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Aufgeführte Gefühle Gerd Althoff Aufgeführte Gefühle Die Rolle der Emotionen in den öffentlichen Ritualen des Mittelalters Abstract Since the writings of Johan Huizinga and Norbert Elias medieval men and women are often considered to have reacted to situations with spontaneous immediacy and with strong emotions. Modernity, on the other hand, is seen as the result of a process of civilization. Today we have better command of our emotions. Meanwhile this approach has been widely criticized, especially since the Middle Ages have been discovered as an era of public stagings. Communication in public was first and foremost “staged” and to a large ex- tend ritualized. This ritualization helped to install and maintain public order. It is in this context that “staged emotions” also play an important role. They were signs in symbolic interactions and thus cannot be measured by our con- temporary standards of authentic feelings. Their purpose was to confirm the speaker’s statements and to bind them with a higher degree of commitment. This can be well demonstrated by a number of examples from the twelfth century in particular. Gerd Althoff: Aufgeführte Gefühle Aufgeführte Gefühle Stellen wir an den Anfang eine Geschichte von scheinbar emotional aufge- wühlten mittelalterlichen Menschen.1 Die Geschichte beginnt in Konstanz und endet in Mailand. Sie stammt aus dem Jahre 1153 und wird von Otto Morena, einem juristisch versierten Bürger von Lodi erzählt, der zur politi- schen Führungsschicht dieser Stadt gehörte. Er wusste also, wovon er sprach. Die Geschichte handelt davon, wie es zur Unterstützung der italienischen Stadt Lodi durch Friedrich Barbarossa und zu seinem Zorn und Hass auf Mailand kam.2 Zwei Bürger aus Lodi waren nach Konstanz gekommen, wo sie eher zufäl- lig einem Hoftag Friedrich Barbarossas beiwohnten. Als sie realisierten, dass der König eine Beratung abhielt, in der Arm und Reich Klagen vorbringen konnten, „gingen sie sofort in eine Kirche, nahmen von dort zwei sehr große Kreuze auf die Schultern, traten vor den König und die übrigen Fürsten und warfen sich mit den Kreuzen in größter Trauer (maxime lugentes) zu Füßen des Königs nieder.“3 1 Gegen das im Folgenden entwickelte Verständnis mittelalterlicher Emotionen hat kürz- lich Peter Dinzelbacher: Warum weint der König? Eine Kritik des mediävistischen Panritualis- mus, Badenweiler 2009, S. 11–78 Einspruch erhoben. Der Einspruch beruht ganz wesent- lich auf Zuspitzungen und Unterstellungen, die meine Arbeiten und Absichten so ver- fälscht wiedergeben, dass sich die Polemik letztlich gegen das eigene Missverständnis richtet. Auf eine ausführliche Auseinandersetzung kann daher verzichtet werden. Nur so viel sei gesagt: Nirgendwo habe ich behauptet „spontanes Weinen sei nicht vorgekom- men“ (S. 22). Selbstverständlich hat es im Mittelalter spontane Gefühlsäußerungen gege- ben. Sie waren und sind nur nicht mein Thema. In Ritualen dagegen hat man in aller Re- gel nicht spontan reagiert, sondern unter anderem auch Emotionen aufgeführt. Nur um diesen Nachweis ging es und geht es mir im Folgenden. 2 Vgl. Otto Morena, Historia, ed. Ferdinand Güterbock (MGH SS rer. Germ. N.S. 7), Berlin 1930; zu seiner Erzählung siehe Knut Görich, Die Ehre Friedrich Barbarossas. Kommunikati- on, Konflikt und politisches Handeln im 12. Jahrhundert (Symbolische Kommunikation in der Vormoderne. Studien zur Geschichte, Literatur und Kunst), Darmstadt 2001, S. 214 ff. 3 Otto Morena, Historia, S. 3. Statimque in quandam ecclesiam introeuntes duasque inde maximas cruces ad humeros levantes coram ipso rege ceterisque principibus adierunt et pedibus ipsius regis 2 Passions in Context I (1/2010) Diese größte Trauer, die hier nicht näher spezifiziert wird, muss man sich einigermaßen theatralisch vorstellen. Tränenströme, Wehklagen und andere verbale Äußerungen der Verzweiflung, verbunden mit nonverbalen Aus- drucksformen wie dem Fußfall, werden auch in vielen anderen Beispielen als Formen größter Trauer genannt. Sie gehörten zum Repertoire des Bittstellers wie das Amen zur Messe und hatten eine sehr klare Funktion: Sie sollten die Dringlichkeit der Bitte unterstreichen und ihre Ablehnung dadurch erschwe- ren, dass sich der Bittsteller selbst entäußerte.4 Die Kreuze, die expressiv-emotionale Form des Fußfalls wie die lauten Wehklagen verschafften den Lodeser Bürgern dann auch die nötige Auf- merksamkeit, und sie durften dem König ihr Anliegen und ihre Bitte vortra- gen, die da lautete: Lodi würde von Mailand unterdrückt und der König möge einschreiten. Die Bitte hatte vollen Erfolg, denn Friedrich Barbarossa schickte einen Gesandten namens Sicher mit einem Brief nach Mailand, in dem er den Mailändern befahl, jede Bedrückung Lodis einzustellen.5 Der zweite Akt des Dramas spielt in Lodi und zeigt uns erneut emotiona- lisiertes und erregtes Verhalten: Als die erfolgreichen Bürger nach ihrer Rückkehr dem Rat der Konsuln in Lodi erzählten, was sie erreicht hatten, war deren Reaktion aber ganz anders, als man vielleicht erwarten könnte: „Als die Lodeser Konsuln und die anderen Weisen von Lodi dies vernahmen, glaubten sie dies zwar nicht so recht, schalten sie aber alle sehr heftig und sag- ten ihnen viele Schmäh- und Schimpfworte, sie drohten ihnen auch, sie aus dem Land zu jagen, und befahlen ihnen unbedingt, niemandem jemals Weite- res darüber zu sagen, wenn sie nicht umgehend den Tod erleiden wollten.