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Electoral Politics in South Korea
South Korea: Aurel Croissant Electoral Politics in South Korea Aurel Croissant Introduction In December 1997, South Korean democracy faced the fifteenth presidential elections since the Republic of Korea became independent in August 1948. For the first time in almost 50 years, elections led to a take-over of power by the opposition. Simultaneously, the election marked the tenth anniversary of Korean democracy, which successfully passed its first ‘turnover test’ (Huntington, 1991) when elected President Kim Dae-jung was inaugurated on 25 February 1998. For South Korea, which had had six constitutions in only five decades and in which no president had left office peacefully before democratization took place in 1987, the last 15 years have marked a period of unprecedented democratic continuity and political stability. Because of this, some observers already call South Korea ‘the most powerful democracy in East Asia after Japan’ (Diamond and Shin, 2000: 1). The victory of the opposition over the party in power and, above all, the turnover of the presidency in 1998 seem to indicate that Korean democracy is on the road to full consolidation (Diamond and Shin, 2000: 3). This chapter will focus on the role elections and the electoral system have played in the political development of South Korea since independence, and especially after democratization in 1987-88. Five questions structure the analysis: 1. How has the electoral system developed in South Korea since independence in 1948? 2. What functions have elections and electoral systems had in South Korea during the last five decades? 3. What have been the patterns of electoral politics and electoral reform in South Korea? 4. -
Elections During Crisis: Global Lessons from the Asia-Pacific
Governing During Crises Policy Brief No. 10 Elections During Crisis Global Lessons from the Asia-Pacific 17 March 2021 | Tom Gerald Daly Produced in collaboration with Election Watch and Policy Brief | Election Lessons from the Asia-Pacific Page 1 of 13 Summary _ Key Points This Policy Brief makes the following key points: (a) During 2020 states the world over learned just how challenging it can be to organise full, free, and fair elections in the middle of a pandemic. For many states facing important elections during 2021 (e.g. Japan, the UK, Israel) these challenges remain a pressing concern. (b) The pandemic has spurred electoral innovations and reform worldwide. While reforms in some states garner global attention – such as attempts at wholesale reforms in the US (e.g. early voting) – greater attention should be paid to the Asia-Pacific as a region. (c) A range of positive lessons can be drawn from the conduct of elections in South Korea, New Zealand, Mongolia, and Australia concerning safety measures, effective communication, use of digital technology, advance voting, and postal voting. Innovations across the Asia-Pacific region provide lessons for the world, not only on effectively running elections during a public health emergency, but also pointing to the future of election campaigns, in which early and remote voting becomes more common and online campaigning becomes more central. (d) Experiences elsewhere raise issues to watch out for in forthcoming elections in states and territories undergoing serious ‘pandemic backsliding’ in the protection of political freedoms. Analysis of Singapore and Indonesia indicates a rise in censorship under the pretext of addressing misinformation concerning COVID-19, and (in Indonesia) concerns about ‘vote- buying’ through crisis relief funds. -
Republic of Korea Health System Review
Health Systems in Transition Vol. 11 No. 7 2009 Republic of Korea Health system review Chang Bae Chun • Soon Yang Kim Jun Young Lee • Sang Yi Lee Health Systems in Transition Chang Bae Chun, National Health Insurance Corporation Soon Yang Kim, Yeungnam University Jun Young Lee, University of Seoul Sang Yi Lee, Jeju National University Republic of Korea: Health System Review 2009 The European Observatory on Health Systems and Policies is a partnership between the World Health Organization Regional Offi ce for Europe, the Governments of Belgium, Finland, Norway, Slovenia, Spain and Sweden, the Veneto Region of Italy, the European Investment Bank, the World Bank, the London School of Economics and Political Science, and the London School of Hygiene & Tropical Medicine. Keywords: DELIVERY OF HEALTH CARE EVALUATION STUDIES FINANCING, HEALTH HEALTH CARE REFORM HEALTH SYSTEM PLANS – organization and administration REPUBLIC OF KOREA © World Health Organization 2009 on behalf of the European Observatory on Health Systems and Policies All rights reserved. The European Observatory on Health Systems and Policies welcomes requests for permission to reproduce or translate its publications, in part or in full. Please address requests about the publication to: Publications WHO Regional Offi ce for Europe Scherfi gsvej 8 DK-2100 Copenhagen Ø, Denmark Alternatively, complete an online request form for documentation, health information, or for permission to quote or translate, on the Regional Offi ce web site (http://www.euro.who.int/PubRequest) The views expressed by authors or editors do not necessarily represent the decisions or the stated policies of the European Observatory on Health Systems and Policies or any of its partners. -
