DOCSLIB.ORG

We Are the Poor! Three Pieces on Political Economy

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
We Are the Poor! Three Pieces on Political Economy We Are the Poor! 43 Endnotes 1. See, for example, The Second Machine Age, by Erik Brynjolfsson and Andre McAfee (New York: W.W. Norton & Co., 2014; and The Fourth Industrial Revolution, by Klaus Schwab (Geneva: World Economic Forum, 2016). 2. “The Future of Employment: How Susceptible Are Jobs to Computerisation?” Carl Benedikt Frey and Michael A. Osborne, 2013: http:// www.oxfordmartin.ox.ac.uk/downloads/academic/ The_Future_of_Employment.pdf. 3. “Automation sweeps China’s factory floors,” Shanghai Daily, Kelvin Chan, September 26, 2015. 4. See, for example, http://poverty.ucdavis.edu/faq/what-current-poverty-rate- united-states. 5. Cited in Capitalism: Competition, Conflict, Crises, by Anwar Shaikh (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016), p. 491. 6. Best Care Anywhere, by Phillip Longman (Sausalito, CA: PoliPointPress, 2007, pp. xxii-xxiii. 7. For information on debt and a very interesting website, see The US Debt Clock at http://www.usdebtclock.org. 8. Just 8 men own the same wealth as half the world, Oxfam International. 2017. https://www.oxfam.org/en/pressroom/pressreleases/2017-01-16/just-8- men-own-same-wealth-half-world. 9. See Wikipedia at https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ Timeline_of_United_States_military_operations#Extraterritorial_and_major _domestic_deployments. ISBN: 42 We Are The Poor! private, national and international security. That is what the propaganda war against the poor, women, people of color, gay and transgendered, and the political left mean. All of this points to the fact that the ruling class knows they're preparing for a much bigger fight We Are the Poor! than they have on their hands now. And they're moving quickly to cut off the possibility for a fair fight before it even starts. Three pieces on Political Economy There is a lot of talk about neoliberalism. Neoliberalism is the ideology of the capitalist class on the attack. There is no serious opposition to neoliberalism within the capitalist class. There is no “gentler, softer” capitalism. Opposition to the capitalist class and the system of capitalism must come from the working class: the only force large enough and organized enough to resist capital. The possibilities today are more than ever Capitalism is destroying the planet and its people, but it does What Are Classes? not have to be this way. With the electronic technology that is Revised, February 2018 destabilizing capitalism, we can build a world of abundance and plenty. We can care for everyone. The glut we have under capitalism becomes the creation of plenty in a cooperative society led by the working class. Without profit, we can produce as much as possible and distribute it to those in need. We do not need the crushing burden of inequality: social, Why Are We Poor? political or economic. We do not need the crushing burdens of poverty, July 1989 of war, of a poisoned environment. We do not need the crushing burden of debt. We can build a society that nurtures its people, defends what is right, and looks to a peaceful, sustainable future. We can build a society where art and culture emerge from the people, not from crass commercialism. We can build a society where people are safe in We Are the Poor! knowing they will be economically secure. We are the poor. And the poor have nothing to lose but their A Sequel to “Why Are We Poor?” poverty! Society stands at the tipping point. The ability to feed us, to December 2017 clothe us, to house us, to care for each and every one of us, to educate us and to provide us with work, with recreation, with safety and stability is all around us. It is there. It is only this system that keeps us in poverty. Today we understand that we have an obligation to our class – to our political army – to stand shoulder to shoulder and say, “The time has come! Our time is now!” by Bruce Edwards, Ph.D. University of the Poor Journal We Are the Poor! 41 place to lay their head. Behind them stand those who are struggling to feed their children off of public assistance and to keep their families together. Behind them are the unemployed looking for jobs. Behind them are the underemployed who are working and still cannot feed their families. This grouping, 60 million strong, is leading the entire working class. We talked about the fact that the working class does not know it is a class. It is completely divided. And it does not know it’s in a war. And many of the leaders of the working class – the generals of the army, What Are Classes? if you will, are on the other side. The situation today has advanced. The real difference between 1989 when I gave the ‘Why Are We Poor?’ speech, and today lies in the developing political restlessness of the working class around the world. Bruce Edwards, Ph.D. People are standing up. They are demanding real change. They are not Revised, February 2018 sure exactly how that change can come about, but they know that “business as usual” is killing them and that we need “business that’s not usual.” We need government and business run by and for the people What are classes? We hear about them all the time. “We live in a themselves. class society.” “The working class.” “The capitalist class.” “The rich and The 2016 election cycle brought forth candidate Bernie Sanders. powerful.” “The middle class.” “The