DOCSLIB.ORG

South Korea After Roh Moo Hyun: Blood Ties Thicker Than an Alliance?

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
South Korea After Roh Moo Hyun: Blood Ties Thicker Than an Alliance? Volume 3 | Issue 3 | Article ID 1802 | Mar 28, 2005 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus South Korea After Roh Moo Hyun: Blood ties thicker than an alliance? Wakamiya Yoshibumi South Korea After Roh Moo Hyun: Park said scathingly, "It has caused division Blood ties thicker than an alliance? and discord among the people to spread." She called Roh's policy of reconciliation with By Wakamiya Yoshibumi North Korea "a failure," saying he attached A presidential election will be held in South greater importance to cooperation between the Korea at the end of next year to choose a two Koreas than to maintaining alliances with successor to Roh Moo Hyun, leader of the Uri the United States and Japan. Party, who is due to step down in February When her father was in charge, South Korea 2008. was locked in an intense standoff with the North. He relied on the backing of the United While it is rather early to talk about his States and help from Japan to achieve his replacement, I recently led a Japan National country's remarkable economic growth. Press Club mission to South Korea to observe the situation and to meet with the leading To the younger Park, the current contenders for the presidency. administration's support of North-South reconciliation and digging into its own dark First, I went to the national assembly where I past must appear to be the mirror opposite of met Park Geun Hye, 54, chairwoman of the her father's regime. main opposition Hannara (Grand National Party). She is the daughter of former President It appears that even Park does not intend to Park Chung Hee, whose military regime ruled return to the old days, however. for nearly 20 years until his assassination by an aide in 1979. In fact, she cites liberal democracy, a market economy and constitutional government as Park has led the opposition party for two years. three "national principles" that South Korea As a child, she lived in the Blue House, South must hold on to at any cost. Most of these ideas Korea's presidential office and residence. Her are incompatible with military dictatorship. mother was assassinated when Park was 22; five years later, her father was shot to death. At the same time, they are principles that don't exist in North Korea today. It is not right to Perhaps because she has endured such severe ignore such realities and show such eagerness trials of life, she has become a self-possessed in promoting North-South exchanges alone: I woman with a graceful demeanor. think that is what she wanted to emphasize. However, as the leader of the largestStuck in the 1970s opposition party, she is relentless. "Park is young, but her ideas seem to belong to Referring to Roh's three-year administration, the 1970s," quipped Chung Dong Young, who 1 3 | 3 | 0 APJ | JF was imprisoned during that decade because of adversary in the Korean War, seems his involvement in South Korea's struggle for unreasonably lenient. democracy. Japanese and South Koreans share many of the Chung, who until recently held the post of same perceptions, as the popularity of South unification minister in the Roh administration, Korean television dramas in Japan has shown. has played a key role in advancing North-South But alas, this affinity seems to mean little when relations. He was elected chairman of the it comes to the North Koreans, who share the ruling Uri Party on Feb. 18. same blood as the South Koreans. Our group met him during the electionCan the South really persuade its belligerent campaign in Chonju, where eight candidates confrere to give up its nuclear weapons had gathered to deliver speeches. program? Chung described Roh's three years in power as Kim Geun Tae, a former South Korean health a time during which "the Korean Peninsula and welfare minister, said in response to that broke away from the Cold War situation." He question: "It is Japan and the United States that called this "a Copernican change," one as mind- I find harder to understand." blowing as the discovery that the Earth revolves around the sun. Kim, 59, a member of the ruling Uri Party, ran against Chung in the election for party In June last year, Chung visited North Korea leadership. Kim is a hard-core fighter, a and met with its reclusive leader Kim Jong Il. dissident who served an even longer prison "Since we reached an agreement with General- term than Chung did. Secretary Kim in our meeting, I expect a North- "If South Korea takes the initiative to South summit to take place by the end of the encourage North Korea to introduce a market year," Chung said. "It would be nice if the third economy with the help of the United States and Japan-North Korea summit could also be held in Japan, we