The Political Business Cycle in Asian Countries
Journal of Business and Economics, ISSN 2155-7950, USA October 2019, Volume 10, No. 10, pp. 966-980 DOI: 10.15341/jbe(2155-7950)/10.10.2019/005 Academic Star Publishing Company, 2019 http://www.academicstar.us The Political Business Cycle in Asian Countries Ling-Chun Hung (Department of Political Science, National Cheng Kung University, Taiwan (R.O.C.)) Abstract: The political business cycle (PBC) theory argues that an incumbent party tends to use government resources to impress voters, so government spending always rises before but declines after an election. Many PBC studies have been done for an individual country or cross-countries, but the results are conflicting. The purpose of this paper is to explore possible fluctuating patterns of government spending in response to political elections in Asian countries because of a lack of studies across this region. In this study, data on 219 elections in 26 countries from 1990 to 2014 are collected. There are two main findings: firstly, government spending falls the year after elections in Asian countries; secondly, the degree of democracy and transparency have impacts on government spending in Asian countries. Key words: political business cycle; election cycle; government spending; government expenditure; Asian JEL code: H51 1. Introduction The political business cycle (PBC) theory has been addressed for four decades. The theory states that an incumbent party will use government resources to impress voters, so economic performance is good before but is poor after an election. However, empirically, scholars have not reach a consensus. Many PBC studies have been done for an individual country or cross-countries, but the results have not been consistent. -
Domestic Constraints on South Korean Foreign Policy
Domestic Constraints on South Korean Foreign Policy January 2018 Domestic Constraints on South Korean Foreign Policy Scott A. Snyder, Geun Lee, Young Ho Kim, and Jiyoon Kim The Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) is an independent, nonpartisan membership organization, think tank, and publisher dedicated to being a resource for its members, government officials, business execu- tives, journalists, educators and students, civic and religious leaders, and other interested citizens in order to help them better understand the world and the foreign policy choices facing the United States and other countries. Founded in 1921, CFR carries out its mission by maintaining a diverse membership, with special programs to promote interest and develop expertise in the next generation of foreign policy leaders; con- vening meetings at its headquarters in New York and in Washington, DC, and other cities where senior government officials, members of Congress, global leaders, and prominent thinkers come together with CFR members to discuss and debate major international issues; supporting a Studies Program that fosters independent research, enabling CFR scholars to produce articles, reports, and books and hold roundtables that analyze foreign policy issues and make concrete policy recommendations; publishing Foreign Affairs, the preeminent journal on international affairs and U.S. foreign policy; sponsoring Independent Task Forces that produce reports with both findings and policy prescriptions on the most important foreign policy topics; and providing up-to-date information and analysis about world events and American foreign policy on its website, CFR.org. The Council on Foreign Relations takes no institutional positions on policy issues and has no affilia- tion with the U.S. -
The New Right Movement and South Korean Cultural Memory
1 1948 as Division or Foundation? The New Right Movement and South Korean Cultural Memory A Mnemohistorical Approach Patrick Vierthaler Kyoto University Introduction Since the 1990s, and especially the mid-2000s, South Korea has witnessed intense struggles over the memory of its modern and contemporary history, manifesting most notably in disputes over the responsibility for colonial era crimes, the debate on pro-Japanese collaborators (or so- called ch’in’ilp’a), the commemoration of Park Chung-hee and Syngman Rhee, the contents of high school history textbooks, and the nature and narrative of national memorial days. One of these disputes is over the establishment (= “foundation”) of the South Korean state and how to commemorate it. Where do these struggles originate? Why did they intensify in the early and mid-2000s? And, crucially, how can these struggles over “history” be explained and analyzed methodologically? In this essay, I approach these disputes from a mnemohistorical perspective, utilizing the concept of Cultural memory. 1. Theoretical Concepts — Struggles over History as Struggles over Cultural Memory No society can be said to possess a unified and static historical memory. Rather, different memory communities co-exist within each society, with individuals often belonging to multiple memory communities at the same time. Peter Burke (1997: 56) terms these “different memory communities within a given society”, i.e. communities affected by the social organisation of transmission and the different media employed. Understanding -