upper middle class.” “The 1 No matter what you may think of Sanders, the upsurge that he led percent.” “The 99 percent.” “The poor.” But what we don’t hear are the taught us three things that are crucial to the working class army. First, definitions of what we’re talking about. Many of us have been taught he put a positive spin the word “socialism” and made it acceptable to that it’s more important to act, or to “do something,” than spend time discuss it. Socialism is for the people. It ends the system of profit and on definitions. Yet how we define the problems we face has everything runs society on the basis of need. Second, he pointed the finger right at to do with how we’ll act in trying to solve them. the class enemy: the one percent, the corporate elite, the rich and There are several ways of looking at class. One is to just use the powerful and the system they represent. He showed that in the class word without defining it, as in “We are against racism, sexism and war that is under way, they are the cause of the problems besetting classism.” But there are two definitions that stand out. One is more society. Third, he “outed” both the Democratic and Republican Parties popular and widely used. The other has been ignored, yet is ultimately as tools of that corporate elite, of the ruling class. He showed that the more practical when it comes to understanding social problems are and ruling class is controlling us by keeping us confined to the two parties how to solve them. The two definitions are quite different, but they that are both bought and paid for by the ruling class. And the business describe the same reality, so they overlap quite a bit. class has shown time and again that they will not easily give up what The first, less useful but more widely used definition of class is they bought and paid for. to define class by income level. The rich are the top 20 percent of all The upsurge remains. People are dissatisfied and continue to income earners. The 1 percent is the top one-hundredth of all income search for answers. The army is looking for true generals; the class is earners and are the super-rich. The poor are the bottom 20 percent of looking for true leaders. The key is to unite the bottom, the poor and the population. The middle class is the part of the population that’s working people who are the disadvantaged, the dispossessed, the “doing OK,” where “doing OK” is often defined not only by income level, disenfranchised. We need these generals, these leaders to step forward but also by the level of education or type of job. from among the poor and working people, for an army fighting to There are a number of problems with this approach. First, since defend the interests of the working class must be led by the working there will always be those with more resources and those with less, class. The responsibility and the opportunity are ours. there is no way to overcome class inequality using this definition. But the capitalist class is on the attack. That is what the Second, the definitions are unclear; they change to meet the complete ramping up of the police, the courts and the military needs of the writer. Third, this definition hides many economic and apparatus means. That is why they are building walls and investing in political realities. It doesn’t make any distinction between how people 40 We Are The Poor! 5 What Are Classes? make their living or get the money they have. Fourth, the members of capitalism imposes poverty. But the capitalists have also been these classes have no names and can change from year to year, so we continually at war since 1989. One could say it began with the first Gulf don’t know whom we’re really talking about. War, but it actually started long before that. Nevertheless, the US has Take the “middle class” for example. This is what politicians are been continually at war since then.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • HES Book of Abstracts
    45th Annual Meetings of the History of Economics Society Book of Abstracts Loyola University Chicago Chicago, Illinois June 14 - 17, 2018 1 Abstracts of Papers to be Presented at the 2018 History of Economics Society Annual Conference Loyola University Chicago, Chicago, Illinois June 14 - 17, 2018 TABLE OF CONTENTS Friday, June 15 FRI Plenary Session: Douglas Irwin, "The Rise and Fall of Import Substitution" .................. 3 FRI1A Session: “Smith and his Intellectual Milleu (IASS)” .............................................................. 3 FRI1B Session: “Remembering Craufurd Goodwin” .......................................................................... 5 FRI1C Session: “American Political Economy” ..................................................................................... 5 FRI1D Session: “Constitutional Economics” .......................................................................................... 7 FRI1E Session: “European Issues" ............................................................................................................. 9 FRI1F Session: “Biology” .............................................................................................................................11 FRI2A Session: “Smith and his Contemporary Issues (IASS)” ......................................................14 FRI2B Session: “Archival Round Table” ................................................................................................15 FRI2C Session: “French Economics in the Long 19th Century” ...................................................16