expect an administration friendly to this context." Japan and the United States to eventually Like the former television newscaster that he emerge (in the North). is, Chung dropped sound bites worthy of headline news. "In times of terror, one cannot be expected to make a rational choice. Once we give Of course, reunification of "the Korean people" assurances of peace and financial aid, the is important. But should that goal endanger the nuclear problem will also be settled," Kim said. South's relationships with its allies—countries that share its values of freedom andChung shares that view. Although it sounds democracy? In fact, many Japanese share optimistic, they have strong belief that change Park's skepticism about the way the Roh will come to North Korea, which in the final administration is dealing with the North and analysis, is a society of human beings, like any treating Japan. other. South Korea has severely criticized Japan, It appears that next year's presidential election which subjected it to colonial rule, over in South Korea will see leaders in both ruling problems of their shared history. Inand opposition camps fighting an intense battle comparison, its treatment of North Korea, its of left versus right. Another possibility 2 3 | 3 | 0 APJ | JF The mayor of Seoul, Lee Myung Bak, 64, who The move appears to be aimed at winning the has hinted he may run for president, supported support of moderate groups. Still, no one can by the Hannara Party, thinks differently. We see what will develop during the campaign. visited him at the city hall. How will Roh, faced with declining public Lee, too, was imprisoned by the Park regime approval ratings after three years in office, for his involvement in the anti-Japanese student react? We asked to meet with him at the Blue movement. House, but our request was turned down. Now a business leader—he is the former head "If he met with the Japanese media at this of Hyundai Engineering and Construction—Lee juncture, he would be forced to issue a harsh seems to have a different mindset from the statement," explained an aide. other presidential hopefuls. Deep-seated distrust between national leaders Thanks partly to his success in restoring the is bad for everyone in both countries. flow of the Chonggyechon river through Seoul, the mayor enjoys high public approval. I might add that, during our visit, we "The perceptiveness required of CEOs is also discovered that interest in our mutual concerns important in running nations," said Lee, with was widespread. confidence. Everywhere we went, people repeatedly asked, He may be exactly the new type of leader "Who's going to succeed Prime Minister needed to bridge a divided nation. Koizumi Junichiro?" Other factions within the Uri Party support former Prime Minister Goh Kun, 68, who has Wakamiya Yoshibumi heads The Asahi many years of administrative experience with Shimbun's editorial board. This article few party ties, in the upcoming presidential appeared in IHT/Asahi, March 13, 2006. Posted race. at Japan Focus, March 19, 2005. 3.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Republic of Korea Health System Review
    Health Systems in Transition Vol. 11 No. 7 2009 Republic of Korea Health system review Chang Bae Chun • Soon Yang Kim Jun Young Lee • Sang Yi Lee Health Systems in Transition Chang Bae Chun, National Health Insurance Corporation Soon Yang Kim, Yeungnam University Jun Young Lee, University of Seoul Sang Yi Lee, Jeju National University Republic of Korea: Health System Review 2009 The European Observatory on Health Systems and Policies is a partnership between the World Health Organization Regional Offi ce for Europe, the Governments of Belgium, Finland, Norway, Slovenia, Spain and Sweden, the Veneto Region of Italy, the European Investment Bank, the World Bank, the London School of Economics and Political Science, and the London School of Hygiene & Tropical Medicine. Keywords: DELIVERY OF HEALTH CARE EVALUATION STUDIES FINANCING, HEALTH HEALTH CARE REFORM HEALTH SYSTEM PLANS – organization and administration REPUBLIC OF KOREA © World Health Organization 2009 on behalf of the European Observatory on Health Systems and Policies All rights reserved. The European Observatory on Health Systems and Policies welcomes requests for permission to reproduce or translate its publications, in part or in full. Please address requests about the publication to: Publications WHO Regional Offi ce for Europe Scherfi gsvej 8 DK-2100 Copenhagen Ø, Denmark Alternatively, complete an online request form for documentation, health information, or for permission to quote or translate, on the Regional Offi ce web site (http://www.euro.who.int/PubRequest) The views expressed by authors or editors do not necessarily represent the decisions or the stated policies of the European Observatory on Health Systems and Policies or any of its partners.
