish yo kel allowed working and lower-middle-dass audiences to laugh at a rural 'O ther' who was less educated, less sophisticated and generally worse off than themselves, boosting their own sense of superiority in a world where they were most often at the bottom of the ladder. Within the Irish songs, the yokel character is a variation on what 1 will cdthe 'silly Paddy' character in which the Irishman is presented as a buffoon. "What Did Patsy Do?" (Example 1). sung by Joe 08Gormanin 1901, provides an excellent example of this type of diaracter; the entire song relies for its humour on the silly antics of Patsy whose "brains were bigger than his head, and just as soft as wool." 3s But the inclusion of the 'silly Paddy' character is not always so overt. Paddy stereotypes are also disguised in the sentimental rural songs giving the Irish both appealing and unfavourable qualities. 'Tt's A Long, Long Way To Tipperary," sung two years before the first World War in 1912 and adapted later as a war song, is perhaps the best-kno~m of the songs which expressed the longing of the music hall Irish for their homeland. The Song manages both to continue the 'silly Paddy' stereocype (even naming its dim-wîtted Irish diaracter Paddy) and to portray the mal

38 Hany leighton and George Everard, 'What Did Patsy Do?" London: Francis. Day and Huntet, 1901 ; O'Goman recorded this song in 1903: Man Rust. British Music Hall on Record (Harrow. Middlesex: Generd Gramophone Pub., Ltd.. 1979) 183. sentimentality for Ireland. When Paddy hears the English sing "songs of Piccadilly, Strand and Leicester Square" while he is in London, he bursts into the chorus and sings about his own homeland. 39 "Pve Got Rings On My

Fingers," originally sung by Ellaline Temss in 1909, &O manages to mix the 'silly Paddy' stereotype 14th a longing for Ireland, as Jim O'Shea's wife Rose pines for Ireland in her new home far away on a "native isle" where she has become "Mistress Mumbo Jumbo Jij-ji-boo J. (YShea." The Song got its humour from the implication that only natives on some far away "hdian Isle" could have possibly made Jim 08Shea their "chief Panjandrum, The

Nabob of them dl." 40 The idiocy of the 'siUy Paddy' character was no t the only part of the stage Paddy that continued in the music hall; the Irish character in late music hall song was still quite frequently portrayed as having a fondness for drinking, fighting, women, and wild music and dancing. Irish characters often sing about "the spree" that they had the night before skiging their song. Mchael Nolan's "What \VU Poor Cdaghan Do?" (1899) begîns: By the powers! there has been a nice how d' ye do With myseif and some more of the boys; We've been on a mction, we've been on a spree, We've been kicking up such a big noise. They're all of them speechless, and some cannot see, And begorra Pm nearly the same. But I can't help laughing whenever 1 think Of poor Patsy Callaghan's name. As the Song continues, we leam that the boys ran out of money for beer and seeing CalIaghan (who has returned from war with his legs shot off) passed out, they pawned his wooden legs and his teeth to the publican "for a quid."

39 Keeping 168; pulling 81. 40 Peter Davison. ed.. Sonas of the BrÏtish Music Hall (New York: Oak Publications. 1971) ï7- 78. When everyone else has gone home, Callaghan sits in the pub nlth his mouth gaping open and pawn tickets where his legs used to be. 41 Michael Pickering points out similar themes in his evaluation of the 'nigger minstrel' acts, showing the resemblance between Irish and minstrel acts which in some ways Wedthe same audience need. Mhstrel singers presented lazy and drunken black characters who had many of the same characteristics as the 'silIy Paddy' charader. Music hall minstrel acts, however, did not just help tu popularise stereotypical notions of bladc men and women; like the presentation of the Irish, they also reflected British soual, dass and gender relations, and plantation songs often presented pastoral imagery of an imagined rural utopia. 42 But despite the similarity between the Irish acts and minçtrel acts, disparaging misconceptions about bladc people were unlikely to be challenged by an audience which was not only destitute of black members but dso had little contact or knowledge of black people at all. 43 The minstrel acts were almost always performed by white men in black face paint, leading a contemporary to tvrite, "When the nigger-minstrel can wash his race off after hours he is harmless; but the true negro singer is often a dangerous feUow to be let loose in a hd- we dare not be so familiar with him." 44 As 1 will demonstrate in this chapter and the chapters to follow, the Irish, Scottish,

English and Welsh characters were &O presented as an important part of the

41 Tom Conley and George Le Brunn. 'Mat Will Poor Cailaghan Do? (London: Francis. Oay and Hunter, 1899)- 42 Michad Pickering. ' White Skin, Black Masks: 'Nigger' Minstrelsy in Victorîan England." Music Hall: Performance and Style ed- JS. Bratton (Milton Keynes: Open UP, 1986) 72 84.86. 43 Pickering 85. 44 Pickering 72; W. R. Tierton. Fmm Theatre to Music HgU (London: Stephen swift and Co. Ud., 1912) 213. community of the United Kingdom. The music hall bladc character, on the other hand, was always presented as an outsider and never offered inclusion. By the late 1890s, the majority of Irish acts that presented variations of the stage Paddy diaracter had added a new twist; the Irishman's faults were now forgiven as Irish soldiers fought and died for the British Empire. Despite the dedine in the number of Irish soldiers in the British army in the late nineteenth century "it remained well in excess of the declinhg Irish share in the population of the British Isles." 45 By 1901 the army numbered 440,000 officers and men, more than 50,000 of whom were Irish. The Irish made up only 12 per cent of the total population of the United Kingdom but 13.5 per cent of the soldiers and non-comrnissioned officers of the British my.46 Irish regiments eamed great acclaïm in the Boer War of 1899-1902 where approximately 30,000 Irishrnen fought for the British army, 3,000 of whom suffered casualties. 47 By the end of the nineteenth century, when patriotic songs became more popular in the music hall, the uish were not excluded £rom the roll-call of brave soldiers who helped to defend the Empire and as such they were defended in the music hall as loyal Bntons. The answer to the title of Pat Carey's 1899 Song, "Where Are Ali The inshmen?" is that they are drinking, tehg tales and fighüng. But in the last verse we are told "Poor Pat is always to the front in any kind of strife," and when the General who is leadhg "a mighty British battle . . . [finds] out to his horror that his Irish troops [are] missing," and cds out the rem"Where

45 Davu Ftzpatrick, 'MiliWism in Ireland. 1900-1 922" A Militarv Historv of Ireland eds. Thomas Bartiett and Keith Jeffery (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1996) 379-406. 46 Fitzpatrick 379406; E. M. Spiers, "Amyorganisation and society in the nineteenth century" A Miiïtarv Historv of lrdana eds. Thomas Bartfett and Keith Jeffery (Cambridge: Cambridge UP. 1996) 340-41. 47 Fitlpatnck 379-80; Spiers 349. are all the Irisben?," the reply becomes "Right in front! where thay always are! You will find the Irishmen!" 48 By the same miter and composer, Midiael Nolads Song There Was Hooligan," presents Pat Hooligan who enrolls in the British army where he is caught drinking and seducing women. When the regiment sees battle in the last verse, however, Hooligan redeems himself: But when Britannia went to war, And wongs required a righting, A gallant stalwart Irish corps Were foremost in the fighting. The savage foe came on and on, And on to the attack, But though they numbered ten to one, Brave heroes beat them back. (Roil call.)

But when the roll was call'd that night one of the missing there, Was Hooligan, although his chums searched for him ev'rywhere. Had he tum'd coward to his corps and from the battie fled? Oh no! for when they came upon the forernost line of dead -

Chorus: There was Hooligan! GaUant Hooligan! He gave his life for the land that bore him; Whilst the British flag flew o'er hirn - There feii Hooligan, without any thought of dan - Like a Hooligan, a solder, and an Irishan! 49 The hishman's regional differences are supetseded by his loyalty to Britain and the defence of the Empire. The cover of the sheet music for Werty's 1900 Song "What Do You

- - - -- 48 Albert H& and George Le Brunn. 'Where Are Ail The Itlshmen?" (London: Franck. Day and Hunter, 1899). 49 Albert Hall and George Le Brunn. *ThereWas Hooligan" (London: Francis, Day and Hunter, 1896). Think of the Irish Now?" (Figure 8) has shamrocks surroundhg the singer's name and a pichw of the singer in top hat and long coat, shaking hands with a military man who does not appear to be represented as uniquely Irish in any way. He wears a clean and well-kept uniform with a short moustache; we only know him as Irish by the title of the Song, and the shamrocked lettering. The lyrics of the Song shive to make the Irish acceptable to the music hail audience not only by praising the courage of the fighting Irish, but also by downplaying the differences between Irish soldiers and the English, proclaiming the nationalist Irish to be "black sheep" among the Irish flock: Werve heard a few Irish speak out for the Boers, And the methods of England condemn, If they thought they were speaking the thoughts of our race, What a lesson Glencoe was to them. Their names may be Irish, their births Lrish too - Bladc sheep may be found anywheres - In the Fusiliers' wounded and glotious dead AU the names are as Irish as theirs! - The sort of Irishman who does and dares.

Chorus: What do you think of the Irish now? What do you think of the "boys?" You said we were traitors, but upon my soul, You read the names on Glencoe's deathroll! What do you think of the Fusiiiers, Who dashed o'er that fïre-swept brow? You used to caü us traitors, Because of agitators, But you can't call us traitors now!

For you the Irish have oft fought before, And pulied you safe out of a row, But people have said "They to traitors have med- The Irish won't fight for you now!" If those people wondered what Ireland wouid do When she stood up to face England's foe, Let them gaze on the lines of our glorious dead On those blood-reddened heightç of Glencoe And then like the foemen well they'll know! 50 hoDryden's 1899 song, "Bravo! Dublin Fusiliers! or Ireland's Reply," also stressed the idea that the Irish were not traitors but loyal Britons: Some dare to Say that Irishmen refuse to fight for Britain's crown; Some dare suggest that they should prepare to turn and strike the English down. What cowardly traitors, to try and incite Our soldiers to become mutineers! Those agitators have had their reply from the gallant Dublin Fusiliers. 51

Pat Carey's song, "The Irish are Aiways in Front" (Figure 9 and Example 2) provides yet another example of the redemption of the Irish in a sort of 'ûid by combat.' It reminds the audience of the help that the Irish have given to Britain in the past and calls upon all the nations of the United Kingdom to stand loyal and hue, to the red, white, and blue," together against their foes. Mchael Nolan's 1896 song "Play Us An Old 'Come AU Yeff' (Example 3) presents [rishmen longing for home as they work far avay in the Transvaal. When the Britons need their help against the Boers they quickly rally to their aid, singing "They're Britons! - And we're Britons, And Lhat is enough for us!" 52 There are many more songs that gained their popularity from this theme: far too many to indude them all or even a large portion of them. Rose Sullivan's "Side By Side" (Figure 10 and Example 4), Michael Nolads

50 Albert Hall and Hamy Casüing, 'What Do You Think Of The Irish Now?" (London: Francis, Day and Hunter, 1900); Mander and Mitchenson plate 135; Rafferty recorded this song in 1902: Rust 209. 51 G. D. Wheeler, 'Bravo! Dublin Fusiliers! or Ireiand's Reply," (London: Francis. Day and Hunter, 1899). 52 Albert Hall and George Le Bninn, "Play Us An Otd 'Corne All Ye'," (London: Francis. Day and Hunter, 1896). "Proud of Her Irish Boy", (Example 5) Feh McGIennon's "Irishmen Must Be There", Pat Rafferty's "Why do they dl them Hooligans?" and The Little Irish Postman" (Example 6) and Charles Whittle's "We're Irish and Proud of it Too", for example, were all very popular, and according to Tom Costello,

Dublin audiences loved his Song, "The Tme Irish Soldier." 53 The craze for songç that celebrated military victones and the courageous contributions of soldiers produced a huge number of songs with Irish characters and by the tum-of-the-cenhuy' the Irish soldier was probably the most popular of all of the Irish characters. Dave Russell views this tnunpeting of Irish military cornpetence as a mere extension of the Paddy stereotype of the fighting uishman, now "a virtue when directed against an enerny thousands of miles from home." 54 But the Irish soldier character was not simply the old stage Irishman brought out on stage again but now dressed for combat. Aithough the Irish soldier of music hall Song continued to exhibit Paddy character traits, the songs were' not simply a recognition of the profit to be gained ftom what were generally considered Irish character flaws. These songs included the Irish community as they did the English, Scots, Welsh and even Indians who were also

53 Hamy Adams and J. M. ~arribn.'Side By Side," (London: Francis, Day and Hunter. n.d.); Albert Hall and George Le Brunn. 'Proud of Her Irish Boy." (London: Francis Day and Hunter, 1898) ; Tom Mellor. Harry Gifford and Fred Godfrey, "We're Irish and Proud of it Too,' (London: B. Feldman & Co., 1914) ; C. W. Murphy, 7heLittle Irish Postman' (London: Francis, Day and Hunter, 1904); Dave Russell. ' 'We carved our way to gbry': the British soldier in musk hall mg andsketch. c.1880-1914' ed. John M. MacKenzie ~arlmmrialismandthemiI'rtaw 1850- 1950 (Manchester: Manchester UP. 1992) 68, 116; Tom Codelk in Dublin," The Dac. 22, 1894: 16; MaNa Vicinus. The Indushial Muse: A studvof Nineteenth Centutv Bnhsh. . Wo rùina bteraturn (New York: Harper and Row Pub. lnc.. 1974) 247. 54 Russell PobuI@ 116: See also Thomas Bartletl and Keith Jeffery, 'An Irish miliitradition?" Thomas Barttett and Keith Jeffery. eds., A Militanr Historv of Ireland (Cam brîdge: Cambridge UP. 1996) 1-25. Bortlett and Jeffrey trace the Irish miiiitrad'fiion and the Irish soldier's characteristics of 'reckless damg. spectacular ferocity and indomitable courage' back to the eariy sagas of Ci1 Chulainn. applauded for their brave support of the Empire. Ln this way regional differences were overcome (rather than overlooked) and the Irish were included as an important part of the United Kingdom. The songs invoked notions of belonging as weU as exdusion. By providing evidence of the Irishman's virtue they also responded to British fear that Irish soldiers were untrustworthy and dangerous and to the fear of the threat of Irish nationalism, 55 This formidable promotion of lrish integrity was expanded by the ht decade of the twentieth century so that it was no longer restricted to soldiers. In 1908, Dave Carter sang a ballad entitled "When they ask you what your name is." The singer's mother teils hirn, before he emigrates "Mongst strangers you are going 1 Who may treat you boy with scom, / But promise me you'll not deny / The land where you were born." 56 In the chorus she continues: When they ask you what your name is, Tell them ifs MoIloy. Where's the blame? - there's no shame In an Irish narne, my boy. If they ask you where you've corne from, Tell them, friends or foes, By Killamey's lakes and fells - The land where the Shamrock grows. In 1914, Home Forde (an Australian by birth) sang about some Irish lads in the pub who remind a tunehl Yankee that "It takes an Irish Heart to Sing an Irish Song." The second verse is:

55 When Wolseley was cornmander-in-chief in lreland frorn 1890 to 1895. he recommended Viat 'it would be well to get aüthe Irish Regts, out of lreland as soon as possible and not to send anymore untii Mt. Gladstone dies or istumed out of office.1 would not trust them in a flot here." : Spiers 348- 56 HmCastling and Fred Godfrey. 'When Mey ask you what your nme isn (London: Francis. Day and Hunter, 1908). Etry Irish Lad at that party, cried "Bedad, You're right Maloney sure, that's rnighty true for you; Anyone can sing songs that have a Yankee swing, But songs of Ireland must be Irish through and through: Just like the Shamrodc dies out there in foreign parts, An uish Song from other lips can't live in Irish hearts. 57 AU of thiç of course took place with a background of shained political relations between Britain and Ireland and poütical clashes over the govemance of Ireland. 58 With thk going on, some singers could not resist tachg Home Rule and its role in British politics. "Not Really" Sung by Herbert Campbell and Harry Nicholls devotes one verse to the Irish question. X. We've not lately heard of their Grandest Old Man. Y. Not reaily? X. Not reaily! To free poor old Ireland you know he'd a plan. Y. Not really? X. Yes, really! He said "Oh,this matter, I'm not going to mince! That she ought to be free, 1'11 the Engliçh convince!" So he tried - and he's never done anything since! Y. Not really?

57 Fred Godfrey and Worton David. "It takes an Irish Heart to Sing an Irish Song" (London: B. Feldrnan and Co., 1914). 58 The late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries saw 'the Irish question' take a prominent place in British politics with the Land War of 1879-82 and the Home Rule movement from 1870 to 1914. In t 886 Gladstone, who had becorne Prime Minister for the second time and had already made Irish issues an important part of his platforni, introduced the first Home Rule bill which was defeated in the House of Comrnons. He continued, however, to fight for Home Rule until the end of his career in 1894. His second Home Rule bill passed the House of Comrnons in 1893 but was defeated by the House of Lords. The 1890s and early 1900s was dominated by the cultural nationaîism of the Gaelic revival which ernphasised Irish literature and poetry- The formation of the Irish nationalist Sinn Féin party in 1908, however, marked a return to an interest in parliarnentary pditics. After the General Election of the British Parliament in 1910, the Irish party held the balance of power and in 1913 the third Home Rule bill passed Comrnons Because of a new laW enacted the previous year, the Lords would not be allowed ta delay Home Rule beyond 1914. Protestant groups like the Ulster Volunteers were established in opposition to Home Rule and Unionists pledged to do whatever it would take to stop Home Rule. In response, Nationalists formed their own Irish Volunteers in 1913. In 1914, the third Home Rule bill was passed in the Commons for the third time and should therefore have become law. Instead, however, its incemon was suspended by the onset of the Fkst World War and as result of the changes that took place in the meantime it was never enacted: J-C. Beckett, The Makinu of Modem Ireland 1603-1 929 (tondon: Faber and Faber Ltd., 1966) 376419, 50

X. Not really! 59 did enter the haUs in topical songs such as this, and the music-hall press sometimes ran political cartoons, political issues were not the most popular theme. 60 A writer for The Era wrote in 1885, "It is one of the greatest nuisances possible to sensible people who go to places of amusement to divert their minds from politics and business aiike to have the opinions of the daily papers reproduced in verse and flung at their heads by a music hall singer . . ." 61 Perhaps this is why topical songs tended to steer clear of specific political issues, and politiaans were presented as two- dimensional characters with whose name the singer was sure to produce a cheer, a boo, or a laugh. 62 Charles Stewart Parnell, leader of the Irish Home Rule movement kom 1880 to 1891, was Iampooned by the music halls not so much for his political stance as for the scandal in his personal life when it was revealed in

November 1890 that he was carrying on an adulterous affair. h3 G. H. MacDermotVs Song, "The Fire Escapef', remained popular hom its kt performance until Parnell's death in October 1891: Heavens! Wot a situation! Hardly tirne to draw on one's gloves! No chance of avoiding detection, no way to Save the lady's reputation - no way, no way - Oh yes, fthank Goodness, there is one! Ah happy, happy, 59 Quoted in: Laurence Senelick. 'Politics as Entertainment: Vctorian Music-hall Sangs." Vctorian Sn192 (Dec 1975) 157. 60 For examples of political cartoons in the music hall press. see The EmNov. 6. 1880. p 8 and March 12,1881. p 9 which respecüvely show a handcuffed Parnell heu by two jailors, one of whom is Gladstone, with the caption THIS IS A SUGGESTION," and Sir William Harcourt who 'WOULD STAMP OUT THE IRISH AGKATORS AS HE WOULD A NEST OFVfPERS," with the vipers named O'Connor, Parnell, and Dillon. 61 Quoted in Penelope Summerfield The Effïngharn Amis and the Empire: Deliberate Selection in the Evolution of Music Hall in London," Po~ularCuiture and Class Canflict 1590- 1914, eds. Gleen and Stepheo Yeo (Sussex: The Hanrester Press Ud.. 1981) 231. 62 For more about political songs in the music hall see: Senekk. 63 Seckett 376419. fthnce happy fthought! -The Fire-Escape! The Fire-Escape! It was indeed a meny jape When Charlie Parnell's notty shape Went scooting down the Fii&~s&pe!

Chorus: îharlie Parnell, Charlie Parnell, Oh you notty boy! Why did you ever interfere With another's joy? You want Home Rule for Ireland And you can't Home Rule Yourself! 64 More often, however, the music hall response to Irish political issues !vas to try to sweep hem aside in a sort of 'why can't we ail just be friends?' manner. 'The Great' G. H. MacDermott the performer responsible for the popularisation of the fmous "We Don? Want To Fight, But by Jingo If We

Do," and dubbed the "the Statesman of the Halls," &O sang "We're Much Better Off As We Are." bS The cover by Alfred Concrinen (Figure 11) portrays

John Bull holding hands with "Erin" who stands with a harp, in a shamrocked robe with shamrodcs in her hair. They reach out to each other in front of a setting Sun which, as it has not yet set, perhaps represents the British Empire. The lyrics remind the iistener that Britain is a nation of freedom and Liberty unüke "abroad, where they nile by the sword"; her geography provides excellent defence as does the united military might of England, Scotland, \Vales and Ireland. The third verse and chorus plead: Dear Sister Erin, your Shamrock so green Must stillwith the rose be entwined, Pm sure that your thriftiest chiidren have been Like us, both in heart and in mind; Then let's ding together we both have a will,

64 Eugene Watters and ~atthewMurtagh. Infinite Vamtv: ~wrevlsMusic Hall 1878-97 (Dublin: Giil and Macmillan, 1975) 110-1 1. 65 Charles H. WM 'We're Much 8atter ûff As We Are" (Nationai Library of Canada, Foreign Sheet Music Collection. no publication information given.). Remember shouid you go afar; We, shall be weaker, but you, weaker still, Sa let us remain as we are!