    [Show full text]
  • Values and Value Transfers: a Comment on Itoh
    : VALUES AND VALUE TRANSFERS: A COMMENT ON ITOH Anwar Shaikh Itoh's essay provides a valuable retrospective on recent debates concerning the Marxian theory of value. He points out that the economic crisis enveloping both cap­ itaJist and socialist worlds from the 1970s onward challenged economists to rethink and refine their basic approaches. Among other things. this sparked a resurgence of interest in fundamental issues such as Ihe theory of value. Thus, what appears as an abstraCt discussion is actually rooted in historical events, with political and economic implications for the current period (above. 53-54), Itoh also emphasizes the importance of Sraffa's work in revitalizing the Marxist discussion ofva1ue theory. Sraffa's pathbreak.ing work provided a new platform for a critique of neoclassical economics, even as it "rchabilitatcd the objcctive theory of value" which is characteristic of me classical and Marxian traditions. But his narrow focus and elliptical style left open the question of the relation between his approach and that of more general economic framewocks. Not swprisingiy, many of his followers set out to incol']X)rate his unconventional approach into a more orthodox "neo-Ricardian" framework, in which the emphasis was on mathematical and functional analyses of CQuilibriwn prices. Inevitably, this gave rise to a divergence between nco-Ricardian and Marxian writers (54--60). Two issues are highlighted by Itoh: the problems which arise with Marx's procedure for linking labor value and money price magnitudes (the transfonnatiOil problem), problems which appear LO undermine the Marxian claim that value magnitudes arc the foundation of price magnitudes; and the claim that value categories are in any case redundant, since market prices actually gravitate around prices of production, not labor values (60).
    [Show full text]
  • Anwar Shaikh Some Universal Patterns in Income Distribution
    Anwar Shaikh Some Universal Patterns in Income Distribution: An Econophysics Approach August 2018 Working Paper 08/2018 Department of Economics The New School for Social Research The views expressed herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the New School for Social Research. © 2018 by Anwar Shaikh. All rights reserved. Short sections of text may be quoted without explicit permission provided that full credit is given to the source. Some Universal Patterns in Income Distribution: An Econophysics Approach Abstract This paper utilizes the econophysics "two class" (EPTC) approach to income distribution to derive certain empirical rules applying to all countries in the comprehensive World Income Inequality (WIID) database. This approach demonstrates that wage incomes follow an exponential distribution while property incomes follow a Pareto distribution, which leads to a simple and empirically robust approximation to the Lorenz curve. We in turn show that the per capita income of any bottom fraction (x) of the population is proportional to “inequality adjusted GDP per capita”, i.e. to (GDP per capita)∙(1-Gini), the constant of proportionality a(x) being solely a function of population fraction under consideration. This proposition is empirically robust across countries and over time in our large database. We focus on two patterns. The “1.1 Rule” in which the income per capita of the bottom 80 percent of a country's population, what we call the Vast Majority Income, can be calculated in every country as 1.1(GDP per capita)∙(1-Gini). Using the VMI in place of GDP per capita gives rise to different country rankings.
    [Show full text]
  • Marxian Competition Versus Perfect So-Called Choice of Technique
    Shaikh, Anwar, Marxian competition versus perfect competition: further comments on the so-called choice of technique , Cambridge Journal of Economics, 4:1 (1980:Mar.) p.75 Cambridge Journal of Economics 1980,4,75-83 Marxian competition versus perfect cOlDpetition: further cOlDlDents on the so-called choice of technique Anwar Shaikh* In my notes on Dobb, I chose to focus on his discussion of Marx's theory of the falling rate of profit, for three reasons: first, because I believed that Dobb's representation of Marx is inadequate; second, because I wished to disentangle Dobb's version from Marx's, since the former has become quite influential and is often presented as being identical to the latter;t last, and most important, because I believed that Marx's own argument is both more interesting and more powerful than that of Dobb. I remain firmly unrepentant on all three points. t In my development of the argument as it actually appears in Marx, I tried to make two central points. The first of these was that mechanisation becomes the dominant form of technical change precisely because it is the production of surplus value, not use value, which is the dominant aspect of the labour process under capitalism. Thus for Marx the inherent tendency towards automation arises out of the social relations of production themselves, out of the relation of capital to labour in the production process, and not out of the relation of capital to capital in competition (Marx, 1973, pp. 776-777). The second point I tried to make is that nonetheless competition does have a bearing on possible mechanisations: it tests these potential weapons in the fire of battle.