Korean Honorific Speech Style Shift: Intra-Speaker
KOREAN HONORIFIC SPEECH STYLE SHIFT: INTRA-SPEAKER VARIABLES AND CONTEXT A DISSERATION SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE DIVISION OF THE UNIVERSITY OF HAWAI'I AT MĀNOA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN EAST ASIAN LANGUAGES AND LITERATURES (KOREAN) MAY 2014 By Sumi Chang Dissertation Committee: Ho-min Sohn, Chairperson Dong Jae Lee Mee Jeong Park Lourdes Ortega Richard Schmidt Keywords: Korean honorifics, grammaticalization, indexicality, stance, identity ⓒ Copyright 2014 by Sumi Chang ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS No words can express my appreciation to all the people who have helped me over the course of my doctoral work which has been a humbling and enlightening experience. First, I want to express my deepest gratitude to my Chair, Professor Ho-min Sohn, for his intellectual guidance, enthusiasm, and constant encouragement. I feel very fortunate to have been under his tutelage and supervision. I also wish to thank his wife, Mrs. Sook-Hi Sohn samonim, whose kindness and generosity extended to all the graduate students, making each of us feel special and at home over the years. Among my committee members, I am particularly indebted to Professor Dong Jae Lee for continuing to serve on my committee even after his retirement. His thoughtfulness and sense of humor alleviated the concerns and the pressure I was under. Professor Mee Jeong Park always welcomed my questions and helped me organize my jumbled thoughts. Her support and reassurance, especially in times of self-doubt, have been true blessings. Professor Lourdes Ortega's invaluable comments since my MA days provided me with a clear direction and goal. -
President Kim Dae Jung's Legacy and President Roh Moo Hyun's Policy
Young Whan Kihl ☯ CHAPTER 9 The Past as Prologue: President Kim Dae Jung’s Legacy And President Roh Moo-Hyun’s Policy Issues And Future Challenges Young Whan Kihl Introduction With the inauguration of President Roh Moo-hyun, on February 25, 2003, the old politics of the “three Kims” era finally came to an end.147 A new era of politics must overcome the legacy of old politics characterized by strong bossism and regionalism in Korean politics. Consolidation of a new democracy through bold and innovative measures of institutional reform remains to be realized under Roh Moo-hyun’s presidency. The last three presidential elections of 1987, 1992, and 1997, were all about voting for a civilian president and “exorcising the demons of a military government” as one columnist put it.148 In 2002, a new civilian president was elected, on December 19, to 147 The era of the so-called “three Kims” refers to an unofficial triumvirate consisting of President Kim Dae-jung, ex-President Kim Young-sam, and ex- Prime Minister Kim Jong-pil, who had dominated Korean politics for decades. 148 Cho Se-hyon, Good Luck to Him, The Korea Herald, December 31, 2002. ROK Turning Point continue the mandate of democratic consolidation. Luckily for Mr. Roh, the Asian financial crisis of 1997-98 has now been successfully overcome and left behind as a reminder of the misguided policy of the past. The reality of a government divided between the executive and legislative branches, however, may prevent the popularly elected new president from carrying out his campaign promises for a reform agenda. -
Submission No 21
Submission No 21 Inquiry into Australia’s Relations with the Republic of Korea; and Developments on the Korean Peninsula Organisation: Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade Contact Person: Lydia Morton First Assistant Secretary North Asia Division Address: R G Casey Building Barton ACT 0221 Joint Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade Foreign Affairs Sub-Committee 2 June 2005 Dr Margot Kerley The Secretary Joint Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade Department of the House of Representatives Parliament House CANBERRA ACT 2600 Dear Dr Kerley Thank you for the invitation to provide a submission to the Joint Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade on Australia's relations with Korea. Please find attached the department's submission which addresses directly the Committee's terms of reference on economic, political and strategic aspects of the relationship. Our submission highlights Korea’s importance as our fourth-largest trading partner, identifying increasing opportunities for trade and cooperation arising from dynamic political, social and economic changes. In addition, it discusses the potential impacts on Australian interests of the strategic situation on the Korean peninsula Yours sincerely Lydia Morton First Assistant Secretary North Asia Division R G Casey Building, Barton ACT 0221 www.dfat.gov.au Telephone: 02-62611111 Inquiry by the Joint Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade on Australia's Relationship with the Republic of Korea and Developments on the Korean Peninsula Submission by the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade MAY 2005 CONTENTS 1. Introduction. 5 2. Political Developments and Outlook . .6 (a) Domestic Politics in Transition (b) International Political Outlook (c) Bilateral Political Relationship (d) People-to-People Links 3. -
Democracy in the Age of Pandemic – Fair Vote UK Report June 2020