    [Show full text]
  • The New Right Movement and South Korean Cultural Memory
    1 1948 as Division or Foundation? The New Right Movement and South Korean Cultural Memory A Mnemohistorical Approach Patrick Vierthaler Kyoto University Introduction Since the 1990s, and especially the mid-2000s, South Korea has witnessed intense struggles over the memory of its modern and contemporary history, manifesting most notably in disputes over the responsibility for colonial era crimes, the debate on pro-Japanese collaborators (or so- called ch’in’ilp’a), the commemoration of Park Chung-hee and Syngman Rhee, the contents of high school history textbooks, and the nature and narrative of national memorial days. One of these disputes is over the establishment (= “foundation”) of the South Korean state and how to commemorate it. Where do these struggles originate? Why did they intensify in the early and mid-2000s? And, crucially, how can these struggles over “history” be explained and analyzed methodologically? In this essay, I approach these disputes from a mnemohistorical perspective, utilizing the concept of Cultural memory. 1. Theoretical Concepts — Struggles over History as Struggles over Cultural Memory No society can be said to possess a unified and static historical memory. Rather, different memory communities co-exist within each society, with individuals often belonging to multiple memory communities at the same time. Peter Burke (1997: 56) terms these “different memory communities within a given society”, i.e. communities affected by the social organisation of transmission and the different media employed. Understanding
    [Show full text]
  • Korean Honorific Speech Style Shift: Intra-Speaker
    KOREAN HONORIFIC SPEECH STYLE SHIFT: INTRA-SPEAKER VARIABLES AND CONTEXT A DISSERATION SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE DIVISION OF THE UNIVERSITY OF HAWAI'I AT MĀNOA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN EAST ASIAN LANGUAGES AND LITERATURES (KOREAN) MAY 2014 By Sumi Chang Dissertation Committee: Ho-min Sohn, Chairperson Dong Jae Lee Mee Jeong Park Lourdes Ortega Richard Schmidt Keywords: Korean honorifics, grammaticalization, indexicality, stance, identity ⓒ Copyright 2014 by Sumi Chang ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS No words can express my appreciation to all the people who have helped me over the course of my doctoral work which has been a humbling and enlightening experience. First, I want to express my deepest gratitude to my Chair, Professor Ho-min Sohn, for his intellectual guidance, enthusiasm, and constant encouragement. I feel very fortunate to have been under his tutelage and supervision. I also wish to thank his wife, Mrs. Sook-Hi Sohn samonim, whose kindness and generosity extended to all the graduate students, making each of us feel special and at home over the years. Among my committee members, I am particularly indebted to Professor Dong Jae Lee for continuing to serve on my committee even after his retirement. His thoughtfulness and sense of humor alleviated the concerns and the pressure I was under. Professor Mee Jeong Park always welcomed my questions and helped me organize my jumbled thoughts. Her support and reassurance, especially in times of self-doubt, have been true blessings. Professor Lourdes Ortega's invaluable comments since my MA days provided me with a clear direction and goal.
    [Show full text]
  • President Kim Dae Jung's Legacy and President Roh Moo Hyun's Policy
    Young Whan Kihl ☯ CHAPTER 9 The Past as Prologue: President Kim Dae Jung’s Legacy And President Roh Moo-Hyun’s Policy Issues And Future Challenges Young Whan Kihl Introduction With the inauguration of President Roh Moo-hyun, on February 25, 2003, the old politics of the “three Kims” era finally came to an end.147 A new era of politics must overcome the legacy of old politics characterized by strong bossism and regionalism in Korean politics. Consolidation of a new democracy through bold and innovative measures of institutional reform remains to be realized under Roh Moo-hyun’s presidency. The last three presidential elections of 1987, 1992, and 1997, were all about voting for a civilian president and “exorcising the demons of a military government” as one columnist put it.148 In 2002, a new civilian president was elected, on December 19, to 147 The era of the so-called “three Kims” refers to an unofficial triumvirate consisting of President Kim Dae-jung, ex-President Kim Young-sam, and ex- Prime Minister Kim Jong-pil, who had dominated Korean politics for decades. 148 Cho Se-hyon, Good Luck to Him, The Korea Herald, December 31, 2002. ROK Turning Point continue the mandate of democratic consolidation. Luckily for Mr. Roh, the Asian financial crisis of 1997-98 has now been successfully overcome and left behind as a reminder of the misguided policy of the past. The reality of a government divided between the executive and legislative branches, however, may prevent the popularly elected new president from carrying out his campaign promises for a reform agenda.