    [Show full text]
  • The Transformation from Marx to Sraffa Anwar Shaikh
    3 The Transformation from Marx to Sraffa Anwar Shaikh I. Introduction Recent history has seen a tremendous revival of Marxist economic analysis. But this process has also produced its own specific problems, because as Marxist economics gain in respectibility, the temptation to represent itself i~ respectable terms grows accordingly. And these terms, in the end, are ·almost always the wrong ones. There is no question but that Marxism must appropriate all modem developments. Bur to appropriate them involves much more than merely adopting them. It involves tearing them out of the bourgeois framework in which they appear, examining their hidden premises, and re-situating them (when and if possible) on a Marxist terrain-a terrain which cannot be derived merely by algebraic variation or sociological transformation of the premises of orthodox economics. We must, and indeed we do, have our own ground to stand upon. It is my contention that the Sraffian, neo-Ricardian, tradition is by far too respectable. Its roots in left Keynesianism are easy to establish, and its refuge in mathematical economics is quite revealing. Nonetheless, the claims made by this school must be addressed, and· its real contributions must be separated out from what is merely part of its cloak of respectability. In this paper I do not intend to reproduce previous criticisms of the neo-Ricardians, nor even to reproduce my own arguments in favour of Marx's theory of value. Instead, in the discussion that follows I would like to show that even within the algebraic framework of which the neo-Ricardians are so proud, there are a host of issues which they do not, and cannot, face.
    [Show full text]
  • Towards a Unified Theory Analysing Workplace Ideologies: Marxism And
    Marxism and Racial Oppression: Towards a Unified Theory Charles Post (City University of New York) Half a century ago, the revival of the womens movementsecond wave feminismforced the revolutionary left and Marxist theory to revisit the Womens Question. As historical materialists in the 1960s and 1970s grappled with the relationship between capitalism, class and gender, two fundamental positions emerged. The dominant response was dual systems theory. Beginning with the historically correct observation that male domination predates the emergence of the capitalist mode of production, these theorists argued that contemporary gender oppression could only be comprehended as the result of the interaction of two separate systemsa patriarchal system of gender domination and the capitalist mode of production. The alternative approach emerged from the debates on domestic labor and the predominantly privatized character of the social reproduction of labor-power under capitalism. In 1979, Lise Vogel synthesized an alternative unitary approach that rooted gender oppression in the tensions between the increasingly socialized character of (most) commodity production and the essentially privatized character of the social reproduction of labor-power. Today, dual-systems theory has morphed into intersectionality where distinct systems of class, gender, sexuality and race interact to shape oppression, exploitation and identity. This paper attempts to begin the construction of an outline of a unified theory of race and capitalism. The paper begins by critically examining two Marxian approaches. On one side are those like Ellen Meiksins Wood who argued that capitalism is essentially color-blind and can reproduce itself without racial or gender oppression. On the other are those like David Roediger and Elizabeth Esch who argue that only an intersectional analysis can allow historical materialists to grasp the relationship of capitalism and racial oppression.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Economy and Capitalism: Notes on Dobb's Theory of Crisis , Cambridge Journal of Economics, 2:2 (1978:June) P.233
    Shaikh, Anwar, Political economy and capitalism: notes on Dobb's theory of crisis , Cambridge Journal of Economics, 2:2 (1978:June) p.233 Cambridge Journal of Economics 1978,2,233-251 Political economy and capitalism: notes on Dobb's theory of crisis Anwar Shaikh* 1. Introduction I began the formal study of economics in the late 1960s, when the cry for 'relevance' was sweeping the US. Though at the time we were frequently unclear about just what our demand for 'relevance' implied, we were certain of one thing: it did not imply any further meditation on the arcane mysteries of perfect competition, perfect knowledge and perfect greed. Not surprisingly, many of us turned elsewhere to acquire the knowledge which was so conspicuously absent from our education. And as we did so, we came to realise that 'relevance' meant much more than just focusing on the concrete history and existence of our world: it meant having a practice which made such a study necessary, and a theoretical structure which made its results intelligible. Maurice Dobb had such a practice and theory-Marxism-and he illuminated it with a guiding intelligence which makes his work 'relevant' in the precise sense of the word: it continues to be important to our understanding of the conditions in which we live. In these few pages, it is obviously impossible to do justice to the scope and depth ofDobb's contribution to Marxist economic theory. I do not intend even to try. Instead, what I would like to do is to try to focus on one particularly important work of his, Political Economy and Capitalism.