Chorus: We're much better off as we are! my Boys! We're much better off as we are! So let "No division," be our deasion, We're much better off as we are! The representation of the Irish diaracter in the music hall, then, was not simply a continuation of the stage tradition of the Paddy stereotype; it presented bo th an exotic d 'other' who couid be laughed at by audiences and a fellow Briton to be welcomed into the fold despite differences. This more diverse portrayal of the Irish on the music hail stage may have had a number of causes. The most obvious, but no less important, teason for the more sympathetic porhayal of the Irish is the large number of Irish who attended the music hall. By the late nineteenth century the Irish were the largest immigrant population in Bntain even without the addition of the uncounted men and women who were of Irish heritage but bom in Britain. Ah ,Most of the larger halls were in London, which had the largest Irish population in Bntain at this thne and the London halls were predominantly in working-dass and commercial areas of the aty, where the immigrant Irish were more iikely to live, work, and cmy out their daily business. Music halls were also extremely popular in Glasgow, Manchester, Bristol, Birmingham, Bradford, and Leeds: all cities with large Irish populations. Liverpool, the most Irish of English aties, had alrnost as many halls per capita as did London. The Irish surely made up a signifïcant number of such an audience

- - 66 Colin Holmes. ' i 1- (London: MacMillan Education Ltd.. 1988) 221; Keith Robbins. Tore and Periphery in Modem British Histary.' Proceedinas of the British Academv, vol. MX (London: Oxford UP. 1984) 291. and the music hall was most likely one of the few entertainments that working-class immigrants, like native British working people, could afford. 67 To some extent the audiences of the hails determined what took place on the music hall stage. The music hall offered a unique situation in which the audience could give immediate ieedbadc to the perfomm. Although similar in concept to the response of the theatre audience with its polite applause, the music hall involved the audience in a more "participatory form of leisure activity, but not a demanding one. The audience joined in the chorus, but if they didn't like the Song or the sentiments expressed, they 'gave it the bird,' and it was unlikely to be heard again." 68 Bob Dickinson, in his oral history study of Manchester music halls, provides evidence through his intewiews of "the power of the audience to judge, not just whether the acts tvere any good or not, but also, as a vital part of the creative 'ad-libbing' process, in which forgetlul artists evolved and improved their routines through the interruptions of Callighan the conductor egged on and laughêd at by the audience." 69 The power held by the music hall audience over their own entertainment therefore was significant Acis which gained audience approvai were hired again and if they were particularly popular they would command larger salaries and play larger halls, working their way up to star status. Less taiented or less astute performers who failed to give the audience what they wanted were less fortunate and probably went badc to their day

67 Laurence Senelid<. ~avidcheshim. and Ulrich Schneider, mshMusic Hall 1Mi 923: A BibliogLaphy and Guide to Sources. with a Swement on Ey(ppean Music-HaIl (Hmden CT: Archon Books, 1981) 99; Roger Swift. The Irish in Britain 1815-1914: Permancl Sources (London: Historicai Assoc., 1990) 13. 68 Gareth Stedman Jones. bmuaaes of Cl= (Cambridge: Cambridge UP. 1983) 224. 69 Bob Dickinson. 'In The Audience.' Qral Hîstory Journal Spring 11 :1 (1983): 53-54. jobs. 70 The Irish in the music hall audiences, then, had a meaningfd influence over the representation of the uish on stage. This was quite different than other entertainment forms that catered to middie and upperclass audiences such as the caricatures of Punch and other magazines that created the sirnian Irish stereotypes examined by L. Perry

Curtis Jr. in his influentid book hes and Annels: The lrishman in Victorian

Caricature. 71 These magazines were geared towards a different audience and the immigrant Irish would have had üttle influence over their content. The Irish living in Britain rnight have had more influence on music hall than any other entertainment. The substantial amount of influence of Irish music-hall audiences explains why the Irish represented in the music hall were not simply an extension of the dirty, stupid Paddy stereotype portrayed on the theatrical stage. The InSh character songs presented the idea of an idealised rural Irish community to an urban audience which had lost its comection to the homeland. It ailowed the Irish space within the United Kingdom, constructing a relationship between not only Ireland and the rest of the

United Kingdom but also between Ireland and the British Empire. It &O allowed the lrish to laugh at themselves. Sheridan Gilley points out that the Paddy character of popular bdad literature which often pronioted pride in fighting and drinking was partly an Irish aeation: "the Irish were able to

70 Some historians have argued that the amount of control exercised by managers and owners over music hail acts let the audience with little choice in their entertainment. Mile it is true that these people did have controi over the booking and hiring of acts, once on stage the audience had the last word on a perfonner's success. Smart managers who wished their business continued prosperity would also be more likely to provide the audience with the entertainment they demanded rnost. 71 L Ferry Curtis Jc. &es and Anaels: The lrishman in Vidorïan Cakaturg (Washington D.C.: Srnithsonian Instilution Press. 1971); For a contemporary theatrical refutaaon of the stage Irishman see George Bernard Shaw's 1904 play "John Bull's Other Island". laugh at themselves, and they sang about the very symbols of backwardness which Englishmen also laughed at in their picture of 'Paddy'. " 72 The portrayal of the Irish in the British music hail may have at Limes been derogatory, but it also reflected the influence of the Irish over the entertainment form. It was not just in Britain, however, that Lnsh audiences heiped to direct the portrayal of Irish men and women and Irish issues in the music hall. As eariy as 1868, there were four halls in Dublin and three in Belfast listed in The Era Ahanack, and English music hall stars frequentiy toured the Irish halls. 73 In 1900, D. P. ~Moran'snationalist paper, The Leader, reacted to the popularity of the Irish music halls and complained that "Imported Amusements" of which the music hall was one, were "regular night-schools for Anglicisation." 74 W. B. Yeats had a reaction of similar disgust. He wrote to his father in 1909, complaining about the entertainment: Life is never the same twice and so ca~otbe generalized. When you go from an Irish country district, where there are good manners, old songs, oid stories and good talk, the folk mind, tu an Irish country town, generalization meets one in music- hdsongs with their mechanical rhythm, or in thoughts taken from the newspapers. 75

James Joyce, on the other hand, often attended the halls and frequently sang music hdnumbers at family get-togethers; according to Edna O'Brien, near

72 Sheridan Gilley, 'English Attitudes to the Irish in England. 178û-19Oû" lmmiarants and Minanties in British Societv. ed. Colin Holmes. (London: George Allen and Unwin. 1978) 84. 73 'Music Halls in Great Britain." The Erulrnm 1868: 63. 74 Cited in Ulrich Schneider. "A Rollicking Raffling Song of the Halls': Joyce and the Music Halill.' Pickino Un Airs: hearina the music in Jovce's te* ed.. Ruth Bauede. (Urbana: U of Illinois Press, 1993) 69. 75 W. B. Yeats. The Letters of W. B. Yeats ad. Allan Wade (London: Rupert Hart-Davis 1954) 534, the end of his Me when Joyce lived in Pans, the orchestra at his Favourite restaurant played "It's A Long Way To Tipperary" when he entered the room. 76 His brother, Stanislaus, wrote in his diary, "Jim considers the music- hall, not poehy, a aiticism of life"; this may in part explain why the witer induded so many references to music hall Song in his work. 77 Famous acts such as Charles Cobum, Jolly Nash, G. H.Chirgwin, Harry Rickards, George Leyboume, Lottie Collins, Vesta Tilley, Pat Rafferty, Tom Costeiio, Marie Lloyd, Little Tich, Harry Lauder, and Vesta Victoria drew audiences to the local halls when they toured Ireland. Audiences in Ireland, then, also had a direct innuence over British music hall entertainment and interestingly, English perfomers who were popular in England for their jingoistic songs which boasted the bravura of the empire also drew large audiences in Irish halls. G. H. MacDermott, known for his Jingo Song that is said to be responsïble for the popularity of the term 'jingoism' and for his pro- Imperia1 lwcs, was very popular at the Dublin halls between 1882 and 1889.78 The local Irish halls were also able to feature their own style of Irish music hall, with local acts that filled in between the more famous performers. Although a discussion of the various ways in whidi individual commmities used their halls for local entertainment is beyond the scope of this thesis, some exarnpIes of this repertoire are worth mentioning. In Dublin for example, there was a presentation of "Shamus CY Men, a Taie of the Ninety- Eight Rebellionf8on July 12,1880, as a counter-demonstration to the usual July 12 activities, and in 1881, there was a Christmas preview for the Great

76 Ruth Bauerle. ed.. The James Joyce Sonabool( (NY: Garland Pub. Inc.. 1982) 574. 77 George H. HeaJey, ed.. The Cornolete Dublin Diay of Stanislaus Jovc~(Ithaca NY: Corndl UP, 1962) 38; For more on Joyce and the music hall see: Matthew J-C. Hodgart and Mabel P- Worthington, Sonas in the Works of James Jovca (NY: Temple UP. 1959); Schneider 67-104. 78 Watters and Murtagh 40.45. 53. 50.71.75. 103, 149.155. Exhibition of Irish Crafts and Manufactures to be held in the summer of 1882, entitled "Erin's Awakening, or An Exhibition Rehearsed." 79 Many songs were also intended to be performed solely for Irish audiences; "Killaloe," a popular comic Song in 1888, was about a French teacher who cornes to teach at an Irish village school. The Song concludes with the lines: Wefredi kish tenants here and we're all prepared to swear That to the Irish language we'il be bue, But we all wid one consent, when they ax us for the tent, Sure we answer hem in Frinch in Killaloe. One native Irish singer, Pat Feeney, even played the revolutionary Robert

Ernmett as part of his act. 81 On rare occasions an Irish music hall Song would become popular in Britain as well; "Maaiamara's Band", an Irish music hall favourite that remains a well-known Song today, was written by the manager of the Belfast Alhambra hall. 82 Many performers of Irish ach were not of Irish descent. Sam Collins, the London chimney sweep, and Talbot O'Farrell, the Yorkshireman, are perhaps the most famous. Despite these examples, however, there were also many more successful Irish performers who were actuaily of Irish descent; one of the earliest of these performers (and also one of the few whose history has been written) was Dan Lowrey. In 1829, the Lowrey family left Ireland for England and Dan Lowrey grew up in Leeds. Mer working as a textile dyer, he became an Irish comic singer in Liverpool tavems and early halls and by 1857,

79 Wattersand Murtagh 24.48. 80 Watters and Murtagh 97. 81 Watters and Murtagh 97. 82 Watters and Murtsgh 104. Further examination of the rehüonship between the local Irish music halls and the British music hall genre could provide vaiuable insight into the rnethod by which culture is foned. transmined and exchanged between nations, the power relationships that effect this process. and the resulting cultural and political change. at the age of 34, he had made enough money from his Irish act to buy his own tavem in Liverpool. Around 1860, Dan left his son in charge of the two Liverpool halls he now owned and moved to Belfast where he opened the Alhambra in 1871. Hesold it in 1879 when he bought Henry Connell's Monster Saloon, often claimed to be the first Dublin music hall, which he enlarged and called "Dan Lowrey's Star of Erin Music Hd." The Liverpool halls were sold in 1881 and the rest of the family moved to Dublin where they continued in the music hall business at the Star of Erin until it was dosed in 1897. The whole family was involved in the business and Dan was not the only performer; his grandson Thomas also performed an Irish comedy act for several years. 83 Joe O'Gorman, Horace Wheatley and Shaun Glenville, al1 born in Dublin, and Michael Nolan, born in Tipperary, were also all Irish performers who became famous in Britain with their Irish acts. $4 Of course, many other music hail singers of Irish birth or background made their fortunes not by singing Irish songs at all. Bessie Bellwood, who was bom in the north of Ireland and whose real name was Elizabeth Mahony, began singing Irish ballads once a week in a London tavern to supplernent the incorne she made as a rabbit-skinner, but she became farnous for the Cockney songs she later sang in the music halls. 85 Kate Camey made her debut in 1890 with Whsongs, and her kthit Song was Were's My Love to Old Ireland" but she is better known for the coster and Jewish a& whidi made her famous. 86 Tom Costello, from a Birmingham Irish family, sang a few Irish songs but is best-known for his song "Cornrades" which became a huge

83 Watters and Murtagh 10-1 1.12 13. 15-18. 23.40, 169. 84 Büc;bv 68,1334. 85 Busby 23. 86 Busby 31. hit during Word \Var 1. 87

Talented or resouceful Irish were &O able to become involved in other aspects of the music hall business. Alfred Concanen, an artist of Trish descent, bom in London in 1835, has been called the "greatest name in the execution of pictorial sheet music covers." 8s He worked on sheet music covers from 1858 untiI his death in 1886 and over 400 sheet music covers that he designed have been traced. 89 Other Irish entrepreneurs, like Dan Lowrey, became involved in the business aspect of the halls. Oswald Stoll, who was born in Austraüa to Irish immigrant parents was perhaps the most powerful man in the music hall business when he ran his huge chain of syndicated music hails, 90 But despite the fact that the Irish had much more influence over the popular entertainment of the music hall than they did in so many other forms of British entertainment, music hail should not be heralded as a forum that provided radical images and impressions of the Irish people and Irish politics. Nationalism, for example, was not an acceptable aspect of Irishness to discuss in the British music halls although it was popular in Amerka. Feiix McGlemon, a Manchester composer and publisher of music hall material who had written over 4000 songs by 1894, wrote different material for the US. market than he did for the British hails. For the American public he set several poems by the nationalist Young Ireland member Thomas Davis to music. 'This Native Land of Mine," one of these radical songs, had a

87 Busby 41 ; ii. G. Hibbert, Fiftv Years of a Lgndoner's (London: Grant Richards. 1916) 55; George LeRoy, Music Hall Stars of the Nineties (London: British Technicai and General Press, t 952) 25.41.45; Maclnnes 28-29; Mander and Mitchenson 60.85. 88 Mander and Mitchenson 46, 89 Ronaid Pearsall. Victonan Sheet Music Coverî (Detrol: Gale Research Co.. 1972) 78. 90 Mander and Mitchenson 28. chorus which proudly prodairned "Pd freely die to save her, / This native land of mine." 91 McGlennon also composed his own nationalist songs such as 'The Irish Rebel Emigrants' and 'Who Fears to Speak of '98?.' These songs, however, were published and performed in the United States and McGlennon8sBritish music hall material was quite different. For the British audience McGlemon composed pahiotic songs like "Sons of the Sea" which praised the British Empire. 92 His 1899 Song ''Motherland or Australia Will Be There" provides an excellent example of the jingoistic sentiment common to many of his songs written for the British market: Mo therland! Motherland Tho' your sons have cross'd the sea, They have spread the Empire in your name Great, glorious and free. Plant the flag, plant the flag, Let the world know 'tis our dream To never, never rest until Our Empire is supreme!

*.. One land, one language, one great King, One glorious old fiag! 93 Clearly, there was a limit to the freedom of expression dowed in the representation of Irishness in the British music hall. McClennon knew both his herican and British audiences tvell and wrote appropriately for each one. Nationalkt rhetoric was not acceptable to the British music hall audience despite its popularity in the United States. Dave Russell concludes from the contradiction offered in the work of

- 91 Felix McGlennon and Thomas Davisl This Native land Of Minea (London: McGlennon's Publishing House, 1904) 4. This original sheet music was located in the National Library of Canada's foreign sheet music collection. It is interesting to notethat a Belfast music shop has staniped the cover, indicaüng that mis particular copy was bought in Beifast 92 Russell. PODW92-93. ; 93 Felk McGlennon. 'Mothedand or Ausbalia WiII Be Theren (London: Francis. Day and Hunter, 1899). McGlemon and others, that song-writers wrote solely for money, and can not therefore be used as an accurate meamre of audience taste because it was only a song-writer's financial motivation that drove the composition of the

Song. 94 What he fails to notice is that financial motivation can no t be separated from audience tastes. Composers of music hall numbers knew which songs and topics would seil in the halls and in the sheet music and which songs would not. Their motivation was hancial of course, and it is for precisely this reason that the songs reflect what the people wanted to hear and not solely the whim of the song-writer. %kGlemon himself said in an interview tvith The Era: AU my life I have hzed to produce an article for which there is a public demand. . . When I was kt induced to write songs for the herican public, 1 went over to henca to inform myself as to the taste of American audiences. . . The ultimate object of a Song is of course, to get published, to get on to the street organs. It is not the kid-gloved critics in the stalls, the exninent üterary men, who do the kick for you, but the people in the pit and gdery, who are not afraid to shout their approval or disapproval. 95

While the British music hall may have provided more opporhinity for Irish influence and control than other British entertainrnents of its the, and therefore may have presented audiences with more than simply the stage Irishman or the Paddy stereotype of the conternporary theatre, it still offered a somewhat restricted representation of the Irish as it stiU catered to a predominantly British audience. The music hall portrayal of the uish offered audiences a notion of

94 Russ~~,PoDuI~~. 92-93. 95 'A Chat With Felix M'Glennon," The Fr3 March 10. 1894: 16. 62 community that was based on both exclusion and inclusion. The Irish community was set off from other Britons by its traditions, custom, dialect and national diaracter. This may have allowed British audiences a chance to poke fun at a backwards and ignorant rural 'othef, bolstering their o~vnsense of worth. It may also have allowed the Irish in the audience to reminisce about their former home or to laugh at their own peculiarities and see themselves as special and different; music hall Irishmen found success abroad and carried on despite adversity, and music hall Irishwomen were plain and virtuous. Irish communities or ghettos in the urban centres of Britain were in rapid decline at the end of the nineteenth and beginning of the twentieth cenhuies with Irish populations becoming more evenly dispersed amongst the population; the music hail, in the face of community dedine, presented an image of the Irish with shared cui tue, language and traditions that allowed the Irish community to remain distinct despite emigration and physical separation. 96 The music hail, however, also suggested that the Irish community should be embraced as an important part of Britain, offering a larger cornmunity of inclusion. Working and lower-middle class audiences were probably sympathetic listeners to stories of poverty, unemployment and discrimination which transcended regional difference and suggested that the working and lower-middle-class British and Irish may have had much in common. As 1 rvill point out in the following chapters, the nual nostalgia shown in the Irish songs was a recuming theme in the music hall representation of regional identity demanded by an urban audience. The

96 David F&patrick, 'A cucïous middle place: the Irish in Main. 1871 -1 921 * Roger Swift and Sheridan Gilley. edr. The Irish in Britain 181 5-1 939 (London: Pinter Pub. Ud.. 1989) 14-1 5. presentation of the Scottish, regional English and Welsh also relied on pastoral imagery and the depiction of the happy simple Me which was contrasted with the problems of urban living. The music hall Irish, like the Scots, English and Welsh, were also welcomed into the larger British community as loyal British soldiers and patriots and the 'Insh question' was smoothed over to promote British solidarity. AU of this helped to invoke notions of belonging as well as difference. Chapter 3 Jock and the "Queen Amang the Heather": 1 The Representation of the Scottish in the Music Hall

Lauder, king O' jest an' sang! Lauder brings a michty thrang! Lauder's here, a welcome boon, Laudeis dear tae Glesca' toon, Lauder's loved roon 'ilka hearth, Lauder stands for Scottish mirth, Lauder's fame flewn far an' wide, Laudefs name noo 'Scotland's Pride'! 2 This poem was sent by a Glasgow fan to Hamy Lauder, the most famous music hail performer to present a Scottish act. The 5 foot, three inch "Scotch cornedian" Harry Lauder, or Sir Harry Lauder as he was known after 1919 when he was knighted for his work entertainhg the troops during World War 1, was boni in Portobello, Scotland in 1870 and after working at several jobs including rnining, he began his career as a singer and comedian. 3 He performed fint in Scotland, left for the London halls in 1900, and eventually travelled "all over the world and became a sort of cultural and indeed, national ambassador." 4

In 1903, a critic for The Tatler 1-0 te, "1 think the bes t thgat the Tivoli that evening was the tum of LWHarry Lauder, described on the programme as the 'Braid Scotsman. . . . It is quite the best thing the variety stage has given us recently. " 5 By 1910, his performances of hit songs like "Just A Wee

1 Harry Lauder and James Malarkey, 'Queen Amang the Heathef (1909) Francis & Dav's 2nd humAl (London: Francis, Day & Hunter, Ltd,. n-d.) 4-6- 2 Quoted in Laudeh first autobiography, first published in 1907: Hany Lauder. HmLauder AL Home and On Tou 4th Ed. (London: Greening & Co., 1914) 99. 3 Peter Gammond, Ed., Ymou r wn r Vew Oum! A Music HaiI Scra~book(London: tan Allan Ltd., 1971) 74; A. P., 'How Harry Lauder Composed His Famous Songs" TmDec. 1908: 322; William Wallace, Hawderin the Lirneliclht (Lewes, Sussex: The Book Guild LtcL.1988) 14. 4 Colin Macinnes, Sweet Satur- Niaht (London: MacGibbun and Kee Ltd.. 1967) 85- 5 From The Tatler Feb 1903, repnnted in: DaneIl Baker and Larry F. Kiner, The Sir HamLauder Discoaraou (London: The Scarecrow Press Inc., 1990) xiii. Deodi-An-Dons", "1 Love A Lassie" and Toamin' in the Gloamin'" had made him worth over a million dollars. By 1912 he was so well established that he perfonned at the first Royal Variety Performance (a testimony to his wide appeal in Britain), and by 1914 he had written or CO-writtenover 75 songs for the music hall. His career continued after World War 1, by which tirne music hall had given way to other types of entertainment, but most of his hit songs came from his music hall period. 6 Harry Lauder was of course not the only perfonner to present Scottishness on the music hall stage, although he was by far the most popular bo th in and out of Scotland. Other Scottish music hall acts uiduded: Sandy MacGregor (née John White) who was bom in Glasgow in 1893 and made his first music hall appearance at the Grand Theatre in Glasgow in 1908 and his ktLondon appearance the following year at the South London Palace; Neil Kenyon, a Scottish character actor who made his htLondon appearance at the Pavilion in 1904, and gained populari~with his dialect monologues; and Will Fyffe, born in Dundee, who did not make his debut in the London halls until 1921 and even then continued to play mostly Scottish halls. 7 W. F. (or 'Wufie') Frame, another very popular performer of Scottish cornic songs,

ktappeared in London at the Alhambra in 1905, but spent most of his career

6 The Royal VarÏety Performance was also known as the Royal Command Pedomance. The Crst one in 1912, caused much controversy within the music halls, as some perfoners like Lauder were invited to perform for the royalty, and others like Marie Uoyd (one of the rnost popular music hall stars) were rejected for their unacceptable innuendo or subject matter. The fact that Lauder was invited to perfom shows the degree of acceptance and approval he had gained from Britons by 191 2: Baker and Kiner ix-xvi-; Lord Delfont, Curtain UD! The Stow of the Roval Van'etv Performance (London: Robson Books LtdJ 989) 1 1. 7 Roy Busby, British Music Hall: An Illustrated Who's Who from 1850 to the Present Day (hndon: Paul Eiek Ltd., 1976) 92.1 18; Gammond Your Own 86. at home in Scotland, with occasional appearances in London. 8 There were many less popular music hall performers who presented Scottishness but Hamy Laudefs huge popularity in Scotland, around the United Kingdom and abroad, and the fact that he wrote or co-wrote most of his songs, makes him an important figure to study in an examination of the representation of Scottishness in the halls. For these reasons Lauder's work will provide most of the material for this chapter, but 1 will also refer to other performers' acts whenever appropriate. Scottishness was represented in a number of ways to the music hall audience; the names, costumes and physical appearance, emblems of Scottishness, Scottish customs, behaviour and language ÛU helped to let the audience know that a character was Scottish. All of these things also helped to establish the most important aspect of Scottishness in the music haik the reinforcement of a notion of Scottish community. The presentation of common names, dress, language and tradition all helped to strengthen the idea that not only did the Scottish belong to a cohesive community, but that this community had a long and glorious history in which Highland tradition and custom were very important. In his chapter entitled "The Invention of Tradition: The Highland Tradition of Scotland," Hugh Trevor-Roper examines the kilt and other Highlandtraditions that we most frequently assotiate with Scotland and fin&

. . 8 Raymond Mander and Joe Mitchenson. British Music Hall. a$plym Dicturw (London: Studio Vista Ltd.. 1965) 126: Scotosh birth or ancestry of course did not necessarily limit a perfoner to playing Scottish roles on stage. Charles Coborn (na8 Colin Whitton McCailum). and Hamy Tate (ne6 Ronaid MacDonald Hutchinson). both of Scotosh descent. became famous in London for their Cockney and other Englishman a& them to be unauthentic "invented traditions." 9 1do not intend to debate the validity or legitimacy of su& traditions, as it is obvious that by the late nineteenth cenhiry these traditions were an important part of Scottish identity whatever their ongins, and many Sco ttish men and women, Highlanders and Lowlanders, were making the "invented" Scottishness an important part of their lives. Even if these traditions were not as hallowed and ancient as some people beiieved, they were nevertheless by this time an integral part of Scottish culture. At the same time, it is important to observe that in the introduction to The Invention of Tradition, Eric Hobsbawm argues that invented traditions since the Industrial Revolution "seem to belong to three overlapping types": a) those establishing or symboking soaal cohesion or the membenhip of groups, real or artüicial communities, b) those establishing or legitimizing institutions, status or relations of authority, and c) those whose main purpose was soaalization, the indcation of beliefs, value systems and conventions of behaviour. 10