    [Show full text]
  • Submission No 21
    Submission No 21 Inquiry into Australia’s Relations with the Republic of Korea; and Developments on the Korean Peninsula Organisation: Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade Contact Person: Lydia Morton First Assistant Secretary North Asia Division Address: R G Casey Building Barton ACT 0221 Joint Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade Foreign Affairs Sub-Committee 2 June 2005 Dr Margot Kerley The Secretary Joint Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade Department of the House of Representatives Parliament House CANBERRA ACT 2600 Dear Dr Kerley Thank you for the invitation to provide a submission to the Joint Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade on Australia's relations with Korea. Please find attached the department's submission which addresses directly the Committee's terms of reference on economic, political and strategic aspects of the relationship. Our submission highlights Korea’s importance as our fourth-largest trading partner, identifying increasing opportunities for trade and cooperation arising from dynamic political, social and economic changes. In addition, it discusses the potential impacts on Australian interests of the strategic situation on the Korean peninsula Yours sincerely Lydia Morton First Assistant Secretary North Asia Division R G Casey Building, Barton ACT 0221 www.dfat.gov.au Telephone: 02-62611111 Inquiry by the Joint Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade on Australia's Relationship with the Republic of Korea and Developments on the Korean Peninsula Submission by the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade MAY 2005 CONTENTS 1. Introduction. 5 2. Political Developments and Outlook . .6 (a) Domestic Politics in Transition (b) International Political Outlook (c) Bilateral Political Relationship (d) People-to-People Links 3.
    [Show full text]
  • The New Political Paradigm in South Korea: Social Change and the Elite Structure
    New Paradigms for Transpacific Collaboration 81 THE NEW POLITICAL PARADIGM IN SOUTH KOREA: SOCIAL CHANGE AND THE ELITE STRUCTURE David I. Steinberg * CONTENTS I. Introduction II. Social and Policy Tsunamis of the Past III. President Roh Moo-hyun and the Egalitarian Tilt IV. Political Elements of Regime Change V. Remaking of the South Korean Elite VI. Implications for the U.S. Alliance * David I. Steinberg is Distinguished Professor and Director of Asian Studies, School of Foreign Service, Georgetown University. 82 U.S.–Korea Academic Symposium I. Introduction Social change may be evolutionary or revolutionary or, at times, both. Similarly, administrations may be caught up in and attempt to manage change, or institute it, or both. Although there has been a gradual transformation of elements of South Korean society and international recognition of its exceptional and almost explosive economic accomplishments, the Republic of Korea (ROK; South Korea) has had two major instigated social changes—virtual social revolutions—in its elite structure and policies between its founding with the installation of its first government under President Syngman Rhee in 1948 and the inauguration of President Roh Moo-hyun in 2003. We are now witnessing the third such change—one planned with profound implications both for the internal affairs of the republic and for its international relations, especially those with North Korea and the United States. In part this is innovative and in part responsive to continuing societal transformation. The first instituted change in 1961 may not have been planned as such, although that was one effect, while the second in 1997 was a result of deliberate policy.
    [Show full text]
  • Nationalism in Crisis: the Reconstruction of South Korean Nationalism in Korean History Textbooks (Han’Guksa)
    Nationalism in Crisis: The Reconstruction of South Korean Nationalism in Korean History Textbooks (Han’guksa) by Yun Sik Hwang A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of East Asian Studies University of Toronto © Copyright by Yun Sik Hwang 2016 Nationalism in Crisis: The Reconstruction of South Korean Nationalism in Korean History Textbooks (Han’guksa) Yun Sik Hwang Master of Arts Department of East Asian Studies University of Toronto 2016 Abstract South Korea has undergone considerable transitions between dictatorship and democracy under Korea’s extraordinary status as a divided nation. The nature of this division developed an intense political contestation in South Korea between the political Left who espouse a critical view of top-down national history, and the Right who value the official view of South Korea’s national history. Whether it is a national history or nationalist history, in terms of conceptions of national identity and nationalism in relation to Korean history, disagreement continues. The purpose of this thesis is not to support nor refute the veracity of either political position, which is divided between a sensationalized political Right and a caricaturized Left. The aim of this project is to evaluate a series of developments in Korean history textbooks that can be seen as a recent attempt to build new national identities. ii Acknowledgments There are countless people I am indebted as I completed this Master’s thesis. First and foremost, I would like to thank my professor and supervisor, Andre Schmid for his charismatic and friendly nature for the past 7 years.