Democracy in the Age of Pandemic How to Safeguard Elections & Ensure Government Continuity APPENDICES fairvote.uk Published June 2020 Appendix 1 - 86 1 Written Evidence, Responses to Online Questionnaire During the preparation of this report, Fair Vote UK conducted a call for written evidence through an online questionnaire. The questionnaire was open to all members of the public. This document contains the unedited responses from that survey. The names and organisations for each entry have been included in the interest of transparency. The text of the questionnaire is found below. It indicates which question each response corresponds to. Name Organisation (if applicable) Question 1: What weaknesses in democratic processes has Covid-19 highlighted? Question 2: Are you aware of any good articles/publications/studies on this subject? Or of any countries/regions that have put in place mediating practices that insulate it from the social distancing effects of Covid-19? Question 3: Do you have any ideas on how to address democratic shortcomings exposed by the impact of Covid-19? Appendix 1 - 86 2 Appendix 1 Name S. Holledge Organisation Question 1 Techno-phobia? Question 2 Estonia's e-society Question 3 Use technology and don't be frightened by it 2 Appendix 1 - 86 3 Appendix 2 Name S. Page Organisation Yes for EU (Scotland) Question 1 The Westminster Parliament is not fit for purpose Question 2 Scottish Parliament Question 3 Use the internet and electronic voting 3 Appendix 1 - 86 4 Appendix 3 Name J. Sanders Organisation emergency legislation without scrutiny removing civil liberties railroading powers through for example changes to mental health act that impact on individual rights (A) Question 1 I live in Wales, and commend Mark Drakeford for his quick response to the crisis by enabling the Assembly to continue to meet and debate online Question 2 no, not until you asked. -
South Korea | Freedom House: Freedom in the World 2019
South Korea | Freedom House https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2019/south-korea A. ELECTORAL PROCESS: 11 / 12 A1. Was the current head of government or other chief national authority elected through free and fair elections? 4 / 4 The 1988 constitution vests executive power in a directly elected president, who is limited to a single five-year term. Executive elections in South Korea are largely free and fair. Moon Jae-in of the liberal Minjoo Party won a May 2017 snap presidential election following the impeachment of former president Park. He took 41 percent of the vote, followed by Hong Jun-pyo of the conservative Liberty Korea Party with 24 percent and Ahn Cheol-soo of the centrist People’s Party with 21 percent. About 77 percent of registered voters turned out for the election. In the June 2018 local elections, the Minjoo Party won 14 of 17 metropolitan mayoral and gubernatorial offices, with two of the others going to the Liberty Korea Party and one to an independent. Turnout for the local elections was 60.2 percent, marking the first time the voting rate had surpassed 60 percent for local elections since 1995. A2. Were the current national legislative representatives elected through free and fair elections? 4 / 4 The unicameral National Assembly is composed of 300 members serving four-year terms, with 253 elected in single-member constituencies and 47 through national party lists. The contests are typically free of major irregularities. In the 2016 elections, the Minjoo Party won 123 seats, while the Saenuri Party (which later became the Liberty Korea Party) won 122. -
The New Political Paradigm in South Korea: Social Change and the Elite Structure
New Paradigms for Transpacific Collaboration 81 THE NEW POLITICAL PARADIGM IN SOUTH KOREA: SOCIAL CHANGE AND THE ELITE STRUCTURE David I. Steinberg * CONTENTS I. Introduction II. Social and Policy Tsunamis of the Past III. President Roh Moo-hyun and the Egalitarian Tilt IV. Political Elements of Regime Change V. Remaking of the South Korean Elite VI. Implications for the U.S. Alliance * David I. Steinberg is Distinguished Professor and Director of Asian Studies, School of Foreign Service, Georgetown University. 82 U.S.–Korea Academic Symposium I. Introduction Social change may be evolutionary or revolutionary or, at times, both. Similarly, administrations may be caught up in and attempt to manage change, or institute it, or both. Although there has been a gradual transformation of elements of South Korean society and international recognition of its exceptional and almost explosive economic accomplishments, the Republic of Korea (ROK; South Korea) has had two major instigated social changes—virtual social revolutions—in its elite structure and policies between its founding with the installation of its first government under President Syngman Rhee in 1948 and the inauguration of President Roh Moo-hyun in 2003. We are now witnessing the third such change—one planned with profound implications both for the internal affairs of the republic and for its international relations, especially those with North Korea and the United States. In part this is innovative and in part responsive to continuing societal transformation. The first instituted change in 1961 may not have been planned as such, although that was one effect, while the second in 1997 was a result of deliberate policy.