Regardless of their accuracy, these music hall depictions did attempt to establish and symbolise social cohesion and membership in a Scottish community and to legiümise Scottish traditions and customs. Tney, dong with many other cultural forms, helped to establish a myth of Scottishness which is present even today. 11 This rnyth promoted a sense of Scottish community that was based on Highland tradition and rural imagery despite

9 Hugh Trevor-Ropet, "The lnvention of Tradition: The Highland Tradition of Scotland* Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger, eds., The(Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1983) 15-42 Eric Ho bsbawrn, 'Introduction: Inventing Traditionsn Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger. eds., The Invention of Tradition (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1983) 9. 11 Scottish characters presented today by cornedians such as Billy Connelly and Mike Meyers have many similarities to the music hall Scot. frorn which they are obviously deriven. the decline of community and the growth of the urban population. As Bntain became increasingly more centraüsed due to chmges in govemment, communication and travel, the music hall responded with the portrayal of strong Scottish traditions. At the same time it constructed a space for the Scottish community within the larger British community as Scottish music hail characters were, iike the Irish characters, used to present both diversîty and unity. When sorting through the collection of Scottish characters aeated for the music hall one is struck by the importance of names to the characters' Scottish identity. Almost every one of the characters mentioned in music hall songs by Lauder and Frame, for example, have distinctively Scottish names. Most of their sumames begin with "Mc"or "Mac" (M'Phails, M'Phersons, Ivl'Indoes, Lauchie M'Graw, Tammy McPhee, bonnie Kate McBride, Jane McPhail, MaclGe, and Sandy MacNab) and many of their hst names are also unmistakably Scottish; Jock and Sandy are the most common and are used as short foms for 'Scotsman' in the same way that Pat and Paddy

are used as short foms for 'Irishman.' 22 Because of the Scottish Clan tradition, narnes are an important part of the representation of Scottishness in the music hall. The suggestion is that

12 W. F. Frame and Alex Melville, The Piper" (London: Reynolds and Co.. n.d. (c.1904)); Harry Lauder, ' It's Nice To Get Up In The Moming" (1913) Henry Adler, ed., Albert's Mammoth Folio No. 1 1 (Australia?: Albert Publications, n.d.) 109-11 ; Harry Lauder, 'Killiecrankien (1900) Henry Adler, ed., AA(Austraiia?: Albert Publications, n.d.) 1151 6; Harry tauder, "Roamin' In The Gloamin'" (New York: Francis, Day and Hunter ,f9ll); Hamy Lauder, Tobermory" (London: Francis, Day and Hunter, 1901); Harry Lauder, The Weddin' O' Sandy MacNab" (New York: Francis, Day and Hunter,l 908); Harry Lauder and Frank Folloy, 'Stop Yer Tickling, Jock!' (London: Francis. Day and Hunter. i9O7): Hany Lauder and Gerald Grafton, "Fou The Noo or Something In The Bottle For The Moming" (London: Francis, Day and Hunter, 1905); Harry Lauder and Alex Melville. 'The Weddin' O' Lauchie M'Grawn (London: Francis, Day and Hunter, 1907); W. F. Frame's songs present at least two 'Jock's and one 'Sandy' and Hany Lauder's çongs from this period aione contain no Iess than ttiree 'Sandy's and five 'Jock's. Scottish identity can be established by one's name and one's birth; it is something one is boni with and in one's blood; it links one Scot to another through strong kinship ties and a sense of shared history. For the same reason perfomers frequently induded names like Bonnie Charlie and Rob

Roy in their songs. 13 The physical appearance of the music hall Scot may be the most obvious way that performers let the music hall audience know these chaacters were Scottish. Characters in the lyrics of the songs often wear bonnets, and 'troosers' or more often they are "kilted to the knee." 14 In

Laudefs "Ev'ry Laddie Loves A Lassie" eadi lassie wears "a lovely bow O' tartan ribbon in her hair" and at ''The Weddin' O' Sandy MacNab" the bride was "dressed Like a fairyf / In beautiful tartan md lace'' while the groom

"wore his kilt and glengarry." 1s In "Rob Roy Mackintosh" Lauder sang in the

And my name is Rob Roy MacIntosh, Enchantin' wi' my Ut* They adore me when Pve got my troosers on. But they love me in my kilt 16

A cover of one of the sheet music arrangements for "Stop Yer Tidding Jock!" (Figure 12) presents two drawings of Lauder in his stage costume of exaggerated kilt, sporan, tam and brooch, carrying a knobby walkllig stick that was one of his most used props. 17 Photographs, drawings, and paintings of

13 Frame and Melville The Piper (n.d.); Hamy Lauder and Frank Folloy, 'Rob Roy Macklntoshn (1907) Francis & Davas2nd Album of Ham mr'sPm (London : Francis. Day & Hunter, Ud., n.d.) 21-23. 14 Frame and Mehiille The Piper" (n.d.): Lauder 'Killiecrankie" (1900). 15 Lauder 'Ev'ry Laddie Loves a Lassie or the Picnic* (NewYork: T. B. Hmsand Francis, Day and Hunter, 1910); Lauder The Weddin'" (1908)- '6 Lauder and Folloy 'Rob Roy" (1907). 17 Gammond YourOwn 75; Wallace 15. Lauder and W. F. Fraxne (Figures 13-17) in stage attire show them in bonnets or tams with feathers, glengarry hats, or other Scottish regimental or traditional headwear, kilts with sporans and aIl of the other necessary Highland accessories, 'sch'ean dhus', tartan jackets, bow ties, nibons, shawls and sashes, huge brooches, tartan socks with buckled shoes or gaites, and almost always ca.ga crooked shepherd stick. 18 The kiit was not the only costume Lauder wore but according to Albert D. Mackie, even Laudefs sailors, children, and workmen were "distinctly kailyard": "Even his non-kilted characters belonged to a Scotland that was vanishing, and this gave them, for nostdgic old Scots, part of their appeal." 19 While dress plays a very large part of the physical appearance of the Scot in the music hall, other physical feahues are also intended to help represent the quintessentiai Scot. The bride in "The Weddin' O' Sandy MacNab" has "nice curly hair, and complexion / Redder than shawberry jam" and W. F. Frame sported a huge beard that surrounded and studc out in a chde from his face. 20 Scottishness is defined as something one is bom with, as physical features common to the Sco ttish 'race', or as something one has iearned growing up in Scotland "Rear'd amang the heather." While the kilt and other tartan items were in sorne ways a joke at the expense of the Scottish, mocking the unfamilia togs through outlandish exaggeration, the joke simultaneously promoted pride in the kilt and

18 W. F. Frarne and John Alexander. 'Hielan Rory" (London: Reynolds and Co.. n.d.[c. 19041); Gammond Your Own 74; Lauder At Home: Mander and Mitchenson plates 126.168; Photograph of Hany Lauder from Theatre Museum picture file # GH2695. 19 Albert D. Mackie. The Scotch Cornedians from the Music HaHs to Tdevision (6dinhtgh Ramsay Head Press. 1973) 38; 'Kailyard' literally means 'cabbage yard' but it ahrefers to a genre or style of writing popular at the end of the nineteenth century, in which Scots dialect was used. The rnost famous proponents of the Kailyard style were J.M. Barne (of Peter Pan fame). S.R. Crockett, and lm Maclaren. 1 will discuss this further on page 89. a Lauder 7he Weddin'" (1908); Mander and Mitchenson 126. legitimised Highland tradition. It did not denigrate the wearer of the kilt but rather upheld the notion that kilts were an important part of Scottishness. As Trevor-Roper points out, the British Parliament considered banning the kilt after the Jacobite Rebeîlion in 1715 as "such a ban, it was thought, would break up the distinct Highland way of life and integrate the Highlanders into modem sotiety." 21 The law was not passed at this the, but after the rebellion of 1745 had been crushed "the wearing of Highland costume - 'plaid, philibeg, trews, shodder-belts . . . tartans or parti-coloured plaid or SM- was forbidden throughout Scotland under pain of imprisonment ~lthoutbail for six months and, for a second offence, transportation for seven years." 22 After the act was repealed in 1782, kilt-wearing became fashionable again due in part to the romantic movement and the creation of Highland regiments; the kilt consequently came to symbolise for rnany Scots not only a retum to the golden age of Scotland but also the stniggle of the Scottish against English domination and, in many ways, the idea of the soüdarity of the Scottish community. It is significant, then, that the kilt also appears in songs about Scottish regiments of the British army. As patriotic and topical songs became popular by the late 187û's, Scottish regiaients and thW uniforms became popular subjects. In 1878, Arthur Lloyd (a Scot) sang in 'The Gdant 93rd," Y thought the dress [the kilt] \vas certain my bonny lass to please, / But since Pve joined 1 find Pve go t rheumatics in my knees." 23 But most songs about Scottish regiments take a more serious approach; Leo Dryden's 1897 song, "Gdmt

21 Trevor-Roper 20- 22 Trevor-Roper 24. 23 Dave Russell. ' 'We carved our way to glory' :the British soldier in music hall song and sketch. c. 1880-1 914," Po~ufarIm~enalisrn and the militan, 1850-1 950, ed. John M. MacKenzie (Manchester: Manchester UP, 1992) 60. Gordon Highlanders" (Example 7), enforces the identification of bravery and gallantry with Scottishness: the Gallant Gordon Highlanders bravely gave their lives as "the pipers played a martial strain." 24 "Bravo Gordon Highlandes", a popular Song of 1898, echoes this sentiment with the lines: "A deafening cheer - a msh of men - a glint of deadly steel, / On dash the

Gordons, though the bullets rain." 2s As Dave Russell points out, the desire for Scottish müitary songs was due in part to the involvement of Scottish regiments at weU-known battles such as Baladava and Waterloo, and to the spectacle and colour of the

Scottish regimental uniform. 26 But while the novelty of the kilt and the obsession with particular battles certainly helps to explain the popularity of these songs, these songs were more importantly a part of the crue for military songs discussed in the last chapter. This trend not ody celebrated the individual achievements of Çcottish and Irish soldiers and reinforced pride in Scottish and Irish communities, but also strengthened the music hall notion that all Britons could stand together against a common enemy despite their ciifferences. The flash of the kilt and the exatement of the baffles made for good entertainnient on the music hall stage, but the paramount message to the audience was not one of exotic difference but instead one of neighbourly inclusion- Certain emblems or icons of Scottishness other than costume were also used in the music hall as a way of letting the audience know that the character was a Scot. Bagpipes, thistles, and Scottish customs were paraded

24 J. P- Hm-ngton and George Le Brunn, 'Gallant Gordon Highlanders" (London: Francis, Day and Hunter, 1897). 25 Russell 'We carved " 64- 26 Russell 'We carvedn 60. aaoss the stage, pictured on the sheet music covers and celebrated in the songs. W. F. Frame's "The Piper" (Example 8) for exarnple, celebrates the bagpipes; in Lauder's "Roarnin' In the Gloamui"' the singer "danced the Hielan' fling" when his love promised to marry him; the singer of Lauder's 'The Saftest O The Farmly" eats "porridge for [his] breakfast ev'ry morning"; and Frame's 'Maister Duncan Macintosh' "Couid gar the bagpipes squeel," "dance the Hielan' mg," and "leeved on tawtie scones / An' porridge a' his days." 27 Even the musical sound of the songs helped to highlight the shared cultural tradition, as it often had a lilting Scottish folksong sound, a bagpipe tone, a marching beat, or it induded instrumental sections where the perfonner had the opportunity to dance a fling or two for the audience. The first verse of one of Lauder's most popular songs, ''Just A Wee Deoch-An-Doris," provides a good example of the way that Scottish custom was presented in the music hall: There's a good old Scottish ciistom That has stood the test of time, It's a custom that is carried out In ev'ry land and clime, Where bro ther Scots foregather, Ifs aye the risual thing, \Mien just before theay çay guid-nidit, They £illtheir cupç and sing . . .

The third verse continues to glorify Scottish tradition:

. . .I'll promise you the grandest time 27 W. F. Frame and John Alexander, "Hooch Aye! It's A Braw. Bricht, Moonlicht Nicht, the NichtD (London: Reynolds and Co.. nad.[c. 19041); Frame and Melville. The Piper" (n.d.) ; Lauder. 'Roamin' ' (191 1): Harry Lauder. The Saftest 0 The Farnily" (1904) Henry Adler, ed., Albert's Mammoth Folio No. 11 (Australia?: Albert Publications, n-d.) 119-21 ; One of the more peculiar music hall acts that included the bagpipes was that of TrÏxie Gilfain: "one of the few members of the fair sex who can manipulate those pipes, the sound of which causes warlike feelings to anse within the breasts of Scotsmen." Gilfain, who was of Scottish background but bom in South Africa and classically trained in music, toured with a partner who sang operatic tenor as she played the pipes: "A Chat with TMe Gilfain," The Era 14 May 1904: 21, Youfll have in all your lives! PU hae the bagpipes skirling, (hoch) And we'll dance the Hieland fiing, . . .28

Scottish traditions such as the bagpipes, dancing and food were part of the humour of the Scottish stage character, but they simultaneously reinforced the legitimacy of such traditions. Scottish customs are portrayed as old and estabiished, and universal to Scots wherever they may be; the Scottish community is defined by food, music, and dance. At the same üme, the Song invites the audience, Sco ttish or not, to join in the fun and promises "the grandest tirne," sharing the "good old Scottish custorn." In a 1912 performance of this song recorded by Lauder, he even beginç by saying, "1 must tell you this first of all, that where there are one or two or three or four or more Scots, and English, and Irish gathered together, the general de, something that we just before we part, you know we have a wee deoch-an'- doris." 19 Scottish custom and tradition, therefore, was portrayed as both something that united the Scottish community and set it apart and something which could bring all Bntons together. The music hall representation of the customs and traditions of the Scottish community also relied heavily on the portrayal of what were thought of as distinctly Sco ttish behaviourai traits. Scottish thriftiness or 'meanness' was olten considered stereotypical of ail Scots. The thrîfty Scot is the brunt of the joke in Lauder's "That's the Reason Noo 1 Wear a Kilt'' in which the protagonist has taken to wearing kilts despite his cold knees, to

28 Hamy kuder, Whit CunlÏe and Gerald Grafton. A Wee Deoch-An-Dons' (London: B. Feldman and Co., 1911); ltalics are mine. 29 Hamy Lauder. =lu& A Wee Deoch-An-Dons," rec. 23 April1912, The Vew Best of Ham uder, W. EMI 1975; deoch-an-don's = a drïnk- stop his wife kom taking money Erom his "troosers" while he sleeps. 30 Apparently Lauder told audiences at the end of his huns, "Tell your fnends I'm here. Pm spending no more money on advertising" and when in public, he loudly insisted on getting all of his change back in order to promote the notion of the thnfty Scot. 31 This joke also figures in Jimmy Godden's 1914 song, "To Cut A Long Story Short": Each Nation possesses its different dresses And different habits as weil ... Did you hear of a Scotchman narned Bill Who once gave a shilling too much for his cab, You haven' t? No you never will. 32 Another activiv common to the Scot of the music hall is drinking. While Lauder's "Fou the Noo" is one of the few songs that presents a drunken Scotsman for comic effect, many othen include references to wedding sprees and 'tipsiness.' 33 Even W. F. Frame, who was said to have abstained £rom alcohol all of his life and to have advocated temperance, often included charactea who had a 'dram' or two, or had just been on a 'spree.' The activity of drinking in these songs is not however a malignant one as it usuaily is in the Irish songs. Rather it appears to reinforce the notion of a

30 Hamy Lauder. That's the Reason Noo l Wear a Kilt" (1906) Peter Davison, ed., Sonas of the tsh Music Hall (New York: Oak Publications, 1971) 16û-70. 31 Gordon Irving, The Good Auld Davs: The Stow of Scotland's Entertainers from Music Hall to Television (London: Jupiter Books, 19n) 81-82: M, Willson Disher, Winkles and Chammane: medies and Trmiesof the Music Hal1 (London: B. T. Batsford Ltd., 1938) 104. 32 Peter Gammond, Best Music Hall and VariarietvSonag (London: Wolfe Pub. Ltd.. 1972) 442. 33 Lauder and Grafton 'Fou The Noon (1 905): In 'Ev'ry Laddie Loves A Lassie." 'Ev'ryone was 'Hoochint just to Iiven up the scene" and in "The Weddin O' Sandy MacNW everyone 'had a drappie, / Just tae make us happy, / For the days of Auld Lang Syne." The Scots in "JustA Wee Deoch-An-Doris" gather round together to "fil1 their cups and singP ln the last verse of his 1909 song, "Maggie Frae Dundee," George Frenck sang, 'Says 1, Tm fond of a' things scotch- /Scotch folks, Scotch ways, Scotch brose.' / Said she, 'Och aye! you are fond of scotch, / 1 could tell that by your nose.' ": George Frenck and Albert Hall. 'Maggie Frae Dundee" (London: Francis, Day and Hunter, 1909); Lauder 'Ev'ry Laddie" (1 91 0); Lauder "The Weddin'" (1 908); Lauder, CunlWe and Grafton mJustA Wee" (191 1). Scottish community in which there are shared adivities and celebrations.34 Scottish characters of the music hall songs are also often portrayed in ways which suggest a rural innocence or ignorance. The lassies of the songs are described as "bonnie", "angel", "jolly", "pure", "sweet" "nice, . . . neat, . . . tidy." 35 They, dong with their laddies, partiapate in innocent and romantic love songs in which mamage is often the resuit. This rural innocence could have been both flattering and patronising, as it both romantiased an ideal, simple way of life and contrasted the malinnocence of outsiders with the sawy of the aty dweilers who attended the music hall. The village idiot character was used to take this theme a step further and helped to convey rural ignorance in songs like W. F. Frame's "Hielan Rory" and Lauder's "The Saftest O' The Family" or "Mr. John Madcie" (Example 9) in which the title character is described as "the nicest chap that ever cmss'd the border." 36 In these songs, the Scottish become 'yokels' tvho are not familiar with the ways of modem industrial life and, üke the music hall Irish, rem& in the mal past. The portraya1 of the rural aspects of Scottish Me, however, was not limited to the characters themselves. The landscape of the songs often portrayed a rival and romanticised Scotland to which Scots who had left their home were forever longing to rehirn. Scotland of the music haii was a place

34 Archibald Haddon. The Stprv of the Music Hall: from Cave of Hanonv to Cabaret (London: Fieetway Press Ltd., 1935) 177. 35 Hany Lauder, 'When I Get Back Again Tae Bonnie Scotland" (New York: Francis, Day and Hunter, 1908); Harry Lauder and Geraid Grafton, " 1 Love A Lassie or Ma Scotch Bluebeli" (London: Francis, Day and Hunter. 1906); Hamy Lauder and J. D. Harper, 'She Is Ma Dai* (London: Francis, Day and Hunter. 1905). 36 Frame and Alexander, 'Hieian Rory' (n.d.); Harry Lauder and James Malarkey. 'Mr. John Mackien (1903) Francis & Dav's 2nd Album of Ham Lauder's Pooutar Sonas (London: Francis. Day & Hunter. Ltd., n.d,) 32-33. of "bloomin' heather" and the "Scotch blueliell." 37 Characters fondly remember, "Roamin' in the gloamin' on the bonnie banks O' Clyde," being "Rear'd amang the heather" or "basking in the sud' and they dream of the day when they will "get badc again tae bonnie Scotland." 38 "The Wee Hoose 'Mang The Heather" gives an example of the longing for a romantic rural Scottish utopia and the supposedly strong tie that all Scots feit for their homeland: There's a wee hoose on the hihide that 1 haven't seen for years, I've an awfd longing feeling and my eyes whiles dim wi' tears, \men 1 think on a' the happy days 1 spent beside that spot, And the games we played as laddies there will never be forgot.

Chorus: There's a wee hoose 'mang the heather, There's a wee hoose ofer the sea, There's a lassie in that wee hoose waitin' patiently for me. She's the picture O' perfection, O! T wouldna' tell a lee, IE ye seen her ye would love her just the same as me

Tho' Am' far awa' frae Scotland and the scenes 1 lofe sae weel, Therefs a beat for the auld country that in elry pulse 1 feel, For tho' other lands are bonnie, and the other folk are kind, There is one scene, and one oniy, that is ever in

37 Lauder "Ev'ry Laddie" (191 0); Lauder "Tobemory" (1901 ). 38 Lauder 'When 1 Get" (1908). my rnind. 39 Other Lauder songs which evoke Scottish place names not only in the lwcs but also in the titles include, The Auld Brig of Ayr", "Inverary", "Inverary Harriers", The Portobelio Lassie" and "Wee Nellie McKie Frae Skye." Like the persona1 names of the characters in the songs, the naming of places is also an important evocation of tradition and history as a vital part of Scotthh identity. 40 This portrayal of Scottish lite as rustic and unsophisticated was a response to both the urban setting of most music halls and to the increasingly urban landscape of Scotland itself. T. C. Smout notes that between 1851 and 1901 the proportion of male workers who were employed in farming in Scotland dropped by 50 per cent. Scotland, like much of Britain, became increasingly more industrial through the nineteenth-century as Glasgow, Dundee, Dunfermline, Paisley, and Edinburgh becarne big rnanufacturing cities. "Scotland, as much social commentary in the btdecade of the twentieth century witnessed, knew herself to be a country of squaior, exploitation, bad housing and disease" yet, like the representation of the INh, the music hall representation of Scotland is deansed of these problems and hardships and void of any sense of class shuggle. This provided a romantic and utopian view of Scotland and a notion of community without con0ict. 41 \Me Lauder's description of Scottish landscape as bonrtie and

39 Harry Lauder, Gilbert Wells and Fred Eiton, =TheWee Hoose 'Mang The Heathef (London: Francis, Day and Hunter, 1912): The singer in "Tobermory"also raves of his arcadian native land: 'In summer when the Sun is bright, I When frost and snow have taken flight. / It is Macffie's and my delight, / Like travJliersin a story. /To go exploring here and there, / In search of pleasure and fresh air; I So last year for our holidays we went to Tobennory": Lauder "Tobmory" (1901). 40 Baker and Kiner. 41 T. C. Srnout A Century of the Scottish Pec~le1830-1950 (New Haven CT: Yaie VP. 1986) 58, 85. bloomin' rnight suggest a gendered reading of the settings of the songs, investigating the notion of the rural countryside as a fertile and yielding land for example. this is an obvious theme in most pastoral imagery. What is more interesthg in the songs than the depiction of a feminised landscape is the evocation of what 1 will cal1 a 'landscaped fernale.' Wewomen are often the objects of Lauder's songs, they are rarely the subjects and wornenfs voices are conspicuously absent not only from Laudefs songs, but from most music hall material that presents Scottishness. When women do appear in the lyrics of the songs they might be more appropriately referred to as part of the setting than as diaracten. Lauder's women are passive, docile, and beautiful, and üke the romanticised dScotland of the songs, they are always patiently waiting for their Scoismen to return to them. In "Just A Wee Deoch-An-Doris" Lauder applauds "The sort O' man that wiU and cari/ In aiI things do his share" and the "wee wifie waitin', / In a wee but-an-ben." 42 The women rernain in a rural past untouched by modem ideas like suffrage; they, like Scotland, are frozen in time until the return of the Scottish men. An examination of the desaiption of women in the songs shows that the women are an important part of the landscape of the songs and less important as characters. The descriptions of female characters in the songs rely on similies and metaphors that compare the women to the scenery around hem; th& "cheeks are like the bloomin' rose" and their eyes "twinkle like the stmabove" when they srnile. They are desaibed as '%onniewee lamb[s]" or they have necks "like the s~Yan"and their narnes are