    [Show full text]
  • Views from Asia“Ł
    VIEWS FROM ASIA Considering the Politics of East Asia: South Korea and Taiwan By Shiraishi Takashi HIS past March, a presidential who support the Roh administration “3” referring to the fact that they turned T election was held in Taiwan, and gained a stable majority. As a result, it 30 in the 1990s, “8” to their attending the incumbent president, Chen Shui- is becoming a real issue whether the university in the 1980s and “6” to their bian, and vice-president, Annette Lu of National Security Law will be changed birth in the 1960s. This generation has the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) in the National Assembly. This law not experienced Japanese control as a narrowly defeated Lien Chan, chairman was passed in August 1948, three colony or the Korean War of 1950-53. of the opposition Kuomintang Party months after South Korea was estab- What they have experienced is economic (KMT), and James Soong, chairman of lished, and it treats North Korea as an development under the authoritarian the People First Party (PFP), as a presi- “anti-State group,” establishing severe leader Park Chung-hee and the student dential and vice-presidential candidate punishments – including the death movement opposing oppressive political respectively. The difference in the votes penalty – for those who break the law. rule in the 1980s. As a consequence, received was just over 29,000, with the It is this law which has been used as a they take peace and prosperity as a nat- winner gaining a minuscule 0.22% vic- tool by successive military administra- ural course of events; maintain doubts tory.
    [Show full text]
  • Transformation of South Korean Politics: Implications for U.S.-Korea Relations
    THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION CENTER FOR NORTHEAST ASIAN POLICY STUDIES THE TRANSFORMATION OF SOUTH KOREAN POLITICS: IMPLICATIONS FOR U.S.-KOREA RELATIONS Dr. Sook-Jong Lee 2003-2004 Korea Visiting Fellow September 2004 The Brookings Institution 1775 MASSACHUSETTS AVENUE, NW WASHINGTON, DC 20036-2188 TEL: 202-797-6000 FAX: 202-797-6004 WWW.BROOKINGS.EDU 1 The speed and scope of South Korea’s political development in recent years have been as impressive as its economic development in previous decades. Since the transition to democracy occurred, with the belated arrival of political liberalization and a return to direct presidential elections in 1987, virtually all realms of Korean society have democratized. • In the political realm, under the Kim Dae-jung government, power shifted from the Kyongsang area in the southeast to Cholla in the southwest. This horizontal power shift is important for ending the political dominance of the Kyongsang area. Regional competition in the public policy-making process has become more democratic. • Both the Roh government and National Assembly have become more accountable for the public’s welfare and are better monitored by the Korean people. The power of public authority was often unchecked and misused in the past. Now Korean voters and civic representatives monitor whether public officials and assemblymen represent the public’s interest and observe their due responsibilities. • In terms of civilian-military relations, the government has become fully civilian, as the Korean military was completely depoliticized in the early 1990s. The history of former generals seizing the presidency was denounced and two former presidents, Chun Doo-hwan and Roh Tae-woo, were convicted of crimes and sent to prison.