    [Show full text]
  • Anwar Shaikh and Isabella Weber
    Anwar Shaikh and Isabella Weber The U.S.-China Trade Balance and the Theory of Free Trade: Debunking the Currency Manipulation Argument May 2018 Working Paper 05/2018 Department of Economics The New School for Social Research The views expressed herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the New School for Social Research. © 2018 by Anwar Shaikh and Isabella Weber. All rights reserved. Short sections of text may be quoted without explicit permission provided that full credit is given to the source. Anwar Shaikh* The New School for Social Research Department of Economics Isabella Weber Goldsmiths University of London Institute of Management Studies The U.S.-China Trade Balance and the Theory of Free Trade: Debunking the Currency Manipulation Argument Abstract The U.S.-China trade imbalance is commonly attributed to a Chinese policy of currency manipulation. However, empirical studies failed to reach consensus on the degree and kind of RMB misalignment. We argue that this is not a consequence of poor measurement but of theory. The conventional principle of comparative advantage suggests real exchange rates will adjust so as to balance trade. Therefore, the persistence of trade imbalances tend to be interpreted as arising from currency manipulation. In contrast, the Smithian-Harrodian theory explains trade imbalances as the outcome of free trade and sees unequal real competitiveness as the root cause of the U.S.-China trade imbalance. JEL Codes: B17, F10, F31, F32, F60 * Corresponding author: Anwar Shaikh, Professor of Economics, The New School for Social Research, 6 East 16th Street, New York, NY 10003.
    [Show full text]
  • Ecology Although Marx and Engels Regard Capitalist Mode of Production As a Necessary Condition for the Transition to Socialism
    E ecology Although Marx and Engels regard the earth. They are only its occupams, its (he enormous expansionist tendency of the beneficiaries, and like a good paterfamilias capitalist mode of production as a necessary have to leave it in improved condition to condition for the transition to socialism. they following generations.' I ~ nonetheless stress the destrucnve violence of this mode of production. As Marxist theory Reading developed, however, the first point of view Bahro, R.lldolf 1980: Elemente einer nelU!1l Politik, was increasingly emphasiud in a o ne-sided zum Verhiiltni5 von Okologie und So~UJIt$m"$. manner, until finally Stalin saw the superiority Fet~her, Iring 1~g2: 'FortKhrimglaube und of socialism over capitalism only in the ability Okologie im Denken von "\arx und Engels'. [n of the former ro provide the optimal Vom Wohlfahrustaar ZlIr neUIm L!bemqualitiit. conditions for the growth of the productive leiss, William 1~72 : The Domrn3rron o(Natllre. forces. In The Condition of the Working Class Engels already mentions the devastating effects of the expansion of industry on the economic crises In discussing crisis theories, natural environment, while Marx observes we must distinguish genera! crises, which that 'the capitalist transformation of the involve a widespread collapse in the economic production process is al the same time the and political relations of rtproduction, from martyrdom of the produ~rs' and 'every the partial crises and business cycles which are advance in capitalist agriculture is an advance a regular feature of capitalist history. In in (he art, not only of robbing the worker, but capitalist production the individual desire for also of robbing the soil'; such progress profit periodically collides with the objective therefore leads in the long run to the 'ruin of necessity of a social division of labour.