42 A 'but-an-ben' is a two-rmmed cottage mnsisting of a kitchen and a parlour : William Grant ed-, f he Scattish Nationd Dictionary vol- 2 (Edinburgh: The Smttish National Dicüonary ASSOC. Daisy or Bluebell. 43 The chom of "1 Love A Lassie" provides an excellent example of the way in whkh the women in Lauder's songs, even when they are the object of the song's title, become simply a part of the Scottish landscape: 1 love a lassie, a bonnie, bonnie lassie, She's as pure as the iily in the dell. She's as sweet as the heather, The bonnie bloomin' heather Mary, ma Scotch Bluebell. 44 The "Queen Arnang the Heather also becomes part of the landscape as Lauder repeats in the chorus, "She's my queen arnang the heather, on the bonnie heather hills." 45 The second verse further desdes this queen who "disna sigh for dresses that are silken; / She's quite content at the chumin' and the milllln'." In "Ma Wee Scotch Fairy" Frame describes Mary who is "a daisy and a wee Çcotdi fairy" and works in a country dairy. 46 The chorus is: My lassie is a wee Scotch fairy; A mountain daisy is my ain wee Mary; Pure as the heather hills O' Inveraray 1s ma ain wee Hieland lassie. This 'landscaped' woman is certainly the most prevalent female character in the Scottish songs but some refreshing exceptions also appeared on the music hail stage. These exceptions were not perforxned by stars who built their entire careers around Scottish acts, but by performers who realised the popularity of Scotkishness in the halls and added one or two Scottish character songs to their repertoire. George Frenck's "Maggie Frae Dundee"

43 Lauder "Ev'ry Laddiem(1 91 0); Lauder 'When 1 Ger (1908); Lauder and Grafton '1 Love A Lassien (1 906); Lauder and Harper "She 1s Ma Dai* (1905). 44 Lauder and Grafton "1 Love A Lassie" (1906). 45 Lauder and Maiarkey The Queen" (1909). 46 W. F. Frame and Frank Curran. 'Ma Wee Scotch Fairy" (Edinburgh and London: Paterson and Sons, n.d- [c. lgO61). them a more Scottish flavour, but performers like Laudes and Frame, who performed solely Scotüsh ads, used a sort of Scots dialect throughout their songs. The Era wrote of W. F. Frame in 1889: "Not long ago he paid a visit to London and appeared for two weeks at the Metropolitan, Oxford, and Cambridge Music Hds and met with very considerable success, especially when it is considered that his songs are rendered mostly in the broad Scottish dialect, which is somewhat unfarniliar to Our London ears." 50 In an interview with the same paper years later, Frame attempted to explain the continued popularity of his dialect songs: "1 have never forsaken the 'braid Scots' sang, and never shall, for 1 find that Scotchmen the wide world o'er delight in the mother tongue, and there is a quaint and convirtchg humour about the dialect which seems to strike home to the heart of every one." 51 The Scottish diaiect of the songs must have been extiting and interesthg to many audiences outside of Scotland because of its foreign sound, but it did not simply represent the exotic speech of an 'other.' It also reinforced the notion of a Sco ttish community with a shared language. The chorus of "Just A Wee Deodi-An-Doris" illustrates the music hall sense that a Scots' language was part of what made him or her Scottish: Just a wee deoch-an-doris, Just a wee yin, th&s a'. Just a wee deoch-an-doris, Before we gang awa'. There's a wee wifie waitin', In a wee but-an-ben; If you can Say, 'Tt's a braw bridit moonlicht nicht," Ye're a'richt, ye ken. 52

'Mr. W. F. Frame." The Music Hall and The- 30 Nov. 1889: 8. 51 "A Chat Wi' W. F. Frarne.' The Ga Aug. 8. 1908: 21. 52 Lauder. Cunfitfeand Grafton =lus A Wee" (1911). The use of Scots dialect words creates a sense of a common shared code within the community of Scots and the last two lines assert the fact that if you can speak in the Scots dialect (and therefore know their code) you will be accepted by the Scots community as "a'richt." At least two other songs make this Scots tongue-twister part of the secret code of Scots. W. F. Frame's Song "Hooch Aye! It's A Braw, Bricht, Moonlicht Nicht, the Nicht" and George Frenck's "Maggie Frae Dundee" in which the English singer bemoans the pain of leaning Scots words and sings, "Ma love for her it grew sae qui& / That I sprained ma iaws ye see, / Through saying, 'It's a braw, bncht, rnoonlicht nicht' 1 Tae Maggie frae Dundee." 53 The chorus of W. F. Frame's "Hielan Rory" also makes the notion of a shared Scottish language clear with the

Oh! Heilan Rory, did she corne frae Tobermory? Can she Say "Hooch ay" an' "Cummerrachum-choo," Will she row me in the heather, like, when we were boys together, Singing "Oh! cummer-ree, cummer-roo." 54 The idea that the Scots language set the community apart from the rest of Britain is even more compelling when one considers not only that Scots dialect was presented as a unifying element of Scottishness in the songs but

&O that the performers toned domthe diaied for audiences outside of Scotland. Lauder apparently had to soften his own accent to be accepted in the London halls where he was httold by a manager "Go back to the kailyard, where at least you're undentood!" 55 The reason given for W. F. Frame's lesser success outside of ScotIand was that his strong Scottish accent was

53 Rame and Alexander "Hooch Ayen (n-d.): Frenck and Hall 'Maggie Frae" (1909). 54 Frarne and Alexander 'Hielan Rory' (n-d.). 55 Lauder At Home 65. unintelligible to Londoners. 56 The dialect then could be both a unifying and a divisive force, binding Scots together and separating them from outsiders. This polarising aspect of dialect was minimised by music hall performers who cornpromised in order to make Scottishness a more acceptable part of Britishness, whüe still allowing for regional distinctions. When Hany Lauder did appear on the London stage, audiences and aitics loved him and his populanty grew quiddy. While more recent critics of Lauder's performances and songs are often disdainful of his version of Scottishness, contemporary critics and audiences, Scottish and otherwise, seemed to find no fault with Laudef s waggling kilt and bonnie lassies. Colin Madnnes demonstrates both the admiration of audiences of the past and his own more modem contempt in his description of Lauder: Then what can one find distasteful in this as tonishing achievement? First of ail Laudef s agpsive , rather clamant Scot tishness. 'Scotch!' yelled a Cockney gallery boy &et one of his earlier performances. 'Aye!' aied Lauder, thurnping on the stage with one of his celebrated (and later enonnous) collection of funny, curly Scottish waking-sticks. "Aye! Scottish and proud of it too!' etc, etc, and thereupon embarked on a sermon on the virtues of thrift, saga*, grit, enterprise and so forth of the Scottish people (he said les about their bombast, uisensitivity, and pig-headed arrogance). He did this sort of thing at the drop of a haggis, and such was the charm of his songs, and such the magic of his unquestionably forcefd personality, that he won English audiences over and, one might Say, fought the battle of Bannockburn single- handed all over again. He dedUiis rousing message to the world: he sang the praises of the stalwart Scot to enraphued audiences in Durban,

56 Hany Lauder. Roarnin' in the Gloamh' (London: Hutchinson. 1928) 95; Dave Russell *The making of the Edwardian music hall.' Michaei R. Booth and Joel H. Kaplan. eds.. The Edwardian Theatre: Essavs an ~erfnmanceand the stagg (Cambridge: Cambridge UP. 1996) 77- Melbourne, Chicago and indeed every aty where the loyal Scottish colony would turn out to applaud him in suffident nurnbers, and persuade the doubting natives, to the advantage of Laudeis act and pocket, of the anaent glories of their race. 57

But despite more recent distaste for Lauder's version of Scottishneçs, which to modem ears might sound comy or cliché, the music hall audiences of the early twentieth century loved him, both at home in Scotland, and abroad. Some of Lauder's popularity outside of Scotland cm be accounted for as a taste for novelty and the loreign and a chance to laugh at the silly Scotsman in the skirt, but the popularity of Laudei's act also relied on the endorsement of audiences who saw thernselves as part of the Scottiçh comrnunity. Lauder frequentIy toured the Scottish halls and performed for Scottish audiences who could not get enough of his stage-Scotsman routine and many of his songs were huge hits in Scotland. 58 W. R. Titterton, a contemporary critic, miein 1912 about the reaction that audiences had to Lauder as London ''let loose her half-million Scots (last and greatest of the patriots) to look at themselves in the mirror of his universal smil.el' (Example

11). 59 Lauder portrays in his autobiographies a sense of camaraderie between the Scottish audiences and Scottish performers. He recounts several instances when felIow Scots approached him both in the halls and on the streets, using their common nationality as a form of introduction to the star; as a contemporary aitic wrote, "wherever he sings, Scotsmen rally round him,

9 Maclnnes 86. 58 J- H- LittIejohn. The Scottish Music Hall 1880-1 994 (Wigtown. Scotland: G. C. Book Publishers Ltd., 1990); Lauder, At Home 63: Lauder, mamin' (1928). 59 W. R. TMeRon. From Theatre to Music Hall (London: Stephen Swift and Co.. Ltd.. 1912) 151 -52. and the rest follow." 60 The following letter, written by a fan in Westcliffe-on- Sea, provides an example of how audiences embraced Lauder's version of Sco ttishness: Dear Harry Lauder, - 1canna resist sending you twa wee bitties of Scotch heather, ane for yersel' and the ither for your bonnie, bonnie lassie fair as the lily in the deUW 1 was once a Scotch lassie masel', but 1 am noo sixty-five years auld and can still enjoy hearing you sing your tuneful sangs in the pure Scottish accent Mony years hae gone by since 1 left ma native heather hills, but O 1 hae a coothie corner in ma hert for dear auld Scotland. I hope you'll pardon the liberty 1 hae ta'en in ~tingyou, but I felt after hearing 'Ma Scotch Bluebell' on Wednesday night that I mut tell you of a 'grannie's' delight at your performance. The tem cam' tae ma ean as 1 listened to your hamely iongue. Lang may you be spared to delight an English audience! P.S. - The heather cm' frae Strathpeffer this mornin'. 62

According to Lauder, the Scots abroad were also particdarly fond of his act when he toured, arriving at his shows in Scottish attire and carrying bagpipes. 63 The enthusiasm for this type of Scottishness was of course not simply a product of the music hall stage; it was part of a larger trend. Harry Lauder, for example, did not just endorse this kind of Scottishness when the fans were watching; this type of Scottishness also made up a large part of his personal life and the iine between Lauder and his charaders is often blurred. Lauder

60 'A King of the Vaudeville Stage." Çurrent Literature Jan. 1909: 84-86; Lauder, At Home 64, 70. 61 This refers to the lWcs 'pure as the lily in the dell" frorn Lauder's çong "1 Love A Lassie or Ma Scotch Bluebell'. 62 Lauâer At Home 98. 63 Lauder Roamin' (1 928) 160-6 1. was frequently photographed in a kilt and tam, even at home with friends and famiiy, and his recollections of his childhood and family life suggest that the Lauders were a clan to whom Scottish identity was very important. 64 Lauder asserts his own Scottish identity in the estchapter of his autobiography with a description of his family history intended to prove that he is "Scotch to the back-bone." 65 Lauder describes his chüdhood in Scotland where his mother told him stones about the Clan histories and "Highland lore and romance" and his teachers professed "the laudation and glorification of ail things Scottish": I can remember as well as if it had been yesterday sitting at the little narrow desk, looking up at our teacher with staring, fascinated eyes and thinking how fortunate 1was to be born a Scot, and not an Enghsh boy, or an Irish, or a German, or a Hottentot. . . Fife years have gone by since then. The flame of love for "Scotiand's name and Scotland's fame" suburns as fiercely in my breast.

Hany Laudefs act, then, was a reflection at least in part of his daily Me and his own experience. The nual, romantic, and tartaned version of Scottishness that he and others presented in the music hall, while perhaps not an authentic representation of Scotland, was part of the larger myth of Scotland that prevailed at the tirne. J. W. M. Hichberger has suggested in

64 For an example of the photos see Wallace 68. 65 Lauder At Homa 12- 13. 66 Lauder wfites: *The history lesson was not so much an inculcation of dates and facts about the happenings in the world as a laudation and glorification of ail things Scottish: its kings. its national hemes. its pets, its soldiers and its ministers Wallace and Bnice, Rabbie Burns. Wahr Scott. and David Livingstone ail came automaticatly into the daily 'oration'; we boys were urged to revere and worship their names as the noblest and most wonderful men that had ever been bom. The geography lesson was pretty much on the same lines. We learned al1 about the Scottish counties and cities, the mountains and streams, the bens and the glens of our native land. Scotland was the best and the bonniest place in the whole worid; indeed no other country mattered a go&!*: Lauder Roamin' (1928) 29-31. Imaees of the armv: The Militanr in British Art 1815-1914 that the popdarity in the late Victorian period for paintings of Scottish regiments should be seen as part of the "romantic cult of Scotland" that began in the late eighteenth century and conkued to grow in the nineteenth century. 67 This theory could easily be applied to the halls as well; the music hall Scot was simply part of a Larger cultural movement in Bntain that embraced the kilt, the bagpipes, and an idealised rural countryside, as true representations of Scottishness. 68 This cuit of Scotland can be traced back to James Macpherson, Robert Burns, and Sir Walter Scott in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. These writers presented a tartaned Highland tradition in which a simple rural life was contrasted with a more compücated urban one, and common language and lowly subjects were most often the focus. Lauder and Frame not only continued the tradition of these writers with their portraits of simple dMe; they even went so far as to quote Burns' phrases such as "Auld Lang Syne" and "Scots What Hae'" in their songs. Lauder also sang versions of Robbie Burns' own songs dong with other traditional songs like Zoch Lomond" on stage. Ail of this invoked the language of the great Scottish literary icons and ceiebrated the traditions of a romatic dSco ttish

These representations of Scotland made popular by the romantic writers persisted and grew, and although images of romatic rural Scotland

67 J. W. M. Hichberger, Imaaes of the armv: The Militaw in British Art. 18154914 (Manchester: Manchester UP, 7988) 107. 68 Russell, 'We cafved. ." 60-61 points out the similanty between the populanty of the Highland regiments in painting and their populanty in topical patriotic songs but does not find the similarity in other Scottish music hall routines. 69 70the Scottish people Robert Bums is, and dways has been. more than a poet He is regarded as the rhythrnic heart of the nation forever supplying wann sustaining blood to the otherwise cold body of Scotland.' : Alan Bold. 'Robert Burns: Superscot.' The Art of Robert Burns, eds. R.D.S. Jack and Andrew Noble (London: Vision Press Ltd.. 1982) 217. .were well in place early in the nineteenth cenhiry, as Murray Pittodc points out, it was in the Victorian period that these images became the "convenient shorthand for the Scottish identity they were to remain." 70 The romantic tradition of Scotland was kept alive in the late nineteenth century through bolh Scottish popular literature that was frequently wrîtten in the vemacular, and through the Kailyard school of writers, who like Lauder and Frame were ciearly Uinuenced by Burns, Scott, and the romantic movement as they portrayed simple rural Me and charaders and used dialect. 71 The essential elements of Kailyard writing are, according to Gillian Shepherd, "domestitity, rustici~,humour, humility, modesty, decency, piety, and poverty": also essential elements to the music hall Scot. 72 This description of the Kailyard style might just as easily have been written about the Scottish acts of the music hall stage: Kailyard writing may be limiteci, derivative, repetitive, at worst a kind of debased Highland Tourist Board dream, quaint and travelogueish, but it was extremely successful and gratified a widespread popular taste. 73

The music hall Scot continued and solidified a representation of Scottishness which by the tum of the cen- was somewhat conventional. This connedion between Hamy Lauder and the 'great' writers of Scottish

70 Andrew Hook, 'Scotland and Romanticism: The International Scene," The Histonr of Scottish Citera ed- Andrew Hook, vol, 2 (Aberdeen: Aberdeen UP, 1987) 307; Murray G. H, Pittock, The Invention of Scotland (London: Routledge. 1991) 73-90. 99. 7f William Donaldçon, 'Popular Literature: The Press, the people. and the Vemacular Revival," The Historv of Sçottish Literatur~ed. Douglas Gifford, vol. 3 (Aberdeen: Aberdeen UP, 1988) 203-1 5. 72 Gillian Shepherd, uTheKailyard," The History of Scrottish Literature, ed. Douglas Giiord, vol. 3 (Aberdeen: Aberdeen UP, 1988) 309. 73 Emma Letley, From Galt to Doughs Brown: Nineteenth-Centuw Fiction and Scots Lancruaoe (Edinburgh: Scottish Academic Press, 4988) 21 8-1 9- literature did not go umoticed by his audience; even the minister who performed Laudefs burial se~cein 1950 acknowiedged this tie in the eulogy: Harry Lauder's name wiü stand alongside the great names in Scottish literature, if not in the great depths of his poetry, certainly in the desire to put the hallmark of sinceriw on our literaîure. He followed in the footsteps of Robert Burns and Sir Walter Scott in choosing the best in Scottish character, in the love of nature and of Highland hius, and in the simplicity of courtship and marriage. 74

Lauder, Frame, and other music hall Scots did not engineer an entirely new representation of Scottishness, but by bringing the Scot on to the music hali stage they added humour to a tradition which had until then been more serious and dignified, making their version of Scottishness appeahg to a wider audience and contributing to the popular conception of Scottishness. The music hall was a medium that allowed self-reflection or even narcissism, in which Scots paraded an image of themselves on stage in which they could both find humour and take pride. Their jests both mocked and legitimised Scottiçh tradition; the joke made at the expense of Scottishness aiiowed Scots to both laugh at themselves in a shared community joke, and to separate themselves from outsiders who were not a part of their national cornmunity and did not understand their customs. This reinforced a notion that Scottishness was something special and unique but at the sarne tirne it placed Scotland within the larger British comrnudty as Scottish identity and tradition was shared with audiences around Britain and as Scottish soldiers defended the Empire. The Scotüsh music hall diatacter, like the Irish and the English and Welsh characters, Weda need in the audience for the 91 representation of an idealised rival and traditional community that stili had a place in the inaeasingly larger and more standardised entity of modem Britain. Chapter 4 The Factory Lass and the Country Bumpkin: The Representation of the Regionai English in the Music Hall

A popular Marie Loftus Song of 1900 entitled "Because It Was Made In London" begins with a typical music hall description of a London character: The Londonefs proud of his Cockney birth, Thinks London the tastiest place on eh, And often WU boast that the boys in town Can never, no, never be taken down. Therefs plenty of Cockneys who Wear silk hats, A drawl and a crawl, and kid gloves and spats - But if on "The Language of Flowers" you'd feast, Just sample a sample in London east.

The chorus continues:

Because he was made in London, in London, in London; "Who, Exnmer' Say, steady yer 'leaders' a bit, Wot Say to a flu tter-the pit at the Brit. ! Free murders in one act!" That youth makes a hit, Because he was made in London! 1

The Song provides a usefd overview of the depiction of regional character in the music hall. Its central focus is obviously London and the Cockney character; the first verse and chorus and the title point this out dearly. This theme will corne as no surprise to a reader who has glanced at any schotarship on music hall, since most historians have concentra ted their efforts on the London music hall and the London characters which they believe epitomise the British music hail. But Loftus did not stop singing this song after the first verse and chorus; she went on to sing six more verses and choruses of a song which provides a fitting example of regional representation in the music hall. "Because It Was Made In London" begins

with a verse and chorus about the Cockney in London but &O contains two

1 John P. Harington and George te Brunn, "8ecause It Was Made In London" (London: Francis. Day and Hunter, 1900). verses about the Empire, one about the Irish, one about the Scottish and two about English characters from outside of London. The music hall English character alrnost always came from London. The rough Cockney coster and the more refined swell or toff were certainly the most prevalent characters in all of music hall song; most songs which used England for their setting took place in London, and the songs frequently described the neighbourhoods and streets of the metropolis with an occasional trip to the seaside at Brighton. It is no wonder then that this high concentration of songs that represented London and its residents has been the focus for most historical work on music hall song. But although London was certainly the centre of the music hall universe and of music hall England, other English regional characters made frequent appearances on the music hall stage and it is to these characters that 1 will now tum. The largest number of non-London regional characters were from the North of England. This is not surprising considering the large number of halls which provided entertainment in the urban centres of Liverpool, Manchester, Leeds and Birmingham as well as many other smaller aties and towns in the North. The Northern character, therefore, will be the primary focus of this chapter, but 1 will also refer to the less frequent representations of the West Country charader. In his 1937 book, The Road to Wigan Pier, George Orwell writes of the differences he encountered when journeying from the South of England to the "strange country" of the North. He goes on to explain that this "is partly because of certain real differences which do exist, but SUmore because of the North-South antithesis which has been rubbed into us for such a long time past." 2 The North-South antithesis which he desaibes presents the North as the only place where "real Me" takes place, "real work" is done and "rd people" live; the Northerner "has '@Y, he is grim, 'dour', plucky, warm- hearted, and democratic; the southemer is snobbish, effeminate, and lazy." 3 The literary representation of the North of England as a distinct region has, as Orwell suggests, a long history; the insistence on a north-south division of England goes badc to at least the reign of King John (1199-1216). The 1830s and 1840s, however, is considered to be the period "which saw the birth of the regional novel" which took the depiction of the North to new heights. 4 Many of these regional novels, including works by the Brontës, Gaskell, Dickens and Disraeli, contrasted the harsh indushial north with the gentle south, and the gruff Northem character with the more rehed

Southemer. 5 Gaskell writes of the North in her 1854-55 novel, North and Sou th, "It had a character of its om, as different from the Little bathing-places in the south of England as they again kom those of the continent. To use a

Scotch word, every thing looked more 'purposelike.' " 6 From 1860 to 1885, dialect literature, a genre more popular with the working dasses which was influenced by both fok Song and literary writing, also presented images of the North. As Martha Vicinus points out, its "aim was to join old traditions with the new industrial and urban values." 7

2 George Orwell. The (1937; Harmondsworth, Middelesax: 1972) 98. 3 Orwell 98. 4 C. Dellheim, 'lmagining England: Vctoflan Views of the North.' Northem Hi- (1986) 22: 21 6: D. C. D. Pocock, 7henovelist's image of the North.' Transactions of the InstiMe of British Geoara~hers1979 : 63. 5 POCOC~63.65-66. 6 Elizabeth Gaskell. North and South (i854-55: Oxford: Oxford UP. 1989) 58.