“6 cum ipsis crucibus prostrati sunt maxime lugentes. 4 Vgl. hierzu grundsätzlich Claudia Garnier, Die Kultur der Bitte. Herrschaft und Kommunika- tion im mittelalterlichen Reich (Symbolische Kommunikation in der Vormoderne. Studien zur Geschichte, Literatur und Kunst), Darmstadt 2008, mit vielen einschlägigen Belegen. 5 Otto Morena, Historia, S. 5 f. Rex itaque […] statim cancellarium suum vocavit ac litteras […] eum statim facere precepit; et cuidam suo legato Sichero nomine iussit, quatenus litteras susciperet Mediolanumque deferret ac viva voce Mediolanesibus ex parte ipsius precipiat, ut, sicut littere eis nunciaverint, ita omnino peragant. 6 Ebd., S. 6. Cum autem Laudenses consules aliique de Laude sapientes hoc audierunt, quamvis non firmiter crediderunt, tamen valde omnes ipsos increpaverunt ac multas iniurias et turpia verba 3 Gerd Althoff: Aufgeführte Gefühle Auch hier schlägt das emotionale Thermometer stark aus, die Weisen von Lodi scheinen außer sich zu sein und drohen den beiden Bürgern sogar den Tod an, wenn sie ihren Vorstoß nicht vollständig geheim halten. Man ahnt, dass die Lodeser eine Heidenangst vor dem drohenden Konflikt mit Mailand haben. Als kurze Zeit später Barbarossas Bote mit dessen Brief an Mailand bei ih- nen erschien, gab es wieder eine sehr emotionale Reaktion der Weisen von Lodi: „Da waren sie alle wie halbtot, erfüllt von tiefem Schmerz, wussten sie nicht, was sie tun oder sagen sollten, und waren völlig verblüfft, einer sah den ande- ren an, und einige Zeit standen sie da, als ob sie alle stumm geworden seien, und brachten vor übermäßiger Trauer und vor allem aus Furcht vor den Mai- ländern kein Wort hervor.“7 Doch bat man schließlich den Boten inständig, den Brief unter keinen Umständen den Mailändern zur Kenntnis zu bringen. Diese Reaktion bestätigt die schon angedeutete Interpretation des Verhaltens. Der Bote ließ sich jedoch davon nicht beeindrucken, er übergab in Mailand den Brief seines Herrn, und so kam es dort zum vierten Akt des Dramas: „Nachdem die Mailänder Konsuln öffentlich und in allgemeiner Ver- sammlung den Brief gelesen hatten, warfen sie, ganz erregt von Zorn und Wut (ira et furor), vor den Augen Sichers und aller anderen den Brief mitsamt dem Siegel auf den Boden und zerknüllten und zertraten ihn mit ihren Fü- ßen. Außerdem stürzten sie sich einmütig auf Sicher los, der nur entkommen konnte, indem er floh und sich verbarg.“8 ipsis dixerunt; ipsos etiam de terra se deiecturos, si verum esset, minati fuerunt; insuper etiam illis firmiter preceperunt, ne cui unquam illud amplius dicerent, nisi statim mori desiderarent. 7 Ebd., S. 7. ... quasi semivivi omnes effecti, valde dolentes, quid facerent vel dicerent nescientes, pernimium obstupuerunt; ac unus versus alium prospiciens, per quoddam tempus, quasi mutefacti omnes forent effecti, pre nimia tristicia et maxime Mediolanensium timore nihil loquentes stete- runt. 8 Ebd., S. 9. Consules vero palam et in communi cetu litteris ipsis perlectis valde ira et furore com- moti ipso Sicherio aliisque omnibus videntibus ipsas litteras pariter cum ipsarum sigillo in terram proiecerunt ac pedibus suis fregerunt atque conculcaverunt. Insuper etiam super ipsum Sicherium omnibus unanimiter irruentibus, ipse fugiendo se abscondens vix evadit. 4 Passions in Context I (1/2010) Viermal haben wir von sehr emotionalem Verhalten gehört, mit dem Men- schen auf Nachrichten und Vorgänge reagierten, die ihnen missfielen. Zorn und Wut fanden nach den Beschreibungen ebenso extreme emotionale Aus- drucksformen wie Verzweiflung, Unsicherheit, Angst und Schmerz. Aus sol- chen und aus unzähligen vergleichbaren Nachrichten in der Überlieferung des gesamten Mittelalters kann man nun den Schluss ziehen – und Johan Huizinga, Norbert Elias und viele andere nach ihnen haben das getan –, dass Menschen im Mittelalter höchst spontan reagierten, dass ihre Gefühle schnell auf unkontrolliert hohe Betriebstemperaturen und Windstärken kamen, dass sie mit anderen Worten so reagierten, wie das heute noch kleine Kinder tun.9 Daraus – und aus einigen anderen Beobachtungen – hat man dann einen Prozess der Zivilisation konstruiert, bei dem die kontrollierten und selbstbe- herrschten Menschen
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