    [Show full text]
  • Modern Money Theory in the Tropics. Version Sent to JE
    POLITICAL ECONOMY POLITICAL RESEARCH INSTITUTE Modern Money Theory (MMT) in the Tropics: Functional Finance in Developing Countries Matías Vernengo and Esteban Pérez Caldentey September 2019 WORKINGPAPER SERIES Number 495 Modern Money Theory (MMT) in the Tropics: Functional Finance in Developing Countries Matías Vernengo and Esteban Pérez Caldentey 1 Abstract: Functional finance is only one of the elements of Modern Money Theory (MMT). Chartal money, endogenous money and an Employer of Last Resort Program (ELR) or Job Guarantee (JG) are often the other elements. We are here interested fundamentally with the functional finance aspects which are central for any discussion of fiscal policy and have received more attention recently. We discuss both the limitations of functional finance for developing countries that have a sovereign currency, but are forced to borrow in foreign currency and that might face a balance of payments (BOP) constraint. We also analyze the limits to borrowing in its own currency, and does not formally face the possibility of default, since it can always print money or issue debt. We note that the balance of payments constraint might still be relevant and limit fiscal expansion. We note that flexible rates do not necessarily create more space for fiscal policy, and that should not be in general preferred to managed exchange rate regimes with capital controls. We suggest that MMT needs to be complemented with Structuralist ideas to provide a more coherent understanding of fiscal policy in developing countries. Key Words: Modern Money Theory, Developing Countries, Balance of Payments Constraint JEL Codes: 1 The authors are Full Professor, Bucknell University, USA and Chief, Financing for Development Unit, Economic Development Division, ECLAC, Santiago, Chile, respectively.
    [Show full text]
  • Tendency of the Rate of Profit to Fall
    Tendency of the rate of profit to fall en.wikipedia.org /wiki/Tendency_of_the_rate_of_profit_to_fall The tendency of the rate of profit to fall (TRPF) is a hypothesis in economics and political economy, most famously expounded by Karl Marx in chapter 13 of Capital, Volume III.[1] Although not accepted in 20th century mainstream economics, the existence of such a tendency was widely noted throughout the 19th century.[2] Economists as diverse as Adam Smith,[3] John Stuart Mill,[4] David Ricardo[5] and Stanley Jevons[6] referred explicitly to the TRPF as an empirical phenomenon that needed to be explained. They differed in the reasons they gave for why the TRPF might necessarily occur.[7] In his 1857 Grundrisse manuscript, Karl Marx called the tendency of the rate of profit to fall "the most important law of political economy" and sought to give a causal explanation for it, in terms of his theory of capital accumulation.[8] The tendency is already foreshadowed in chapter 25 of Capital, Volume I (on the "general law of capital accumulation"), but in Part 3 of the draft manuscript of Marx's Capital, Volume III, edited posthumously for publication by Friedrich Engels, an extensive analysis is provided of the tendency. [9] Marx regarded the TRPF as proof that capitalist production could not be an everlasting form of production, since, in the end, the profit principle itself would suffer a breakdown.[10] However, because Marx never published any finished manuscript on the TRPF himself, because the tendency is hard to prove or disprove theoretically, and because it is hard to test and measure the rate of profit, Marx's TRPF theory has been a topic of controversy for more than a century.
    [Show full text]
  • Eastern Economic Association Annual Meetings in New York City, New York
    WELCOME Welcome to the 45th Eastern Economic Association Annual Meetings in New York City, New York. EEA Vice President Peter Diamond, who chaired the program committee, our session chairs, organizers, and review committee members have done a great job in selecting this year’s program, which I hope you find interesting and engaging. The program includes papers that adopt a wide range of different approaches to economic analysis, and encompasses divergent viewpoints with regard to economic policy. On behalf of the Eastern Economic Journal’s outstanding editors, Cynthia Bansak and Alan Zebdee, I would like to encourage you to submit your work to the Association’s journal. The Association would like to thank Ramapo College of New Jersey for hosting the Association’s home office. I hope you will also thank President Peter Mercer, Dean Ed Petkus, Dean Aaron R. S. Lorenz, and their colleagues at Ramapo College for all the support they have provided to the Association. A special thanks should be made to Alexandre Olbrecht, the Executive Director of the EEA, Kristin Kenneavy for putting together the schedule of sessions, and the three unpaid student assistants Olivia Vona, Thalia Holst and Kyle Franceschini. Furthermore, we wish one of our reviewers and elected directors, Ari Belasen, a speedy recovery from an attack by a cheetah. I am deeply honored to be part of this record-breaking Eastern Economic Association meeting, which at the time of print was poised to have the most breakout sessions ever. The EEA is an organization with a great history, and a strong commitment to excellent economic research and its application to the most pressing problems of our region and our world.
    [Show full text]