7 MarthaVicinus, The In dustnal* Muse: A Studv of Nheteenth Centurv British Workina Cl= Laeratur? (London: Croom He!m, 1974) 185; For more on the dîaiect literature tradition. see chapter 5 of Vicinus. 95

Literary representations of the North continued to flourish at the end of the century, when stereotypes of Northem character remained extremely popular. Industrialisrn still dominated images of the North, but the emphasis

was now more often on industrial decline rather than industrial prosperity. 8 Talbot Baines wrote in the Times in 1897, "There can be no collection of human dweUings in the world more kankly hideous than the average manufaduring or mining village of the North or the working-class quarters

of the great towns." 9 Despite this change in the representation of the North, however, the image of the North which was, in Orwell's words, "rubbed intof' Bntons by the early twentiethcentury music hall was cheery and opomistic and focused on the virtues of a cornmunity defined by hard work, simple living and rural location. Two of the eariiest singers to present Northern charaders on the music hall stage were Joe Wilson and George Ridley. Wilson, who was bom in Newcastle in 1841, apprenticed and then worked as a printer, and in 1858 he printed his first book of songs and poems. He continued to write and publish Tyneside dialect songs, eventually making his way on to the stage to sing

them until1874, when he did his last professional engagement 10 Wilson is best known for his Song, 'Xeep Your Feet Still Geordie Hinney" whidi describes the troubles of two men sharing a bed in a lodging house. The chorus explains their discornfort: Keep yor feet still Geordie hinney Let's be happy for the neet For Aa may not be so happy thro' the day. So give us that bit cornfort, keep yor feet still Geordie lad

8 Oellheim 229- 9 Talbot Baines, The Industrial North in the Last Decade of the Nineteenth Century (Leeds: Jowettand Sowry Ltd., 1928) 20; Oellheim 226, 40 Oave Harker. 'Joe Wilson: 'Comic Dialecücai Singer' or Ckss Traitor?" Music Hail: Performance and SQ!g ed- J. S. Bratton (Miiton Keynes: Open UP, 1986) 117.121. And diwent drive me bonny dreams away. 11

Wilson's songs catered to an audience which was made up of "predominantly male, skilled workers, usually employed in a Tyneside factory, and in enginee~gworks above A," and he focused on Tyneside characters, settings and concerns. 12 He is often held up by historians as a representative of the good old days of music haU when the songs focused on dass stniggle and radicalism and the singen served the needs of a local audience rather than a national one. 13 George Ridley's humorous presentation of the Northern character was more typical of the music hail. His comic romance "Cushie Butterfield" presents the love story of two unromantic Northern characters: the singer who is a "broken hairted keelman," and Cushie who "sells yalla clay" in her "big galoshes." 14 The Northern charader, however, did not make a signihcant appearance outside the local halls and on the national stage unal the turn of the century, when Yorkshire and Lancashire lads and lasses became a popular fad and Tom Foy, Jack Pleasants, Charles Whittle, and George Formby became big stars with their Northern acts. Tom Foy (1879-1917)' or "The Yorkshire Lad", was born in Manchester to Irish parents. After training as an aambat and travelling with a circus, he performed in the mutic hall btas a "lightening cartoonist" and then as a singer and dancer, before joining a Wild West show as a black-faced

11 Peter Davison. Sonas of the British Music Hall (New York: Oak Publications, 1971) 46-47; "Geordie"is a cornmon nickname for Newcastle and Tyneside men which may have originally corne from the name of a mining lamp designed by George Stephenson : Mike Storry and Peter Childs, eds., British Cultural Identities (London: Routledge, 1997) 53, 12 Harker 123. 13 Harker 114,123. 14 OaYiSOn 30-32 comedian. He then returned to the music hall where he put on an Irish ad. While performuig in a pantomime in Manchester, he met the music hall rninstrel singer Eugene Stratton, who helped him to get a spot at the Oxford music hall in London. He soon becarne famous for his Yorkshire characters with 'A Yorkshire Lad in London' and 'Tom Foy and his Donkey' (Figures 19-

20) which he performed with a ïive donkey on stage. 15 Jack Pleasants (1875-1924), another popular Yorkshire comedian, born in Bradford, began his singing career at Band of Hope concerts and talent contests bebre making his first music haii appearance in Leeds in 18û4 and his btLondon appearance in 1901. He was not an immediate success in London and rehinied to the North where he performed in local halls and with a circus until1907. After a pantomime appearance in Bradford his success improved and he became known as "a shy and awkward Yorkshire goon" and was billed as 'The Bashful Limit' (Figures 21-22). 16 His most popular songs were "I'm Twenty-one Today" and "X'm Shy, Mary Ellen, I'm

Shy'." 17 Charles Whittle (1874-1947),a Yorkshire blacksmith, began his career singing in his spare time at a local tavem and made his first London music hall appearance in 1899. His most famous songs were "The Girl in the Clogs and Shawl", Zefs AU Go Down the Strand" and "We All Go the Same Way Home" which he sang until he retired in the 1920s. 1s The most popuiar of the Northem cornic singers, however, was George Formby, 'The Lad from Wigan' who \vas desaibed by one obsenrer as the

15 Roy Busby. British MuSc Hall: An lllustrated Who's Who from 189to the Present Dav (London: Paul Oek Ltd., 1976) 645; Raymond Mander and Joe Mitchenson, British Music HaII. a stow in ~icturq(London: Studio Vista Ltd., 1965) 1 18. 46 Busby 139-40, 17 Busby 139-40: Mander and Mitchenson 119. 18 Busby 183; Mander and Mitchenson 128; Whittle aJço made a bnef return in 1938. "most authentic exponentff of Lancastrian humour. 19 Formby, who was born James Booth in Ashton-Under-Lyme in 1877, but took his stage name from the name of a town near Liverpool, worked at an ironfoundry from the age of twelve, sornetimes singing in the streets for extra money. He eventually took his talent into the local pubs and then local halls. He married in 1900 and moved to his new bride's home town of Wigan where the success of his didect act soon led to engagements in London. 20 In London, Formby most often appeared as 'John Wief,a Lancashire yokel in the big city. "One of the Boys", "Pm such a Hit With the Girls", "Since Pve Parted My Hair in the Middle", "We AU Went to Leicester Square" and "Playing the Game in the

West" were all popular John Willie songs. 11 Formby's early years had a great effect on his future career, not only because of his exposure to Lancashire dialect and custom, but also because of his exposure to sulphur fumes in the foundry. His croaky voice and hacking cough became a irademark part of his act. He would make asides üke "coughing better tonight - coughing summat champion" and when he stopped in the middle of a Song to "have a good cough" the audience thought it was all part of the comic effect. 22 The cough, however, eventually killed

him; in 1921, at the height of his popularity, he burst a blood vesse1 on stage at the Empire Theatre in Newcastle while appearing in a pantomime. After his death, his son, George Formby Junior, went on to continue his act for many

19 Archibdd Haddon, The Stow of the Music Hall: from Cave of Harmonv to Cabaret (London: Fieetway Press Ltd., 1935) 177. 20 Bush 61. 21 HadQn 178; Colin Maclnnes. Sweet Saturdav Niaht (London: MacGibbon and Kee Ltd.. 1967) 62 22 Busby 61. years with some of the same Northem songs and charactea. 23 D. C. D. Pocock points out, in his work on the representation of the North, that the division between the North and the South in the popdar imagination is quite arbitr~yand the boundaries flexible. Some writers have placed the line between North and South as far south as Birmingham or as far north as Newark; others have bounded the North by the Mersey, Humber or Trent rivers, perhaps attempting to naturalise such perimeters. The North, like any other geographical region, is a social construction, only imagined to be a distinct area. In the early twentieth-century music hall, the North was imagined primarily as the counties of Yorkshire and Lancashire and it was from these two counties that Northem characters almost always

In his article, "ZmaginLig England: Victorian Views of the North," C. Deiheim demonstrates that nineteenth-century written literature whidi represents the North rnakes distinctions not only between Lancashire and

Yorkshire residents but also stresses the differences within the counties. -5 But despite the tendency of music hall performers to label themselves as either Lancashire or Yorkshire comics, the differences between their Lancashire or Yorkshire representations of the North and the Northem character are insubstantial. Local written iiterature presents the Yorkshire character as "hearty, shrewd, vigorous, maniy, practical, matter-of-fact,

23 Busby 61 ; Other later Northem acts induded Dick Henderson. who made his first solo appearance in the music hail in 1916 as 'a rotund Yorkshire dialect cornedian, wean'ng a bowler several skes too small' and the very farnous Gracie FieMs. who sang Lancashire songs between the wars on stage and in her films. Chariie Chaplin began his career in 1897 at the age of eight, with a troupe called the '8 Lancashire LadsNthat toureâ the Northem halls perfoning comic skits: Busby 76: G-J. Mellor, The Northem Music Hall (NewcastIe-Upon-Tyne: Frank Graham, 1970) 43-

25 Oeil heim 221 -22 unimaginative, progressive, and perhaps above all, independent" 26 and the Lancashire character as "industrious, frugal, sincere, practical, penevering, and self-reliant [with] strength of character, naturd insight [and] shrewdness." 27 The Yorkshire lad is known for his regional pnde and the Lancashire lad is known for his "deep sense of humour, his patient endurance of adversity, his life-long smiggle with want, his indomitable perseverance [and] his love of home." 28 The typical music hall Northem man is a combination of these characteristics, blended together to make up a Northem type who not only has many of these attributes, but is also a bit of a fool. The dialect of the Northern songs of the later music hall was greatly toned down from that of the earlier performers like Wilson and Ridley, in order that performea could play to larger and more diverse audiences. But the accent and expressions of the North still remain as a reminder that the Northemer is different hmother English men and women and belongs to a distinct community which speakç its own laquage. Tums of phrase like "by gum," "champion," "summat" and "nowt" dong with regional dialect markers iike the use of 'thee' and 'thou' were used for comic effect as they sounded strange to the ears of non-Northern audience members and set the Northerner off as an 'other.' At the same the, however, these representations promoted pride in the regional dialect? which was now good enough for the national stage. The Northem music hall songs can be divideci into two main types which 1ntill cdthe Northem lass songs and the Northern yokel songs. The

26 Dellheim 220. 27 Deltheim 221. 28 Dellheim 220-1 - Northem lass Song is usually sung by the Northem lad who has made his way to the big city (usually London) for work and now longs to be badc home with the girl he left behind him. Charles Whittle's 1909 Song "The Girl with the Clogs and Shawi" (Example 12) is a dassic example. 29 The Song tells the story of Joe who has moved to London and left his sweetheart badc in "his little cotton tomf' in the North. As London girls pass by his window, he says, 'Td rather have my little factory lass. / In her dogs and her shawl." The Northem factory girl (never identified as Yorkshire or Lancashire although Whittle was frorn Yorkshire) is applauded fur her plain looks and contrasted with the other girls who "May be fajr-like and tall" and Wear "stylish

Flome Forde, who was born in Australia, may have started the aaze for such songs with her huge 1907 hit, "She's a Lassie from Lancashire," about a boy who moves to America and misses his girl back home. 31 The last lines of the chorus extol: Though she dresses in dogs and shawl, She's the prettiest of them all, None could be faUer or rarer than Sarah, My lass from Lancashire. 32 The songwriters (C. W. Murphy and Dan Lipton) quiddy followed this hit with "My Girl's A Yorkshire Girl (Eh! By Gum, She's A Champion!)" in 1908

(Example 13), which was Sung by Rome Gallimore. 33 The chorus descn'bes

29 Harry Castling and C. W- Murphy, "TheGirl with the Clogs and Shawl" (London: Francis. Day and Hunter 1909). 30 Casîling and Murphy (1 909). 31 Busby 59. 32 Peter Fos, ed- Bum~erBook of Music Hall Sonas (Wooâîord Green, Essex: EMI Music Pub. Ltd., 1988) 730-32 33 C. W. Murphy and Dan Lipton. 'MyGirî'sA YorkshireGid (Eh! By Gum. She's A Champion!)' (London, Francis, Day and Hunter l90S). the ideal Northern lass: My girl's a Yorkshire girl, Yorkshire through and through - My girl's a Yorkshire girl, Eh! by gum, she's a champion! Though she's a fadr'y lass, And wears no fancy clothes, - I've a sort of a Yorkshire Relish For my little Yorkshire Rose.

But despite the similarity between this Song and the others proclaiming the virtues of the Northem girl, this Song offers an unusual twist. The verses of the Song desmie two men who are taking about their sweethearts. They each in tum describe the girls they have left behind and then realise that they rnay be describing the same girl. They hurry to a Yorkshire cottage to find her and ask her which boy she hds "most dear" but the door is opened not by the expected Rose, but by her husband who then gets his chance to sing out the chorus, "My girl's a Yorkshire girl . . ." Another songwriting pair, Tom Mellor and Harry Gifford, also wrote about Northem lasses. Their 1914 Song "She's a bit of owd Lancashire" desaibes a Lancashire lad and lass who work together in the ma. 34 The lad describes his lass in the chorus: She's a bit of owd Lancashiref And she's mine, ha' knows. She's first dass - By gum! she's a champion lass, Tho' she works in the factory, 1 know her love's sincere. Oh! what should 1 do without My bit of owd Lancashire?

Similady, the chorus of a George Leybourne Song announces the syle and

3 Tom Mellor and Harry Gifford, "She'sa bit of owd Lancashire" (Francis, Day and Hunter London, 1914). beauty of his "Lancashire Lass." 35 The £inal verse of Marie Loftus' Song desaibes "Owdham" lads and lasses who "Like bees in a hive, toi1 the hous away"; the singer declares "Some fancy a lady in silken hose, / But give me a fadory las - tha knows!" 36 These songs describe the Northern place and the Northern woman, both of which are imagined as romantic, somewhat rural and qua.int. The physical and geographical space of the North is very rarely described in the songs; the characters corne frorn "little cotton town[s]" or "cottage[s] in Yorkshire," or a Northem "[spot] on this fertile earth," but little else is said of setting. 37 The North, then, is cleansed of the dirty industrial quaiities with which it was mos t often associated and the characters live in a setting which is neither urban nor rural. 38 The factory towns of the songs might represent freshly-scrubbed and polished venions of larger smokey and @tty industrial towns Iüte Manchester, Liverpool or Birmingham, but more likely they represent small towns with cottage industry, ignoring the larger aties altogether in the portrayal of the North. In either interpretation, the Sorth has been purged of its industrial eyesores. The most nual aspects of the North are also ignored and there is no mention of farming or country Me.

35 H. Chance Newton. Id& ofthe 'Halls' (Esat Ardsley. Wakefield, West Yorkshire: EP Pub. Ltd., 1928) 60. 36 Harrington and Le Brunn 'Because" (1900). 37 Casüing and Murphy The Girl" (1 909); Murphy and Upton "My Girl'sm(1 908). 38 There are aven songs which present humorous attempts to ruraiise London and the Cockney. For example, Edgar Bateman and George Lestunn wrote "'Ackney With the 'Cuses Took Awar for Vesb Victoria and the very popular "If It Wm'tFor the 'Ouses in Between (Or, The Cockney's Garden)" for Gus Uen. The first chorus of the latter is: "Oh it reaily is a weny pretty garden, 1 And Chingford to the EasnNard could be seen; 1 Wiv a ladder and sorne glasses, / You could see to 'Ackney Marshes i If it wasn't for the 'ouses in between." : Edgar Bateman and George LeBrunn , "Ackney Wth the 'Ouses Took Away" (London: Francis, Day and Hunter, 1900); Edgar Bateman and George Le Brunn, "If It Wasn't For the 'Ouses in 6etween (Or, The Cockney's Gardenj" (London: Francis, Day and Hunter. 1894). This representation overlooks the urban decay of the North and yet presents diaracters who reap the benefits of hdustry and development; it presents a modem way of Me that retains its link to traditional community. The factory lasses are an important part of this vision. Unlike the lrish and Scottish women of the music hall who usually remain in their homes or on hillsides, the Northern lasses spend most of their tune at work in the factory. The songs present the North as a place where "real work" is done and the people are more "purposelike."39 But despite their work in the rough and dirty factories, Northern wornen in music haIl Song remain feminine, dociie, delicate, sweet, gentle and clean; they retain their place in the traditional gender hierarchy and, therefore, make factory work respectable for women. The fernale characters rarely have a voice in the songs and are, like the Irish and Scottish characters, generalIy passive or even part of the scenery: "a bit of owd Lancashire." The punch Iine in "My Girl's A Yorkshire Girl" comes when Rose breaks the desof the gender hierarchy by courting two men while married to another. The humour of the Song comes hom the contrast between what is known by the audience to be respectable and the discovery of Rose's unrespectable behaviour. The songs then, reinforce notions of traditional behaviour for women and make the women an important part of the idealised and quasi-wal Northem community. Female factory workers are presented in traditionai positions of servitude despite their active role in the workplace, and women in the audience are reminded that despite the freedorn they may have gained hom the personal spending power granted by a wage, men prefer women who retain theh ties to tradition and have no need for fancy dothes. The lasses of

39 Gaskell 58; Orwell 98. the songs are most often descrîbed as plain factory girls, wearing the plain cotton mill uniform of clogs and shawl. A rare female regional performer, Miss Maggie Walsh, "The Lancashire Singing Mill Girl" and "A Diarnond in the Rough," perfonned her act in the halls in a simple white dress and shawl

(Figure 23). 40 Deborah Valenze suggests that nineteenth century Britain "ladced a vocabulary with which to praise its female workers" and Britons were ashamed of the factory girl who they felt "used coarse language, spent

money on trifiings, and was morally lax." 41 The music hail portrait of the factory girl contests this view with a more idealised and romanticised illustration which assures the audience that the factory girl is sweet, pure, plain and virtuous. It also asserts the notion that the girl who finds no need to exercise her new spending power by purchasing things for herself is 'Eh! By

Gum!' the champion of a man's heart. 42 The coshime of dogs and shawi also invokes a sense of community which is defined by a distinctive dress with a rural and 'folk' look. The clogs of the Northem lass were often used for dog dancing, a folk dance which was a popular music hall act tliroughout Britain. Clog dancing was also a common pastime among male and female factory workers in the North who

leamed many elaborate steps as they practised after work on street corners. 43 The use of costume and dance in the Northem songs is similar to that in the Scottish songs as it indicates that the Northem community was one of common custom; Northem women, We Scottish and Irish women in music

40 MisMaggie Walsh advertisernent, The Er& Apri15. 1902: 35. 41 Deborah Valenze, The first Industrial Woman (Oxford: Oxford UP, 1995) 3- 42 Later mu* hall star, Gracie Fields, presented a sirnilar vision of the factory girl of the North as plain and pure but she added a lot more spunk and gurnption to the charader: Mellor 102-1 16. 43 Vicinus 240. hail Song, fill traditional roles in a traditional community. The Northern yokel Song also brings out the themes of Northem place and character, linking the North and the Northemer to tradition and a semi- rural community. George Formby played the ultimate Northem yokel with his recurring character of the 'Lancashire loon' John Willie who frequently visited London and got himself into trouble, much to the delight of the audience. Formby's Song "Playing the Game in the West" (meaning the West of London) was one of the most popular of his yokel songs. The first verse sets up the joke, describing the character's attempt at the life of a toE Since I've been in London it's easy to see There's no other Johnny look smarter than me, Pm going the pace, that means playing the game Pm one of those gay dogs, thafs got a bad name. Pm what folks would call a dare-devil, you know, No sooner an argument, than ifs a blow, I've seen better days, still I don't care a sou, i've gone to the dogs and you know what it's through

The character continues to brag about his suaveness in the first chorus: Playing the game in the west, playing the game in the city, Leading the Me that tek, fiirthg with Maude and Kitty. Strolling dong the Strand, knocking the policeman about, And Pm no t going home till a quarter to ten, 'cause ifs my night out 44 As the Song :onthues we lemmore about the character's night out; the second chorus proclaims: Playing the game in the west, leading a Me that's thrilling, Out of the two-bob piece, all I've got left is a shilling. Treating the girls to cham, throwing my rnoney about, Tallyho Hiphooray Pip pip dear the way, cause ifs my night out 45

44 WicHall: Proaramme No. a (llford. UK: International Music Publications. 1984) 58-61. 45 'cham' = slang for champagne Forrnby's costume for the 'early to bed, early to rise' characier of this Song was "a minuscule bowler, a jacket too tight, pants too baggy, large unlaced boots, a scarf that dangled between his legs, and gloves whose fingers were larger than his own" (Figure 2425). 46 The Northem man was portrayed visually through the use of costume, and in the case of Tom Foy through the use of a live donkey on stage, which highlighted the badcwardness of Northern Me; his dothing was usually not oniy the wrong size but also out of fashion. The costume is neither that of a farmer or a Londoner and is, like the settuig, neither entirely rural nor entirely urban. Another Formby Song, "We AU Went Home in a Cab," depicts a similar situation for the yokel &tracter. The singer goes out to a soda1 club to have a good tirne with some friends and when they are ready to go home they take a cab. But, as he goes on to explain, "The bottom feu out, / But the driver went on, / So we ail ran home in a cab." The next verse sees the group trying to take a tram home from an ice-cream shop "But the guard pushed us off 1 And we fell on the floor, / So we didn't go home in a tram." The patter after the verse explains, "No we didn't Wewent in an ambulance. 1 go fast in one O' tramlines and they had to get me out with a 'airpin." The ultimate rnishap of the Song happens in the final verse when the boys go out drinking and don't corne home, not because they have been out ail night, but because 'We'd some business to do / With a man dressed in blue. / So we didn't go home last night." 47 Yet despite the trouble that the Northern lad gets himself into because of his la& of cunning, he continues to smüe; he is simple and easily arnused but audiences were expected to find his attitude

- - -- 46 Maclnnes 63. 47 Davisan 216-17. admirable.

Similar to the London 'counterfeit swell' songs, the humour in these types of yokel songs cornes from the idea that the character is out of place in his surroundings, despite his absurd attempts to fit in. The Northemer is different from other men. At the same the, he is quite unaware of his own awkwardness. 48 The songs modc the rural innocent to promote the superiority of city life, but they also simultaneously and subtly make hin of London ways by mockhg the London sweil, his habits, vocabulary and airs. The Northerner in contrast is honest, humble, modest and innocent. Formby's song "The Man Was a Stranger to Me" points out the Northemer's innocence of city ways and implies that he is from a doser-knit

1 never could get on with strangers somehow, Strange faces I never could see. Now I met a man in the street t'other day, But the man was a stranger to me. He said "What's the the?", so 1 pulled out my watdi, I said, "Look for yourself - do, go on - I don? think ifs going." He said, "Yes it is." In a tick after that it was gone. As 1 opened my eyes, 1 said, "How the time flies!" My watch in his hand I could see. And I'd a good rnind to ask him to give it me back, But the man was a stranger to me. 49

The next verse sees the protagonist help a young lady with her bags but refuse the offer to corne inside for pastry and tea (probably innuendo), because he says "the gul was a stranger to me." The Northemer's innocence and naïvete restrict his experience of the world and get him into trouble. He rem& a

48 For more about the London swell song see Peter Bailey, 'Cham pagne Charîie: Performance and Ideology in the Music-Hall Swell Songn ed. J. S. Bratton. Music Hall: Performance and SMe (Miiton ~eynes:Open UP. 1986) 49-69. 49 Davimn 212-13. relic in a changing world, but there is also a lesson to be leamed fkom the yokel who takes iife in stride and keeps smiling despite adversity. Jack Pleasants presented an even more bashful character in his song "Pm shy, Mary men, Pm shy" but, like many of the yokel characters in music hail song, the character in this Song has the last laugh. 50 The first verse describes the young man's courtship with Mary Ellen who wonders why her beau has never kissed her. He answers in the chorus: Pm shy, Mary Ellen, I'rn shy. It does seem so naughty - oh, my! Kissing is nicey, I've often heard say, But still how to do it 1 don? know the way. So y O u put you arm round ln y waist I promise I won't saeam or cry, Ço you do the kissing and cudd'ling instead, 'Cos Pm shy, Mary ElIen, I'rn shy.

In the second verse the singer descnbes a trip to the seaside where Mary Ellen tells him to go bathing in the men's area while she swims with the women. His reply is: I'rn shy, Mary Ellen, Pm shy. It does seem so naughv - oh, my! Men are so rough and Pm sure they will stare They'll SPLASH me, and DUCK me if 1 go in there. The girls Mtso rough as the men, hdthey wouldn't duck me or try, So I'd rather bathe here dong with the girls, 'Cos Pm shy, Mary Euen, Pm shy.