    [Show full text]
  • Presidential Instability in a Developing Country: Reassessing South Korean Politics from a State-Society Relations Perspective
    Syracuse University SURFACE Dissertations - ALL SURFACE June 2017 Presidential Instability in a Developing Country: Reassessing South Korean Politics from a State-Society Relations Perspective Kyung-hwa Kim Syracuse University Follow this and additional works at: https://surface.syr.edu/etd Part of the Social and Behavioral Sciences Commons Recommended Citation Kim, Kyung-hwa, "Presidential Instability in a Developing Country: Reassessing South Korean Politics from a State-Society Relations Perspective" (2017). Dissertations - ALL. 711. https://surface.syr.edu/etd/711 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the SURFACE at SURFACE. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations - ALL by an authorized administrator of SURFACE. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ABSTRACT This study attempts to explain why ALL of South Korean presidents, without exception and notwithstanding their individual major contributions to the process of Korea’s development, have fallen victim to disgraceful downfalls. For the analysis, I employ S.N. Sangmpam’s middle-range theory that establishes a causal link between society-rooted politics and political outcomes. Building on his analytical frameworks that non-Western countries are characterized by over-politicization in politics as a function of social context, I argue that patterned downfalls of all Korean presidents are an institutional outcome of over-politicization in Korean politics, which is itself a function of not fully entrenched capitalist society. In support of my thesis, I test three hypotheses. Hypotheses one and two posit Korea’s tenacious traditional and cultural traits as an internal modifier of capitalism and the nation’s dependent nature of its relationships with the United States and Japan as an external factor that prevented capitalist entrenchment in Korean society.
    [Show full text]
  • UCLA Electronic Theses and Dissertations
    UCLA UCLA Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title Historicizing the Discourse on Pro-Japanese Collaborators in Contemporary Korean History from the Late 1970s to the Late 2000s Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/8611g873 Author Song, Yeun-Jee Publication Date 2013 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles Historicizing the Discourse on Pro-Japanese Collaborators in Contemporary Korean History from the Late 1970s to the Late 2000s A Dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Asian Languages and Cultures By Yeun-Jee Song 2013 © Copyright by Yeun-Jee Song 2013 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION Historicizing the Discourse on Pro-Japanese Collaborators in Contemporary Korean History from the Late 1970s to the Late 2000s By Yeun-Jee Song Doctor of Philosophy in Asian Languages and Cultures University of California, Los Angeles, 2013 Professor John Duncan My dissertation aims at historicizing the formation, spread, and institutionalization of the discourse on pro-Japanese collaborators (ch’inilp’a discourse) in contemporary South Korean society from the late 1970s to the late 2000s. The ch’inilp’a discourse is a unique historical narrative that claims to resolve the issue of unpunished pro-Japanese collaborators—who were not punished right after Korea’s liberation from Japan—in the present. This discourse attributes all post-1945 political mishaps to the failure to punish collaborators immediately after liberation. Located at the interlocking position of calling for dealing with the unsolved task of decolonization and democratic progress, the ch’inilp’a discourse reflects a victimized postcolonial historical consciousness of Korean progressives and functions as progressives’ ii powerful political rhetoric against political conservatives after the demise of radical socio- political reform movement in the early 1990s.
    [Show full text]
  • Consolidation of Democracy in South Korea?
    ACTA UNIVERSITATIS STOCKHOLMIENSIS Stockholm Oriental Studies 21 CONSOLIDATION OF DEMOCRACY IN SOUTH KOREA? Gabriel Jonsson STOCKHOLM UNIVERSITY 2014 © Gabriel Jonsson and Acta Universitatis Stockholmiensis 2014 The publication is availabe for free on www.sub.su.se ISBN electronic version 978-91-87235-63-4 ISBN printed version 978-91-87235-64-1 ISSN 0585-3559 Department of Oriental Languages Stockholm University Stockholm 2014 Order AUS publications from : http://sub.su.se/online-shop.aspx Acknowledgements Firstly, I wish to extend my gratitude to those who have been kind enough to offer their assis- tance during the preparation of this book. This stimulating project would never have reached completion without two research visits to South Korea in 2010 and 2012. I therefore would like to acknowledge Torsten Söderbergs stiftelse [foundation] for providing research grants in 2010 and Magnus Bergvalls stiftelse [foundation] for providing research grants from 2011- 2012. A grant from Stiftelsen Lars Hiertas minne [The Lars Hierta Foundation] in 2013 is also greatly appreciated. In South Korea I wish to thank two former presidents of the Korea Institute for National Unification, PhD Suh Jae Jean and Kim Tae Woo, for allowing me to study at the institute. As a guest researcher, I benefited greatly from my affiliation with the institute in terms of colla- tion of relevant material and in establishing valuable contacts. The National Archive kindly provided the author photos of the five presidents who were in power from 1988-2013 and whose terms in office are the focus of this study. In addition, I wish to express my gratitude to anonymous readers of the manuscript.
    [Show full text]