In the third verse the singer deades that he cannot fight a larger man who has insulted Mary EIlen because he's too shy to take off his coat in front of the ladies on the street, and in the final verse he is so shy that after his wedding to Mary Ellen, he leaves with the other guests. While the character is

50 Peter Gammond. Music Hall Sono Book (London: EMI Music Publishing Ltd.. 1975) 118-20. certainly humorous because of his timid and unmanly behaviour, he gets the best of every situation because of feigned simpleness and is in fact more cunning than he first appears. Tom Mellor and Harry Gifford teamed up with Leonard Cooke to write "When my Lancashire Lass comes to London" which combines the Northem

lass song with the yokel song. 51 It tek the story of a Lancashire lad who has moved to London and writes to his sweetheart back home to ask her to corne to visit him and see the sights: When my Lancashire lass comes to London, to London, to London, 'Hey!' she'll Say with a smiling face, 'By gum, it's a champion place!' She won't care about fashions Or Wear a society gown; She'll just be a bit of old Lancashire When she comes to London tom.

The rest of the Song describes the lad's visions of the pair's adventures in London as they contrast the cosmopolitan big aty with their own simple home, and display their own simple character. CVhile this Song in some ways degrades the Northem dwacter, like other yokel songs, it also celebrates the simple Me of the rural type. The last laugh is in fact not at the simple yokel in the big city, but instead at the urban dweller with a more complicated He. The Lancashire lad in this Song predicts that when he and his lass visit the Houses of Parliament "They'U remind her somewhat of the 'Müls', she WU Say; / Though they are not spinning cotton all day, / They spin yarns, that's

The Korthemer, however, is not the only regional Englishman to

51 Tom Mellor. Hany Gifford and Leonard Cooke. 'When rny Lancashire Lass comes to London' (London: Francis, Day and Hunter, 191 1). appear as a yokel in London. West Country characters who appear in music hall songs are almost always portrayed as country bumpkins who know little of the ways of city Ne. The West Country character is not identified by lyrics which sing out the names of towns or counties but instead by a West Country accent and dialed and the costume of a traditional farmer's smock, presenting an even more rural English character who is ignorant of urban ways. Albert Chevalier is best-known for his Cockney characters but he also donned the smock to perform a few West Country character songs. His 1896 Song "'E Can't Take A Roise Out Of Oi!" presents a West Country farmer who has only been "as far as twenty moile" from his home in his 84 years (Figure 26-27). 52 His son left the village thirty years ago for London but has recently corne back and now speaks to his father in an "Oi knows all about it' sort O' way" and tells his father that he is "be'oind the toimes." The father's iesponse to this in the chorus is: Oi've been moindin' the farm 'ere fur forty five years An' dore that, the pigs in the sty, M Oi knows what Oi knows, an' Oi 'ears what Oi 'ears, An' 'e can't take a roise out of Oi!

The Song rnocks the old farmer for his rival ignorance, contrasted with more youthful and modem urban ways. George Bastow was the foremost exponent of the West Country yokel and his 1909 song, 'They won't know Oi coom from the Coontry (That's what makes Oi larf)" (Example 14) is typical. 53 The Song presents a man who has "lild in the coonûy aU [his] days and is going to London next week 'Tor the

52 Gamrnond Music Hall 179-80 . This song was recorded by Chevalier in 1% 1: Brian Rust, c Hall on Record (Harroe, Middlesex: General Gramophone Pub. Ltd., 1979) 21. 53 Fred W. Leigh, They won? know Oi coom from the Coontry (That's what makes Oi larf)' (London: Francis, Day and Hunter 1909) . kttoime in [his] loife." He is determined to foi1 ail the London personalities who might hy to get the better of him if they know he's hm the country. To do this, he will dress in the latest London styles, use hair-oil, speak with a Cockney accent and use London catch-phrases. He's willing to spend two-bob to live like a lord in the Westend and he "won't go to bed till half-past ten, / For they keep late hous oop there." The West Country yokel then, like the Northemer, simultaneously mocks both the nual and the city ways of life as the diarader makes ridiculous attempts to fit in to London society but also points out its problems dong the way. The cover of Bastow's 1902 Song, "Varmer Giles" (Figure 28) pictures Bastow in his country coshime of smock and hat. 54 The lyrics present a farmer named GiIes who has travelled to London. He sings, "For a zoft zort of varmer-chap / Oi have been took, / But Oi tell 'ee Oi ain't zuch a vool as Oi look!" and then proceeds to describe the aspects of London which he hds preposterous, among them: the slowness of the trains, London women, Nelson's column, the War Office and Parliament. Varmer Giles speaks not only as a rural bumpkin corne to London to see the sights, but also as the voice of common-sense. He is similar to the Shakespearean fool as although he seems to be the rnost feeble-minded character he in fact "ain't zuch a vool" as he looks and 'speaks the huth'; the yokel is an outsider with inside knowledge. The representation of regional England in the music hall presents several contradictory messages. It implies that the North and the West are rural places with charaders who are unaware of the complicated ways of city Me. The image of the West Country man is that he, like the Irish and

54 Gilbert Wells and T. F. Robson. 'Varmer Giles" (London: Francis. Day & Hunter. Y 902). Scottish, is stuck in a rural past where he wears old-fashioned clothes, speaks with an old-fashioned accent and lives a backwards life. This representation both mocks the West Country cornmunity for its lack of fashion and the metropoiis for its complicated way of life and siUy and meaningless modem practices, praising the West Country yokel for his 'good seme! He is not only a dim-witted and out-of-touch man Iost in the big Qty; he also has a sensïbiiity that cornes from a slower, simpler and better way of iife. The representation of the North is similar; Northerners are either clumsy country bumpkins or simple innocent lasses. The Northem yoke1, iike the West Country farmer, is both ridiculed for his la& of sophistication and praised for his modest way of life. The Northern lass songs romanticise the very unromantic life of factory girls and the unromantic setting of factory towns; the dirty, gritty, ugly and industrial areas of the North where, as Orwell put it, one found "real Me," are forgotten or replaced by a semi-rural vision of a Northern cornmunity based, like the Irish and Scottish communities, on tradition and custom. 5s This must have been very appealing to audience members who also lived in dirty and womantic urban centres and may have been eager to exchange the distasteful view of the industrîal North for a deaner, happier vision. 56 The North of course was not solely a place of urban squalor; much of Yorkshire and Lancashire in fact

55 Orwell 98. 56 This notion of ailowing the North to remain in the rurd past despite its obvious move into the industriai present was not a new idea; the Victarian novelists also presented this contradictory view of the Nortb. According to Dellheim, 'IndustriaJism domhated Victorians' mental maps of the North, but the pre-industrial North was nevef forgotten" and The su~vaiof the oid North was especially significant for northem writers anxious to counter the image of the North as a worid of unsightly. repugnant cities. They called attention to the rurai delights of the North.": Deilheim 224, 227. remained nual. 57 But the music hail presented a conglomeration of urban and mal with semi-urban diaraders in semi-urban settings, covering up the negative aspects of industrialism. The music hall representation of the Northem character, like the representation of the Irish and Scottish, avoided any explicit reference to dass stniggle. Despite the history of class conflid in Yorkshire and Lancashire from the late eighteenth century and the economic diversity between the North and South of England, the songs are void of any suggestion that factory work was connected to unsatisfadory working conditions, trade unionism, strikes, or violent clashes between members of the Northem commu~ty.58 This aiiowed the songs to present a community based on agreement and similarity, rather than one divided by dispute, and it supported an idealistic vision of the North. While the history of disruption in the North might have provided grounds to reaffirm Northem loyalty in songs about soldiers of the Empire, Northem, West Country and even Cockney characters are rarely depicted as soldiers. Despite the phenomend nurnber of English soldiers in music hall song, they are rarely distinguished by region, perhaps because there was Little need to do so. The Northem English, regardless of regional differences or dass conflicts, were süll English and part of the English nation and it was taken for granted that England was an essential part of Bntain. While Scottish and Irish soldiers may have needed to prove their importance to

57 In 1891. imost 63% of the population of Yorkshire and 82Oh of the population of Lancashire lived in urban areas of at least 20.000 people: Dudley Baines. Miaration in a mature econornv: Erniaration and intemal miaration in Enalandand Wales. 1861-1900 (Cambridge: Cambridge UP. 1985) 334. 58 See E P. fhompson. The Makina of the Enalish Workina Claq (London: Penguin. 1991); John K. Walton. Lancashire: A Social Histow. 1558-1 939 (Manchester: Manchester UP. 1987). 115

Bntain and the Empire, the English did not. In the following chapter, examples of songs that propose the incorporation of Ireland and Scotland into the United Kingdom show that while the Welsh are often forgotten in the vision of Ufufied Britain, the English are aiways induded. Chapter 5 Where Was Wales? The Representation of the Welsh in the Music Hall

Ln March, 1893, songwriter George Ware wrote in a letter to The Era about his Song "The Three Joliy Bntons; or, the English, Mh, and Scotch," which he described as having great success on the music hall stage. 1 He went on to Say that Mr Harry Monkhouse, one of the song's performers, "was the first to discover the mistake about 'The Three Britons;" that the riishrnan was not a Briton, but a Celt." But despite this mistake, which Ware begged Monkhouse to keep a secret, the song was a considerable success when several performers including Jolly John Nash sang out the chorus: We live together, we die together, together fight side by side; And cursed be he, on land or sea, who the three will try to divide. Ware continued in the letter: WeU Mr Jolly Nash continued to sing the Song with success till he went to Wales, but there the Welshmen gave him Taffy. The Welshmen had been left out. The hcient Britons had been ignored, and the Irishmen (Celts) usurped their place. It was too much for Taffy. They generally hear a verse of a Song before they hiss, but not so in this case. At the first line they srnileci, and felt good. It began thus - "Therefs three jolly Britons in the world, they are English, Irish, and Scotch." Now had there been fifty jolly Britons in the world, the Welshmen did not wish to hear about them. They fek they were insulted, and Mr Nash had to turn on another metre.

What is most interesting about this letter is not that the Welsh were left out of the song, but that the Welsh audience was significantly upset about thîs omission. If this was typical of the Welsh audience's readion to songs

1 George Ware, letter, The Ers March 25, 1893: 16. that overlooked them, then the Welsh halls must have frequently been full of distressed patrons (no wonder they weren't considered "Jolly Britons"). There are very few music hail songs which depict the Welsh. The stereotypical Welsh charader first appeared in English literature and popular art in the early sixteenth century (at an earlier date than the stereotypical Scots and Irish characters) with "toasted cheese, leeks and a reputation for dirt and dishonesty." 2 After the Tudor union however, this Welsh characterisation was replaced in popularity by the Scots and the Irish, and Welsh characters were more often poor peasants walking to London for work. 3 This portrayal of the Welsh continued into the eighteenth cenw until the French wars when the popular perception of the poor, stupid and cowardly Welsh was replaced by English cartoonists with the loyal and brave

Welsh who helped defend Britain. 4 In the early nineteenth century, the image of Wales was romanticised, but as the century progressed and Wales became more industriillised, the image of the Welsh miner became more popular. 5 But despite this rich history of Welsh stereotypes or caricahues in English literature, and despite the substantial number of hails in Cardiff, Caernarvon, Swansea, Newport, Merthyr Ty m,and nearby Bristol, there was remarkably little interest in Wales or the Welsh on the music hall stage. George Ware's snub of the Welsh in "The Three Jolly Britons" was ty-pical, so

-- 2 J. O. Mey, Teaqye. Shenkin and Sawnev: Beina an HistorÏcal Studv of the Enriieçt Irish. Welsh and Scottish Cmersin Fnalish Plavs Cork: Cork UP. 1954) 4847,135-46. 21 2-1 5; Peter Lord, Wordç with Pictures: Welsh Imaae and imacles of Wales in the Pobular Press. 1640- 1860 (Aberystwyth: Planet, 1995) 33. 3 Lord 33. 4 Lord 68.72 5 R. Merfyn Jones. 'Beyond Identity? The Reconstruction of the Welsh." Journal of British Studies 31 -4 (1992): 331. it cornes as no surprise that when perfonners did cater to Welsh audiences, the audiences were irnpressed. This report from The Era of Chades Coborn's 1894 performance at the Empire in Newport, Wales provides an interesthg conhast to the description of the audience for "The Three JoUy Britons": One of [Charles Coborn's] favourite tums is a rendering of the chorus of Two Lovely Bladc Eyes" in seven languages - English ,French, German, Italian, Greek, Hebrew, and Dutch. When he sang it in the earlier nights of the week, he was voderously applauded, but was every evening greeted with loud aies of "Welsh," "Cymraeg." With that desire to oblige which is so characteristic of him, he was prompted to see if he could not produce the chorus in Welsh. On Friday he succeeded, and to the great delight of the audience joining heartily with him: - Dau lygad bach du, Mae'n rhywbeth i mi, Dim ond am ddweyd wrth ddyn Fod e mewn twU - Dau lygad bach du. The Welsh is scarcely such as would pass muster at the Cymmrodorion, but it is a very fair translation for one who has been studying so short a tirne, and '*lr Coborn certainly deserves to be congratulated upon his achîevement. 6

The impact of such a small gesture upon the Welsh audience points to the value of an exploration of the representation of the Welsh, notwithstanding the scarcity of source material, as it suggests that the representation of Weish identity and community was much more important to the Welsh than to a wider British audience. A brief examination of the hüted Welsh music hall material demonstrates that despite this lack of national interest, the Welsh character did fill the same role as the Irish, Scottiçh and regional English

- -- 6 'ML C Cobom at the Empire, NewporL" The June 23,1894: 16- characters by promoting the same themes of traditional community, difference and inciusion, and mal nostalgia. The entertainment in the Welsh music halls, like the other regional hallsf of course induded some local entertainment. In Wales this entertainment often consisted of traditional music and dancingf but most often involved the performance of Welsh choirs which were a popular form of Welsh patriotism. 7 The number of Welsh character ads in the ha,on the other hand, was very few. The greatest music hall comic singer to have a family connection to Wales was Albert Chevalier, whose father was French and his mother Welsh. He shortened his name for the halls horn his baptised name Albert Onesime Britannicus Cwathveoyd Louis Chevalier and became famous for his Cockney acts; perhaps he realised his Welsh heritage would not get him far on the music hall stage. 8 The shortage of Welsh comic acts in the music hall led J. B. Booth to comment in his 1933 reminiscences, "1 cannot recall a 'typical Welsh cornedian.' Mr. Lloyd George should see to this; monopolies in the entertainment world are undesirable." 9 Despite Booth's recoilection of the lack of Welsh acts, however, there were a few performea who did present Welsh comic characters on stage. The most successful of these performers was Tom Jonesor as his card read, "Tom Jones of LlanfayPwUgwyngyUgogefychwyf'ndrobw1l11andisiliogo-

gogoch." 10 Jones most often presented "the quaint types of his own counhy people," frequently appearing dressed in the traditional women' s costume of

7 Gwyn A* Wiliiams, MenWas Wales? (London: Penguin, 1985) 20410. 8 Roy Busby, a (London: Paul Eiek Ltd., 1976) 33- 9 J.B. Booth, Pink Parade (London: Thomton Butterworth Ltd., t 933) 14041. 10 'A Rising Welsh Cornedian," The Era April4, 1908: 23. Wales as "Clara ap Morgan of Llandudno Town" (Figure 29) for exarnple. 11 His characters, which he performed with "just sufficient of the dialogue to complete the role and to make it understandable of the British audience," also included a Taff Vale railway porter, a gentleman named David Evans, and a Welsh yokel in "A Welshrnan's Trip to London." The reporter for The Era noticed the uniqueness of Jones' act on the music hail stage, when he commented: It mut be admitted that we have had Irish cornedians galore, and during the past few years Scottish comedians have been very much to the fore. Not long ago one might have gazed around the variety arena for a Welsh comedy merchant and have been astonished that no such individual existed. But now we can boast of one in the person of Tom Jones, who is a Welsh cornedian in the fullest sense of the word. . . . Already aitics have expressed opinions to the effect that Mr Jones will do for Welsh humour what other comedians have done for Scottish wit. 12

Despite the optimism of eariy reports such as this one, however, Jones never became a big star and hiç music hall career appears to have been very brie€. Nevertheless, the reports on Jones' performances point out the similarities between the representation of the Welsh and other regional characters; like the Scotash, Irish and regional English characters, Tom Jones' characters present the idea of regional cornmunity based on language, costume and tradition and an invocation of rural romanticism. This is also true of the few other music hall songs with Welsh characters who are most often presented as badcwards Welsh yokels who

13 "A Rising" 23; Unfortunately. this photograph is the only maten'al I could find on this charader and this makes it impossible to speculate on the signiticance of the cmss-dressing element of this particular act. 12 'A Rising" 23- corne from a traditional and rural community. Like the Scottish and Irish character s, Welsh characters1 in the music hall are often identified by their names which are a common subject for ridicule of the Welsh. The Song "Did You Ever, No 1 Never," which points out a number of ludicrous things that a person will never see, asks, "Did you ever know a Welshman / Who was not named Jones?" The chorus continues, "Did you ever, ever know / Things so very mm? / No 1 never, never did / Since in the world I've corne." 13 These jests at Welsh genealogy simultaneously mock Welsh idiosyncrasies and reveal the closeness of the Welsh community. "Sweet Jenny" (Example 15), sung by The Great Vance and written and composed by G. W. Hunt, tells the story of a man from "Laaf-and-daaf-and- half-and-half / Across the Welsh mountains, / Where the leeks and the violets / hdthe na~ygoats do dwell." 14 The cover (Figure 30), illustrated by Concanen, depicts the singer in an out-of-fashion costume of breeches and a long-tailed coat, with his tall hat in his hand and his long shaggy hair visible. He stands next to a müe stone which reads "XV miles to Llanglwg." As the Song continues, we leam that the man is searching for a fmgirl named Jenny who marks her linen with "O, P, Q X, Y, 2": a crack at the combination and number of letters in Welsh words and names. As he weeps and wanders 'Through vales and o'er mountains," he extols the attributes of beautiful rural Wales and reveals his own mental shortcomings. Jenny, however, has other ideas and has left home with a soldier instead of staying with the rather slow-witted singer, who after even dimbing Mount Snowden in hopes of finding her, deades to drown himself in the sea. The song both

- 13~a&verell~itwell. Momino. Noon and Ni~htin London (London: MacMillan and Co. Ltd.. 1948) 32-34. 14 G- W. Hunt 'Sweet Jenny" (London: Hopwood and Crew, n.d. [c. eariy 1880s)). praises Waies for its pastoral simplicity and derides the Welsh for their simple behaviour . The 1907 Song, "Mr Smith front Aberystwith," brings out similar themes as the "little Welsh girl," in her "little Welsh dress," who "With her innocence . . . won each heart," searches for a man named Smith in London. The joke cornes not only from the chorus which becomes a sort of Welsh tongue-hnster as the girl calls out for "Mr Smith from Aberystwith" but also from the notion that although it is quite an impossible task to find a man named Smith in London, the London men who are charmed by her Welsh innocence are eager to help anyway. 15 The Welsh girl is both applauded for her naive rural ways, and is the butt of the mal yokel joke. While this diaracter presents a slight change from the other representations of regional women, since she is actually in London instead of at home, she remains in the traditional role of the damsel in search of her man. The depiction of Wales as a rural community of hadition and custom, like the depiction of the Irish, Scottish and regional English, was a response to nationalisation, standardisation and urbanisation in Britain. The population of Wales increased in the late nineteenth century as industry grew. As the South became more prosperous and the North more depressed, the division between North and South Wales became more pronounced. Communities broke up as people moved in se& of work 16 It is no surprise then that the depiction of Wales in the music hall focused on a romantic view of Wales and its rural splendeur rather than its industrial £ilth whîle, at the same time,

15 Hany Castling and Fred Godfrey, "Mr Smith from Aberystwith" (London: Monte Car10 Pub. Co., 1907). 16 Kenneth O. Morgan, Rebirth of a Nation: Wales 1880-1984 (Oxford: Oxford UP, 1981) 6. 59. boosting the urban dweller as more fashionable and knowledgeable than the foolish Welsh yokel. However, not all of the music hall songs which depict the Welsh focus on their difference and 'othemess'; there were also songs which incorporated the Welsh community in the larger British community. Although 1 could not find any songs which celebrated the glories of Welsh regiments in batrle (and this is surprising considering the contribution of Welsh regiments in the Zdu War of 1879 for example, where a Welsh regiment won the Battle of Rorke's Drift) a few songs inciude the Welsh as a part of the united forces of

Britain. 17 The thud verse of TheIrish Are Always In Front" (Example 2) concludes with the lines, 50let's join together to uphold our Standard, / Combined we can settle our bitterest foes; / For where is the nation that ever could conquer, / The Shamrodc, the Thistle, the Leek and the Rose." 18 Miss Lizzie Howard's 1895 Song, "The Union Jack" (Example 161, announces that the strength of Britain cornes from her "children" or more spedically "her

sons." 19 The chorus is: They have march'd side by side, They have fought and died, For the flag over head their blood they have shed Like a crimson tide! Facing the foes' attack, Never once huning badc - Englishmen, Irishmen, Sco tchmen, and Welsh, Under the Union Jack!

The fourth and nnal verse of G. W. HunYs "We're Not Dead Yet" begins: "AU

17 Donald R. Monis. -hina of the Soe~(New York: Simon and Schuster I~c..1965) 589. 18 J. F. Lambe and George Le Brunn, The Irish Are Aîways in Front* (London: Houghton and Co., n*d.). 19 Charles Wilmott and George Le Brunn. The Union Jack* (London: Francis. Day and Hunter, 1895)- honour to the dead, English, Irish, Welsh or Scotch, / English lads, the Royal

Irish, and the gallant Black Watch." 20 But despite these meagre efforts to embrace the Welsh, many more songs which attempted to join all Britons ignored the Welsh completely. Walter Munroe's 1902 song, "Let Us Have A Song We Can AU Sing," descnbes an Englishman, an Irishman, and a Scotsman passing time together singing "Gd Save the King!" The hhman is happy to join in, saying that "Although Pat is discontented wid his lot, so I've heard Say, / To the Empire and the Crown he'ç loyal still!" and the Scotsman is also happy to sing such a bonnie song. In the last verse, even the Boer who meets them on the road is forgiven with the luies "The war it lasted far too long; - / Tho' ifs true you are a Boer, still now are fnends once more"; he then also joins in the anthem, but the Welshman is nowhere to be seen. 21 In the halverse of her song, The English Rose," Rome Robina prodaims "For it cannot be denied that Unity is Strength; / And we can look with scom upon our foreign foes, / Wethe Shamrodc and the Thistle stand by England's Rose." There

is no mention of the Welsh leek. 22 Tom CostelIo's 1899 song, 'The Mother Tongue" (Example 17) is most

interesting as it focuses on language as an important aspect of Britishness. 23 The Song reminds its listeners that when one is away from home, and surrounded by foreign tongues, "the sweet sound of a Britkhefs voice" is

20 G- W. Hunt, 'We're Not Dead Yet" (London: Hopwood and Crew, n.d. ). 21 John P. Harrington and George Le Brunn, 'Let Us Have A Song We Can All Sing* (London: Francis, Day and Hunter, 1902). 22 A.R. Marshall and George Le Bninn, "The English Rose" (London: A. Maynard, md.). 23 Albert Hall and George Le Bninn. 'The Mother Tongue" (London: Francis, Day and Hunter, 1899). This is the only Empire or soldier song that I found which makes specific mention of the regional English- cornforting. As the chorus says: It may be the Wang of the Northem boys, It may be the drown of the West, It may be the Mickey or Sandy who speaks In the tones that he loves the best; But it fills your heart and it thrills your soul, No matter if spoken or smg, And all that you know, And all that you care, It's the dear old Mother tongue! The final verse describes a Briton on his deathbed who is saved by the sound of the English tongue. Interestingly, the Scots and Irish, many of whom spoke Gaelic rather than English, are induded in the English language group, and attention is even given to the Northern and Western dialects of Engîand, but there is no mention of the Welsh. Whether this is because of the distinct Welsh language or because of the overall neglect to include the Welsh amongst the jolly Britonç united together by the Empire one cannot be sure, but nevertheless, the Welsh were most often left out of Britishness in the music hall. There are several possible explanations for the neglect of the Welsh in the music hall. It is possible that the Welsh choir tradition drained the halls of talented Welsh comic singers or that the non-conformist religious atmosphere squelched Welsh music hall ambitions; the drama scene in Wales was also impoverished despite the literary revivd in Wales at the end of the nineteenth century. There were, however, a significant number of successhil music halls not only in Wales but also in nearby Bristol, Liverpool and Mandiester. By the late nineteenth century, Welsh migration had produced large Welsh populations in these aties as well as in London and Birmingham and one might expect that Welsh diaspora, would, like the Iriçh, appear on the music hall stages of these urban centres. 24 The number of Welsh immigrants, however, was less significant than the number of Irish and Scots. For example, even in Liverpool, the English city with the highest percentage of Welsh atizens, the Welsh were greatly outnumbered by the Irish. In 1881, 16% of Liverpudlians were Irish-bom compared to only 4% who were born in Wales. 25 Waies was also incorporated into Great Bntain much earlier than Ireland or Scotland and, therefore, much easier to imagine as simply part of England. Kenneth O. Morgan points out htearlier in the cenhuy "neglected Wales" had no coherent sense of nationhood and "for formal purposes, the United Kingdom down to the mid-nineteenth century was regarded as being cornposed of three countries rather than of four." 26 This attitude seems to be evident in the late nineteenth and early-twentieth-century music hail that kequently ignores Wales or simply includes it as part of England. Morgan goes on to desmie how the growth of industry and the rise of nonconfonnity in the later nineteenth cenhuy challenged this neglect and formed the basis for a national movement in Wales. 27 He explains that not only did the Welsh gain a better sense of their own nationality between 1880 and 1914, but that in the early twentieth century there was also growing worldwide recognition of the political and cultural significance of Wales. Gryn A. Williams, on the other hand, argues that Welsh identity has always been more important to the Welsh than it has to other Britons. Whiie this

24 Morgan Rebirth 6. 25 P.J. Waller. Dernocracy and Sectarianiai: A Political and Social Historv of I ivemol 1868- 1933 (Liverpool: Liverpool UP, 1981) 7-9. 26 Kenneth O. Morgan. 'Welsh Nationalism: The Historkal Backgmund.' Journal of hntemoo- History 6 (1971) : 154. 27 Morgan 'Welsh" 155. national movement most certainly changed perceptions both within Wales and within offieal British circles, it may have done little for the British popular imagination of CYales. Despite the sparse number of music hail songs that present Welsh diaracters, this limited representation of Wales is nevertheless sigruficant. The focus of these songs on Wales as a rural community based on differences in language, costume and tradition shows that the Welsh music hall character was very similar to the Irish, Scottish and regional English characters, and that the Welsh acts promoted similar notions of community. For the most part, however, the Welsh were forgotten by the British music hall; there was iittle effort to incorporate them into the United Kingdom, perhaps because they were already incorporated into England. Ln the music hall, the people of the United Kingdom were primarily conceived of as the "Three Jolly Britons; or, the English, Irish, and Scotch." Chapter 6 Conclusion

"Those old music-hall ditties supply a gap in the national history, and people have not yet realized how much they had to do with national life."

Rudyard Kipling 1 This thesis has examined just a few of the ways in which "music-hall ditties supply a gap in the national history" of Britain. At the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth century, Britain became more nationalised, standardised, homogenised and urbanised. The nual population declined as people migrated to the growing urban centres to find work; £aster and more efficient communication and transportation networks also helped to standardise the British Ides. As a result of these changes, local and provincial custom, tradition, dialect and community came under pressure. 1 have discovered that the music hall was not only a part of this process; it also offered resistance. Most importantly, the music hall representation of the Irish, Scottish, English and Welsh presents the concept of local or regional community based on difference. The regional communities are defined by their distinctions of language, coshune and custom. Many of the characters in the songs take pride in these distinctions and celebrate them with little worry about the prejudice they might experience because of their unfashionable dothing or accents. This portrayal also evokes an important sense of the tradition and history of the community whîch managed to continue despite the dedine in local culture and the growth of the metropolis. At the same tune, however, while the representation of regional

1 From a personal letter quoted in Frederick Willis, A Book of London Yesterdays (London: Phoenix House, 1960) 258- characters in the music hall was certainly motivated by the quest for variety in an increasulgly uniform nation, the music hall also contributed to the homogenisation process. Wemusic hall representations present difference between the British regions, they also enforce arbitrary boundaries on communities based on sameness; peculiarities and ciifferences within regions are overlooked to produce a broader charader that represents the region. Regional representations also introduce common themes, and characters from each of the regions share similar behaviour traits. The music hall also allowed audience members to reconcile the nation of the United Kingdom and to corne to tems with nationalisation and standardisation by providing space within the larger entity for smaller regional communities. The portraya1 of regional characters as soldiers dows the communities to occupy a legitimate and indispensable place not only within Britain but also within the Empire. These songs boost the notion of Britain as unified despite its diversity. The music hall representation of regional community also relies heavily on nird nostalgia. Jan Marsh examines the "pastoral impulse" arnong middle-dass Bnton~who responded to the decline in the rural population with a "back to the land movement." This movement induded a sense of nostalgia for rural life which was seen as healthier, happier and more natural and which manifested itself in the soâal reform and Arts and Craf ts movements, and in folk-song societies. 2 Marsh writes: hong the workng classes, who were all too familiar with a low level of consumption, there was

2 Jan Manh. Back to the Land: The Pastoral lmoulse in Enaland from 1880 to 1914 (London: Quartet Books Ltd.. 1982) 3. See aiso: Alun Howkins. The Discovery of Rurai England." Enalishness: Politics and Culture 1880-1924 eds. Robert Colls and Philip Oodd (London: Croom Helm Ltd., 1986) 64.72 Little enthusiasm for a simpler lifestyle and less for a retum to the country, where poverty prevailed. In general, the urban worker iooked on his rural counterpart with contempt and pity, as a bumpkin fellow with mud on his boots and mud in his brain. . .3

The music hall, however, clearly provides evidence that in fact the "pastoral impulse" was also quite strong among the working and lower- middle classes who seemingly could not get enough of the nual nostalgia offered by the regional songs. Many of the songs are, indeed, attempts to bolster the spirits of an urban audience through the riciide of the country yokel who is even worse off than they are. But the songs also provide a vision of rural life as simpler, healthier and more natural, where yokel characters impart wisdorn on the busy and artifiaal Me of the city, men roam the countryside admiring the utopian landscape, and lovely wholesome lasses retain their traditional role in the family and the community. They present some of the areas which were hardest hit by industry, such as Northem England, Wales and Scotland, as romantic rural fantasy lands. Several areas surroundhg the representation of regional identity in the music haIl which I was unable to tackie in this thesis need doser attention from scholars. More work is still needed on local acts that remaîned in the local halls. This is a daunting but fruitful task whîch would require research through local newspapers and archives. Similarly, we still know very little about the songwriters and composers of music hall material and little has been witten on the lives of music hall entertainers. This scholarship would help historians to fucther understand the production of music hall entertainment The influence of literary and theatrical tradition on these

3 Marsh 6. representations, of which 1 have barely saatched the surface, would also be a substantial endeavour, as would further cornparison to the London Cockney and Swell a&. Gareth Stedman Jones suggests that the identity of the music hall Cockney character was endorsed by the London poor themselves who bought into the music hall representation of the 'pearlie' and adapted and shaped it for their own purposes. 4 More extensive research might evaluate the extent to whicli the music hall representations of the Irish, Scottish, Northem English, and Welsh were also endorsed by local citizens who, as Colin MacInnes suggests, may have adopted and embraced characteris tics presented by the music hall such as the thrifty Scot or the rough Northerner as part of their personal identity. 5 Similarly, more research would reveal the extent to which these representations were taken on by regional tourist boards who may have used the music hall's utopian images of regional community and tradition to entice visitors. Benedict Anderson has dehed the nation as "an imagined political community" because cilizens of the nation will never know everyone in the* community. 6 The music hall also presented imagined communities: imagined not only by mernbers of the communi~but also imagined by others. This thesis has taken the first step in evaluating the influence that this imagining had on national identity and stereotype.

4 Gareth Stedrnan Jones, "The 'cockney' and the nation, 1780-1 988," Metro~olis- London: Histories and Re~resentation~since 1804 eds. David Feldman and Gareth Stedman Jones (London: Routledge, 1989) 305-6- 5 Colin MacInnes suggests that people in Scotland and Yorkshire began to see truth in the characterisücs portrayed by their music hall counterparts which they then began to imitate, but he provides no evidence for this conjecture: Colin Maclnnes Sweet Saturdav Niaht (London: MacGibbon and Kee Ltd., 1967) 101. 6 Benedict Anderson Imauined Communfi- Rev. ed. (London: Verso. 1991) 56. Bibliography

Prirnary Sources

Manuscript Sources:

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---- "Hooch Aye! Ifs A Braw, Bricht, ~MoonlichtNidit, the Nicht." London: Reynolds and Co, n.d. Frame, W. F. and Frank Curran. "Ma Wee Scotch Fairy." Edinburgh and London: Paterson and Sons, n.d. [c. 19071.

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Walton, John K. Lancashire: A Social Historv. 1558-1939. Manchester: Manchester UP, 1987.

Watters, Eugene and Matthew Murtagh. Infxnite Varietv: Dan Lowrev's Music Hall 1879-97. Dublin: GU and MadanLtd., 1975.

Williams, Cwyn A. When Was Wales? London: Penguin, 1985.

Willis, Frederick. A Book of London Yesterdavs. London: Phoenix House, 1960.

Willson Disher, M. Winkles and Chamname:- Comedies and Traeedies of the Music Hd. London: B.T. Batsford Ltd., 1938. Appendix 1ris h-man .

Figure 1 'The Stage Irish-man" from Jerome K. Jerome, Staee-Land: Curïous Habits and Customs of i ts Inhabitants (London: Chatto and Windus, 1889) 68. Figure 2 Sheet music cover br"Limerick Races" picturing Sam CoUins, colour lithograph signed Hany Maguire, Enthoven Collection, London. Figure 3 "Vilikens and His Dinah" from Roy Hudd, Music Hall (London: Eyre Methuen Ltd., 1976) 14.

-. OTHER FÉLDMAN

PAT O'HARE.

PRINCIPAL BOYS, H EAR GEORGE LASHWOOD'S NOVELTY SONG.

B. FELDM-AN & CO., 2 a 3, ARTHUR ST, NEW OXFOROST, W.C. i NYk..-t.-- rrrilr UP anmama

Figure 4 Figure 5 Taibot O'Farrell kom Raymond George Lashwood as Mister Pat O'Hare Mander and Joe Mitchenson, frornThe En Sept. 17, 1910: 24. British Music Hall (London: Studio Vista Ltd., 1965) plate 248. Figure 6 Horace Wheatley hom The Era Aug. 17,2907: 22.

Figure 7 Sheet music cover for "Only A Few Miles Of Water" sung by Nellie Cannon, 1895, from Raymond Mander and Joe Mitchenson, British Music Ha11 (London: Studio Vista Ltd., 1963 plate 134. Figure 8 Sheet music cover for "What Do You Think of the Irish Now?" from Raymond Mander and Joe Mitchenson, British Music Hall (London: Studio Vista Ltd., 1965) plate 135.

Figure 9 S heet music cover for J. F. Lambe and George Le Brunn The INh Are Alwqs in Front" (London: Houghton and Co., n.d.). Figure IO Sheet music cover for Harry Adam and J.M. Harrison, "Side By Side," (London: Francis, Day and Hunter, n.d.).

Figure Il Sheet music cover for Charles HIWitt, "We're Much Better Off As We Are" (National Library of Canada Foreign Shee t Music Collection, no publication information given.) Figure 22 Sheet music cover for "Stop Yer Tidding JO&" from Peter Cammond, Ed, Your Own. Your Very Own! A Music Hall Scra~book(London: [an Allan Ltd., 1971) 75. Figure 23 Photognph of Harry Lauder from Raymond Mander and Joe Mitchenson, British Music Hall (London: Studio Vista Ltd., 1965) plate 126. Figure 14 Photograph of Harry Lauder €romTheatre Museum, picture file # GH2695.

Figure 15 Photognph of Harry Lauder from Peter Gamrnond, Ed., Your Own, Your Verv Own! A Music Hall Scra~book (London: Tan Allan Ltd., 1971) 74. Figure 16 Photograph of W.F. Frame from Raymond Mander and Joe Mitchenson, British Music Hall (London: Studio Vista Ltd., 1965) plate 168.

Figure 17 Photograph of W. F. Frame from sheet music cover for W.F. Frame and John Alexander? "Hielan Rory" (London: Reynolds and Co., n.d.[c 19041). Figure 18 Sheet music cover €or Fred W. Leigh, "Look at the Kiltie-Boys-Hooch Aye!" (London: Franas, Day and Hunter, 1909)*

Figure 19 "Tom Foy and His Donkey, 1904" from Roy Busby, British Music Hall: An lllustrated Who's Who from 1850 to the Present Dav (London: Paul EIek Ltd., 1976) 64.

/ 't'O 5 t t=<1 \' AND Hnnk F%w- -( &dZn'2 = 2 HLS I3C)SC~1SY. ' .*< . . - -...-Y . -. .-il& Figure 20 Photograph of Tom Foy as The Yorkshire Lad' kom Raymond Mander and JoeMitchenson, British Music Hall (London: Studio Vista Ltd., 1965) plate 153.

Figure 21 Photograph of Jack Pleasants from Roy Hudd, Music Hall (London: Eyre Methuen Ltd., 1976) 86. '- MISS * MAGNE WALSH, '

Figure 22 Pho tograph of Jack Pleasants €rom C. J. Mellor, The Northern Music HalI (Newcastle-Upon-Tyne: Frank Graham, 1970) plate 19.

Figure 23 OXFORD ; Miss Maggie Walsh advertisement, The Era, ApriI 5, 2902: 35.

MISS MACGIE WALSH. Figure 24 Photograph of George Forrnby (Senior) from Raymond Manderandjoe Mitdiewon, British Music Hall (London: Studio Vista Ltd., 1965) plate 164.

.: ,. r;: 1 SIXPENNY POPULAR EDITION. 1

*

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Figure 28 Sheet music cover for Gilbert Wek and T.F. Robson, "Varmer Giles" (London: Francis, Day & Hunter, 1902). Figure 29 "Mr Tom Jonesas Clara ap Morgan" from "A Rising Welçh Comedian," The Era April4, 1908: 23.

Figure 30 Sheet music cover by Alfred Concanen for G.W. Hunt, "Sweet jenny" (London: Hopwood and Crew, n.d. [c early 1880sl). Example 1

"What Did Patsy Do?" (sung by Joe O'Gorman) 1 You never in your life met such a man as Patsy Toole - His brains were bigger than his head, and just as soft as wool, One night at Hogan's wake, says Missis Hogan - "PU stand treat, Toole will go and fetch a gallon up the street." SaysIf s e to Pat - "Now, don't corne badc - without the beer, d'ye rnind?" So off he went and Like a fool he left the jug behd. Chorus: But - what did Patsy do? what did Patsy do? Though divil a word he had to Say, Patsy could always fuid away, "1 can't go home wihtout the beer," says Paddy in the shop So he took it home in his mouth lîke this, and never spilt a drop. 2 Some Mends took Patsy one day in a small boat on the sea, "Faith," savs he, "if I come badc drowned ye'll all be missing me." When thqwere quite a mile from shore the sea got very rough, The blessed boat began to fill with water - sure enough; The girls began to saeam for hel - the men commenced to shout, And started with their hats and 1ands to bail the water out. Chorus: But - what did Patsy do? what did Patsy do? Though divil a word he had to say, Patsv could always 6nd away, For when the thing began to fill, just kean Irish lout, He made a hole in the floor of the boat to let the water out. 3 Once Patsy got a situation as a handy man; His mistress said, "Pat can you wait?" says he, "Bedad, I can." "AU right," says she, "at dinner table show my lady friend How smart a waiter you can be, when on us you attend." Pat served them like a true bom waiter, every one confessed, Until she ordered him to bring the salad up - undressed. Choms: Then - what did Patsy do? what did Patsy do? Though divil a word he had to Say, Patsy could always hdaway, "Bring the salad in undressed," says Patsy with a grin - He went outside and undressed himseff and brought the salad in. 4 A little while ago the boys tumed Pa. from the dub, And he swore by the Powers there'd be murder for that snub; Says he to me - "Corne round to-night and you will see some fun, i'm going in that dub to settle every mother's son! You stand outside the window now, 1want no help at aU - Watdt every member I chu& out, and count them as they fall." Chorus: And - what did Patsy do? what did Patsy do? He entered the dub just like a man, AU in a tidc the fun began. A body through the window came, I aied out - "One!" bye see. Then Patsy's voîce hom the gutter yeiied out - "Stop counting there - ifs me!"

Hamy Leighton and George Everard, "What Did Patsy Do?" (London: Francis, Day and Hunter, 1901). Example 2

"The Irish Are Always in Front" (sung by Pat Carey) 1 There's a talk going round, that the Irish are traitors Concemirtg this trouble now in the Transvaal; But believe me its only those vile agitators, who're hying to play an old tri& on a pal. Tirne was when old England required a nation, To corne to her rescue, and Iend her a hand, But inspite of all parley and Hse accusation, Her fnends were the lads from the Emerald Isle. Reci t .: If the mother has been rather wild, then don't throw the blame on the chiid. Chorus: Don't blame us all, 'cos we're Irish, There's a bladc sheep in ev'ry fold, Wefre loyal and hue, to the red, white, and blue, as we've been in the days of old; Some people Say that we're traitors But we SUbear the battles brunt; We were ne'er known to run at the sound of a gun, For the Irish are always in front.

2 If you searclx through the pages of Britaui's great history, You'll find what the brave Sons of Ireland have done; They've shown that their valour was almost a mvstery Where England's great battles have aiways bkn won; At famed Baiadava and through the Crimea The Sons of old Erin were there "on the job .And once more thev're ready to show their aiiegiance .And mardi on b victory led by Lord "Bob 3 Sure this is no thefor Political lingo, Remember just now there's some work to be done; And although you be Liberal. or Tory, or fingo, When our fia is in danger we al1 shodd be one; So let's joîn toge &er to uphold our Standard, Combined we can settle our bitterest foes; For where is the nation that ever could conquer, The Shamrodc, the Thistle, the Leek and the Rose, Extra Verse Let us just take the names of a few Sons of Erin, Now doing their duty on Miica's shores, You will find them in front, and for danger not carin' Determined to settle accounts with the Boers, There's White, born in Antrirn; and French, in Roscommon; And Clery fkorn Cork too; beat that if you cm, And Kitchener, born in the County of KPny; And Gallant Lord Roberts, à Watojord man.

J. F. Lambe and George Le Brunn, 'The Irish Are Always in Fronf' (London: Houghton and Co., n.d,). Example 3

"Play Us An Old 'Come Al1 Ye'" (sung by Michael Nolan) 1 The land of gold! aaoss the foam. That grave of hearts that once with hope beat high; The Transvaal wide - so far lrom home! Where fate is cold beneath a scordiing sky A cabin stood - a hut, 'twas nothing more. Where Mickeys met when working day was o'er, in festive glee a dame would they begin AsKd Patsey Burke to tune his Violin. Chorus: "Play us an old 'Come all ye,' Play us an Irish tune. Patsey Burke, we've finished our work And now by the light of the moon Play us an old 'Corne all ye' And as we dance so gay 'Twill bring badc the joys of the days we were boys In the Homeland far away !" 2 They'd prosper'd weli! some of those bhoys! Bv lucky strokes a fortune chanc'd to find; ut spite of all they found their joys In thoughts of where there hearts were left behind. Though douds of Mewere gath'~gover head - Though hideous war wouid soon daim many dead - That Irish dance that wild Hibernian air Dispell'd the gloom, as they kept asking there: (Chorus) But hark! Hark! - What is the ay that rings thro' the startied air? "Boot and saddle," "Saddle and boot!" Boys for the fight prepare! FOS out on the rolling plain Over the Transvaal wide, Britons are there in pers my boys! And they for our heip have aied - Galop! Galop! Galop! Galop! .And spare not your spurs nor reins, Stay not to ask if we number enough But think of the blood in out veim - Galop! Galop! Galop! Galop! We ask not the cause of the fuss - They're Britons! - And ~e'reBritons, And that is enough for us! But see, when at night, md the fîght is o'er, When British blood stains an alien shore, Trooper Burke steals round the field Amid the comrades dead and dying - Tending the wounded wiht gentle care - When cornes like a sigh on the summer air - "The Bght is o'er - we've fhish'd our earthly work - We ask you for the last tune Patsey Burke!

Albert Hafi and George Le Brunn,"Play Us An Old 'Corne Al1 Ye'," (London: Francis, Day and Hunter, 18%). "Side By Side"(sung by Miss Rose Sullivan) 1 On English soi1 fair blooms the rose. Loved emblern of the kee, Its perfume fills the breeze that blows Aaoss the circling sea. The sharnrodc grows in Ireland. And is that country's pnde; But yet, though bom so far apart, They flourish side by side. Rehin: Side by side when danger Frowned on England's Isle, Side by side in battle, Vict'ry-aowned the while, Emblems of two races, They still in fnendship gretv, Entivined around the standard Of the "Red, White, and Blue."

2 False hiends have ever made a tool Of "Pat whots crossecithe say," hdwith their base, seditious tongues Have led the lad astray. In politics perhaps he has Some views you donPtshare quite, But al1 the world will vouch for him - "At heart poor Pat means right." 3 Pat iikes his rvhiskey and his pipe, He loves his sweet colleen, And gets quite sentimental o'er "The Wearin' O' the Green," And Pars the bov to court the girls, Or jig it at the fair; But when there's fighting to be done, Be sure youfLI fïnd him there.

Hany Adams and J.M. Harrison,''Side By Side," (London: Francis, Day and Hunter, n.d.). "Roud of Her Irish Boy"(sung by Midiael Nolan) 1 From an old-fashion'd cottage in the County Down Mo England there came one day A poor old widow with her only son, Just as Irish as the whiskey in your tay. Their hearts were as Light s their purse was low, In their lives there was little joy; And the well dress'd children would sneer and turn And cdhim a ragged boy, Ti with te= to his mother he fled, Who stroked his hair softly and said - Choms: "Don't sigh, my Irish boy, It's sornething to be proud of, Something to be proud of, son. and Eili your breast with joy. Never mind your birth and tatters, if your heart's alright, what mattea? And your poor old mothef s lonely heart is proud of her irish boy.

2 As the summer grew into the winter's grey, hdthe boy had grown up in Me. To a smart young girl he gave his heart one day. .ad foncüy hoped that she would be his wife. But the maid was cruel, in his face she threw Both his lowly birth and name. hdhis mother found him at twillight dim, Bowing his curly head in shame; hdthen sweetly, to soften his woe. She kissed him and murmured so low - 3 Then there came the news of wu, and, tho' his heart was nearly broken, As a saiior in the first brigade, His reckless deeds of daring won the Irish laddie glory, But dear was the pnce for it he paid. 'Twas a maim'd and aippled tar who hobbled to his mothefs cottage - His mother, who was old and bhd; hdhe halted ere he kiss'd her, and said, "Your Irish gossoon 1s but a wredc you now will hd. On glorv's field I left a limb behind." But his mother only whisper'd, "Never muid! -

Aibert Hdand George Le BWM, "Pmud of Her Irish Boy," (London: Francis. Day and Hunter, 1898). "The Little Irish Postman" (sung by Pat Rafferty) 1 The little Irish postman goes upon his lonely round, Deliv'ring notes from friends aaoss the sea. He brings good news and bad, Glad tidings, aye, and sad From kinsmen whom again they'll never see. Just watch hirn go to Riley's door, and with a 'rat-tat-tat,' He, in the broadest brogue wiIi Say, "A letter here from Pat." A girl grabs at the envelope, and makes the postman laugh By saying, "Yes, it is from Pat, - I know his 'orty-gaf!" Refrain: The she reads, #WearSheelah, darling, Just a line, love, to implore That pufilcorne at once and join me On Australia's sunnv shore. Herets a ten-pound Lote and six pence more; The ten-pound's fro your passage o'er, And the sixpence is for whiskey for The Little Irish postman!" 2 The little Irish postman often reads upon his round Some letters that are brimming Ml of hm. For humour and for wit, You can bet your little bit The Irish race is second unto none. Here's one who writes fiom Malta,"Sure they've made me Sergeant Noon; If 1 go on Wce this, bedad, PU be a private soon." .A.nother letter he espies, from Dunn, the village rake; He writes his old pal Mickey, and 1 think this takes the cake: - Refrain: "Dear Mi&, 1 write straight at you Frorn the town of Montreal; If this letter doesn't reach you, Don't reply to it at d! I'm spoiling for a fight, that's true, hdas 1can't have one with you, Just give a blamed good Ming to The little Irish postman!" 3 The littie Irish postman, as he goes upon his round, Oft sighs and wipes a bitter tear away; He cannot bear to see The pain, the misery And the hardships he's to witness ev'ry da?. We'll watch him as he makes a call on poor old Mother Foy, To bring to her a letter from her son, her soldier-boy. The poor old woman cannot read, her sight is dim and blurred, So the postman takes the letter and he reads it ev'ry word. RU: The letter reads, "Dear mother, I've been shot in action here, But I'd risk another bullet For the fiag we hold so dear." - Then a postscript, in a stange hand, said "Dear madam, Private Foy is dead." - "Then may the heavens be his bed!" Said the Little Irish postman.

C.W. Murphy, 'The Little Irish Postman" (London: Francis, Day and Hunter, 1904). "Gallant Gordon Highlande~" 1 AU the world, in wonder, reads the story told Of the gailant Gordon Highlanders so bold; In far off Inàia, hemrn'd by their foes, They proved their worth, as the whole world knows. Up spake their Col'nel, "Whate'er the cost, We'U charge the heights ùiere, or all is lost. Make ready now, lads, devoid of ail fear!" "We're ready, Col'nel!" they said, with a cheer. "Charge on the foe!" rang like trumpet QU! ûnward they went - gdant heroes ail! Chorus: Charging onward - meeting the foe's attack! Charging onward - driving the foemen back! Scotland's gallant soldiers tum'd the tide of war. Like the Light Brigade did, in fifty four. Charging onward - meeting the foe's attack! Charging onward - driving the foernen badc! "We'll do or die!" that was the battle cry, Gallant Gordon Highlanders! 2 Instantly the ipers played a martial strainf And, althoug! the bullets swept on them like min, To the attadc on the foe they were led, Their Colonel brave ebing at their head. Th& hidden foemen, in ambuscade, Poured their dread fire on that brave brigade. Comrades lost comrades, by bullets laid low, Yet, never falt'rin ,they routed the foe! Oh! what a thrill aough ev'ry Briton nuis, Reading the deeds of brave Scotia's sons! 3 Proud of Baldava's glorious charge are we, In our Empire's annais it will ever be; Though proud to honour brave men of the past, We've found their equals, it seems, at last. Thanked by their General again and again, As they stood there on that blood-stained plain, Their deeds will live when their iives ass away. No rewacd's meet for such heroes as Pey. To read the way that they laughed death to scorn, Makes a man proud that hefsBritish-born!

I.P. Harrïngton and George Le Brunn, "Galiant Cordon Highianders" (London: Franas, Day and Hunter, 1897). Example 8

"The Piper" (sung by WE. Frame) 1 I live next door to a Highlandman, And he aggavates me all he cm, For he aye begins as the dock strikes one To tune up his chanter in the morning. From one tili two his pipes do roar, From two till three, from three till four, And the cats about dl yell encore, When he is piping in the moming. Refrain: With his dodum-deedle, deedle-doo-dum-dae, When he begins the pipes to play; 1wish him a thousand müeç away, With his doo-dum-deedie, deedle-doo-chm-dae. 2 One night when he was on the spree, He came with O ther twenty-three, They all were kilted to the knee, And skirling the pipes in the morning. M'Phaiis, M'Phersons, M'hdoes, And al1 arrayed with sch'ean dhus; No wonder my temper I did lose, With their piping early in the morning. 3 1 did my best to stop the noise, YoufU give it over, says 1, my boys; But one of them said - Let us aU rejoice, .bd continue the piping in the moming. So twenty-twa began to blaw "'Bonnie Charlie's noo awa', He's ower the hilis and far awa'," They played up the whole of the monùng.

4 The folk are in a perfect stew, The CO pers they are looking blue, With tle doo-dum-doo-dum-doo-dum-doo Continuing allin the morning. The favourite tunes too that they play Are "Highland Laddie" and "Scots wha hae," And a sort of mixed up "DoUy Gray" They are piping awav in the morning.

W. F. Frame and Alex Melville, ThePiper" (London: Reynolds and Co.. n.d. [c19041). Example 9

"Mr.John Mackie"(sung by Harry Lauder) 1 Excuse me for intmding, but my name is john Madcie; My heart is in the Hielan's and my native place is Skye. Altho' some handsome fellows in the dan Mackie we've got, The ladies al1 declare that I'm the handsomest of the lot. Chorus: "Oh, mv, Mister John Madae! You're he code of my heart and apple of my eye. You fairly take my fancy et time you pass me by, For you're the nicest chap tX at ever cross'd the border." 2 When I came up to London first I did aeate a stir; People took me for a duke or at least a Sir. AU the hi-cros-stock-nq, 'mas me they did adore, And daily I was getting invitations by the score. 3 I got a special grand invite to go and see the King; He shook my hand and asked me to dance a Hielan' Fling. Ev'ry theI jumped aroon' the King he "Hooched!"with glee, But when the Queen came on the scene, she shouted to me.

Ha? Lauder and James Malarkey, "Mr. John Mackie" (1903) Francis & Dav's 2nd Album of Hamy Laudefs Po~ularSon~s (London: Francis, Dav & Hunter, Ltd., n.d.) 32-33. Example 10

"Look at the Kütie-Boys-Hooch Aye!" (sung by Ruth Lytton) 1 Kiltie Boys are marching out today - Come and hear the Kiltie pipers play. Come and see the sojers that the Scots foik love, Lads who love their country ail the world above. See the crowd coilecthg near and far! Here's a sight that ev'ry crowd enjoys. That's the tramp of sojers' feet, Sojers rnardiing down the street, Mon! lift your voice and make a noise. Chorus: Look at the Kiltie Boys - Hooch aye! Give 'em a yell as they go by, Every sojer's head held high, Every kilt goes swinging, swinging to the music That the pi ers play - they're grand! It's a tune t! ey understand, .And every girl in the crowd has got a twinkle in her ey e .As the Kiltie boys go by.

2 Sojers take the ladies' hearts by stonn; Lassies love the Kiltie's uniform. When he gets surrounded by a strong Mar& breeze Ail the girls are speering at the oor lad's knees. Girls are saucy hizzies when they &ose, But waç e'er a Kiltie-bov disrnaved? Be they ht, or be they s&d, he's the laâ'll please 'em aii- That's part of e$ry sojer's trade. 3 Girls, now whafs your fancy - kilts or trews? I think 1 can tell you which you would hse. Girls prefer a laddie when he's brawly built; They on teil much better if he wears a kilt. The kilt's an honest costume aii the tirne; Approbation ev'rywhere it wins. Trews deceitful seem to me - Thw resemble charity, Hiding a multitude of shins.

Fred W. Leigh, "Look at the Kiltie-Bovs-Hooch Ave!" (London: Francis, Dav and Hunter, 1909). Example 11

There is something queer about the Tivoli tonight. Men speak eagerly in subdued voices. Listen carefullv and you will catch the Scottish nasal twang and drawl. It is almost like a conventide waiting for its favourite preacher. The early numbers pass with less than their fair share of ap lause. Of course you know wr: at is the matter. Harry Lauder is here, and London has let loose her half-million Scots (last and greatest of the patriots) to look at themseives in the mirror of his universal srnile. . .. Obviously, at ieast no other name [besides Hamy] would match our Lauder. There is a hearty laugh about it, a breath of good humour, and a hint of bagpipes. "Hany!" we ay, and off go our caps. The bell rings, the number changes. We burst into anticipatory applause. The band breaks into a Scottish Mt, the curtain parts. A middling-sized man with big lirnbs in plaid and kilt, and huge, homely features under a teathered bonnet, jaunts on to the stage. He struts round the stage like a bantarn, smiling broadly, quirking his head to the rythm of the music, and giving vent kom time to time to a cornical "O&!" to which a hundred genuine gutturals and laboured Cohey a irates reply. He is beautifully poised, he treads as if on air, his big limbs move with"5, e daintiness of a prima ballerina. The lilt of the music runs through his bod and breaks into radiance in his universal mile. We chude at the mere sight of L- "ûch!" He takes us into his confidence, he buttonholes us: he wouldn't tell this to eve~body,mind ye! but seein' it's us .. .You feel happy and comfortable and don't know why. Evidently he is either your unde or your big brother, or both. He tells us about a great spree they've just had (a wedding dinner, 1 think), and how they ali sang "Every laddie loves his lassie, Whether she be dark or fair." He breaks off into patter; he tells you aii the hythings that happened; he doubles himself up with laughter; he screams at the h of it. And then he suddenly redises that pahaps ou are Iaughuig at him and his face empties of fun, takes on a pretematunl gravity; ge pokes his crafty nose at you, his crafty eyes blink, and his solernn mouth assures you with a deliaous stutter, "E-et was a ferst-dass affair, mind ye!" His marner touches the ktof comicality; he gives himself completely away; he throws himself on your mercy; eve look, every gesture is laughable - and yet every look, every gesture swings in a rhythm; xere is a naturai dignity about the fellow that is not comical, his funniness is the funniness of a live man, not of a scaremow. And then, suddedy he is gone, the audience cornes to pieces, and we reaiise he has held us in a spell. And now he is a Scottish workman on Saturday aftemoon - slow, deliberate, cunning, good-humoured. He cheats his wife of the week's wages with the delighted innocence of a Md;he spreads himslef abroad and reads the papers with an epicurean yawnùig whidi brings a rush of sympathy to your heart. And now at last we have got what we wanted. The tune starts off - the tune we know - "1 lofea lassie." The house thunders. A weird zigzag stick, tartan, and bonnet, the jaunt divine, the decomplete. He leans forward over the lootlights and telis you with perfect trust the simple story of his love. The words corne out like pearis. The eyes are half shut, the great lips are medand parted, and, with jo fd fervour, in a whisper, in an undertone, he fills the theatre with that lovely lyric kout bills."

W. R Titterton, From Theatre to Music Hall (London: Stephen swift and Co. Ltd., 1912) 152-54. Example 12

'The Girl with the Ciogs and Shawl" (sung by Charles Whittle) 1 Joe in London settled down, Left his litüe cotton town, Left behind his sweetheart fair Workuig in the fact'ry there. And when hPm his roorns he'd spy Girls in stylish dothes go b , He'd say, as his window tley'd pass, Pd rather have my Little factory lass. "In her dogs and her shawl, Little dogs, little shawl, She looks fine, And she's mine, al1 mine. Other girls, other girls, May be m-Like and tall, But I'd rather be busy With my Little Lizzie, The girl in the dogs and shawl."

2 After work he'd wander home, Never seemed to care to roam. Ev'rv little 'billet-doux' ~e'dkeep reading through and through. He wouid show her picture sweet When a fiend he chanced to meet, Then sigh, as he blushed like a rose, "Now, isn't she grand? - thaYs my sweetheart, tha' knows. 3 When he went to toi1 each day Workmates to him oft wodd Say, As towards their homes they'd go, "Thinking of your sweetheart, Joe? There are other girls about, Nicer girls without a doubt." Then he would reply, lookîng sad, "You wouldn't Say that if you saw her, my lad!

Hany Castling and C.W. Murphy, "The Girl with the Clogs and Shaw" (London: Francis, Day and Hunter 1909). "My Girl's A Yorkshire Girl (Eh!By Gum,She's A Champion!)" (mgby Florrie Gallimore) I Two young fellows were talking about Their girls, girls, girls - Sweethearts they'd left behînd, Sweethearts for whom they pined. One said, "My üttle shy üttie las Has a waist so trim and small, Grey are her eyes so bright, But best, best of all - Chorus: "My girl's a Yorkshire girl, Yorkshire through and through - My @ri'sa Yorkshire giri, Eh! by gum, she's a champion! Though she's a factfy las, And wears no fanw dothes, - i've a sort of a ~orkhireRelish For mv little Yorkshire Rose." 2 when the first finished suiging in praise Of Rose, Rose, Rose, Poor Nurnber Two looked vexed, Saying in tones perplexeci - "My lw works in a fabory, too, And hadso eyes of gr?; Her name is Rose as well, And strange, strange to say - 3 To a cottage in Yorkshire they hied To Rose, Rose, Rose - Meaning to deit dear Which was the boy most dear. Rose, heuRose didn't answer the beU, But her husband did, instead. Lou* he sang to them As off, off they Eled -

C.W. Murphy and Dan Lipton, "My Girl's A Yorkshire Girl (Eh! By Gum,She's A Champion!)" (London, Francis, Day and Hunter 1908). "They won? know Oi coom from the Coontry. (That's what makes Oi larf.)" (sung bv George Bastow) 1 Oi've lifd in the coontry dl my days, And Oi ain't got chi& nor woife. Oi be going oop to London town next week For the Lirst toime in my loife. Oi've read ail about they rogues and thieves That you meet in London town! If the once know a chap's from the coontry, whoy, Tg ey oops and takes him down. Chorus: But they won? know Oi coom from the coontry-no! their Iittle game Oill spoil. Oi've bought thees dothes and the tailor says theytre the Iatest London style. Oi've leamt to ta& loke a Cockney Oi can say "Wot oh! not arf!" So they won't know Oi coorn from the coonûy-no!(He!He!) that's what makes Oi larf! 2 As soon as Oi get to London town ûi shall wak to Layster Squeer, For Oi've heerd a lot about they bal-let gais That you always foind round theer. Oi've seen 'em in pictures scores O' times And Oi think they're foine, don? you? If 1 meet some O' hem, Oi'U Say, "Pip-pip!" Loîke the Cockney chaps all do.

Chorus: .And they won? know Oi coom from the coontry-no! Oi'll tell a rare old tale. We'll go to the Hotel Metropole and Oi'U buy them pots O' yale. And if thev gds want to kiss me, whoy, Oi'll &yt "Wot oh! not arf!" Then they wontt know Oi mmfrom the coontry-no! (He!He!) that's what makes Oi Id! 3 Oi'U go to the town of London thars Wheer the king lives, they do Say; And O' coorse, Oi'U have a walk throt Haymarket Oi'm a main good judge O' hav. Oi'll see Piccadllly Circus, too For a acrms show's aU roight, And Oi've heerd O' the splendid perfoomances They give theer elrynoight Chorus: And thev won't know Oi coom from the coontry-no! oop hthe gay Westend Oi'll live like a lord, if it cos& two-bob, for Oi doan't care what Oi spend If folk sa?, "Wheer do 'ee coom hom. Oi'Ll Say, "Wot oh! not arf!" Then they won't know Oi coom £rom the coontry-no! (He!He!) that's what makes Oi larf! 4 Oi won't go to bed till half-past ten, For they keep late hours oop there; And a coliar and atie Wll Wear each day, And some hair-oii on my hair. Oi've heerd the Savoy's a smart hotei, But if that full-oop should be, Whoy, they teLi Oi theefs one cded Rowton House That's just the place for me.

Chorus: And they won? know Oi coom from the coontry-no! when for a stroU Oi go, Oi'il weer my hat on the soide, like this, and Oi'li swing my stick, like so. If p'ücemen SayI "Move dong theer!" whov, Oi'U say, 'Wot oh! not arf!" Then they won't know Oi coom from the coontry-no! (He!He!) that's what makes Oi Iarf!

Fred W. Leigh, 'They won? know Oi coom from the Coontry (Thal's what makes Oi Iarf)" (London: Francis, Day and Hunter 2909). "Sweet Jenny" (sung by Vance)

1 1 corne from Laaf-and-da&-and-half-and-hdf, Across the Weish mountains, Where the leeks and the violets And the nanny goatç do dwell, 1corne here in search Of a lovely young damsel. hdwhere she has gone to, I'm sure 1 canrttell. Spokm: "More I cm. "

Chorus: So 1 weep and 1 wander, Through vales and o'er mountains, To find my sweet Jenny, Oh! where can she be?

She's a charrning young gender, Her waist is so slender; Her hair is Magenta, And she squints with one eye; She taiks like a parson, She sings like a nightingale; And if 1 don? find her, I'm sure 1shall die. Spoken: "So I s'hall." 3 Her home and her parients, Are highiy respectable; Her mother miiks cows On a the-legged stool: Her father's a farrner What grows the green tumip tops. Her sister's a dairy maid, hdher brother's a fool. Spoken: "So he are."

4 1 courted 'Sweet Jenny' 1told her 1loved her, We were to be married, Upon a May morn. When there came a gay soldier In the Royal Artillery, And on the next morning, Sweet Jenny was gone. Spoken: "So she were-" 5 I've search'd through the vallies, I've roarn'd o'er the mountains, I've ciimb'd mighty 'Snowdon' helook'd up in the air - I've search'd holes and corners, I've read throu h the papers, I've look'd up t&,e chimnw - But 1 find her nowhere. Spoken: "More 1 don't. "

O say, have you seen her? To you I'U describe her, She wears a red petticoat, And a hat on her head. She speaks while she's talking, She moves when she's wallring; And her linen is mark'd - O,P, Q, x, Y, z* Spoken: "So it is. "

7 But 1never shd find her, She's gone with her soldier, So fareweil to the violets, And the moo-cows so brown; Farewell to the nanny goats; To the sea-shore I'U wander, And in the cold water, Pl1 1ay myself down. Spoken: "So 1 will. "

Chorus: So no more 1 will wander, Thro' vales and o'er mountains. Farewell! my sweet jenny, Wherever you be!

C;.\V. Hunt, "Sweet tenny" (London: Hopwood and Crew, n.d. [c early 1880s 1). Exarnple 16

"The Union Jack" (sung by Lizzie Howard) 1 It is often with envy and wonder, Ask'd by nations and lands far away, Whv, aU over the world little England 1s so fear'd and so famous today? What has gain'd her the greahiess and glory Other nations have fought for in vain? England ançwen hem proudly, "My dllldren!" For she knows that again and again - Chorus: They have march'd side by side, They have fought and died, For the flag over head thev blood they have shed Like a crimson tide! Faang the foes' attadc, Never once hirning back - Englishmen, Irishmen, Scotchmen, and Weish, Under the Union Jack!

2 Though of different natures and passions, In each heart the same blood beats and rus; And what mother has cause to be prouder Than Bntain to-day of her sons? And our hearts thrill with proud recollections When we think, as the past we review, How at Inkerman and Baladava, At Lucknow and famed Waterloo - 3 Now and then they, like brothers, wiU quarrel, But di this would end, Erin dedares, If they only would try her and tmst her To dein her own home affairs: The union of force mi ht be broken, But the love whi 2 true justice imparts Together for ever would bind them h a true, fervent union of hem.

4 "Peace with honour" we're proud of maintaining, But if ever a foeman has dared To insuit us, he's found to his sorrow That for war we are always prepared. And again, 'gain& ail odds, when in danger, 'Neath the flag that brave Nelson unhirled, Hand in hand, English, Welsh, Scotch, and Irish, WU be ready to face aii the world.

Charles Wilmot t and George Le BNM, 'The Union Jack" (London: Francis, Day and Hunter,l895). "The Mother Tongue" (sung by Tom Costeilo) 1 When some thousand desof water, Dessert sand or rohgplain, Lie between you and the old land You may never see again; Where a foreign race surrounds you, And a foreign tongue you hear, With its strangely sounding language Falling meaninglas on you ear; How the life-blood will leap and the heart WU rejoice If you catch the sweet sound of a Britisher's voice! Chorus: It may be the twang of the Northem boys, It may be the drown of the West, It mav be the Mdcey or Sandy who speaks In thé tones that he loves the best; But it Hls your heart and it thriils your soul, No matter if spoken or sung, And all that you know, And dl that you care, Ifs the dear old Mother tongue! 2 Far away we fuid the Briton Blessfd with brain and mddy health, Life with him has been no failure In the rapid race for weaith. Dusky servants wait upon him, Still his Nefs devoid of jov Ti you speak - he rush& at you, "What! from England? -bless you, boy; Talk! talk for a vear, boy - you make me feel young, Ifs vears since i heard the dear, dear hfother tongue!" 3 A vouth hùl of pride had sail'd over the ocean, F& kom the scenes of his sweet British home, And the prav'n that were said by a motheis devotion Saw the ship bear him safe 08erthe foam. For long yem he toiled in the land of the stranger Where strange sounding voices their rough accents mg, With sirange looking faces around him in danger, He longed for the sound of the dear Mother tongue. Low! low! bw! sank the tropic sun one evening, Soft! soft! soft! were the voices of the night, When in an Mchut that brave young Britisher lay dying? Passing with the fading Iight! Rough untutored savages did their best to tend him, Alas! they knew th& aid was vain. Full upon his ears, borne by the breath of evening, Came a sweet O Id English strain! .&td the boy lept up from his couch of straw - The s eil of death was broken! And le aied, "1 shaU live to go badc to the land Where that glorious tongue is spoken! God bless the man who has Sung that Song, Tuming my woe to joy; He has given me badc my life again, hda mother a long iost boy!"

Albert Hall and George Le Brunn, 'The Mother Tongue" (London: Francis, Day and Hunier, 1899). Contents of the Cassette Recording

Track 1: Re tford, Ella. "Irish and Roud of it Too." -Hall. CD. The Empress Recording Company, 1994. Track 2: Lauder, Harry. "I Love a Lassie." Rec. August 1907. The Verv Best of Hamy Lauder. LP. FMI, 1975.

Track 3: Lauder, Harry. 'Wee Deoch-anf-Dons." Rec. 23 April1912 The Verv Best of Harrv Lauder. LP. EMl, 1975.

Track 4: Furde, Home. "klssie hmLan~hire.~' Rec. 1932. The Old Bull and Bush. CD. Pearl, 1992.

Track 5: Pleasants, Jack. "I'm Shy, Mary Ellen." Rec. 1903. The Glo~of the Music Hall vol. 2. CD. Pearl, 1991.

Track 6: Chevalier, Albert. " 'E Can't Take the Roise Out of Oi!" Rec. 1912. The Glorv of the Music HaIl vol. 3. CD. Peari, 1991. IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (QA-3)

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