MICHAEL PRAETORIUS'S THEOLOGY OF MUSIC IN SYNTAGMA MUSICUM I (1615): A POLITICALLY AND CONFESSIONALLY MOTIVATED DEFENSE OF INSTRUMENTS IN THE LUTHERAN LITURGY

Zachary Alley

A Thesis

Submitted to the Graduate College of Bowling Green State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

MASTER OF MUSIC

August 2014

Committee:

Arne Spohr, Advisor

Mary Natvig

ii ABSTRACT

Arne Spohr, Advisor

The use of instruments in the liturgy was a controversial issue in the early church and remained at the center of debate during the Reformation. Michael Praetorius (1571-1621), a

Lutheran composer under the employment of Duke Heinrich Julius of Braunschweig-Lüneburg, made the most significant contribution to this perpetual debate in publishing Syntagma musicum

I—more substantial than any Protestant theologian including Martin Luther. Praetorius's theological discussion is based on scripture, the discourse of early church fathers, and Lutheran theology in defending the liturgy, especially the use of instruments in Syntagma musicum I. In light of the political and religious instability throughout Europe it is clear that Syntagma musicum

I was also a response—or even a potential solution—to political circumstances, both locally and in the Holy Roman Empire. In the context of the strengthening counter-reformed Catholic

Church in the late sixteenth century, Lutheran territories sought support from Reformed church territories (i.e., Calvinists). This led some Lutheran princes to gradually grow more sympathetic to Calvinism or, in some cases, officially shift confessional systems. In Syntagma musicum I

Praetorius called on Lutheran leaders—prince-bishops named in the dedication by territory— specifically several North German territories including Brandenburg and the home of his employer in Braunschweig-Wolfenbüttel, to maintain Luther's reforms and defend the church they were entrusted to protect, reminding them that their salvation was at stake.

iii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This thesis would not have been possible without the tremendous support of my advisor,

Dr. Arne Spohr, whose own passion for this topic and breadth of knowledge led me to previously unexplored territories. The time spent advising me throughout the planning, writing, and editing stages, as well as providing invaluable translations of the limited secondary literature, made this project not only feasible, but rewarding and enjoyable.

Thank you, also, to Dr. Mary Natvig for joining the committee and offering expertise regarding the fine points of writing on a "music and theology" topic.

I extend thanks and appreciation to Reverend Jeffrey Odgren (my father-in-law) for his guidance through the theological discussion of the parable from Matthew in the final chapter of this thesis.

Finally, thank you to my wife, Emily, who can recite this thesis from memory due to her patient support and inability to escape the proximity of our home office.

iv

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

INTRODUCTION ...... 1

CHAPTER I. THEOLOGICAL CONTEXT ...... 4

CHAPTER II. MICHAEL PRAETORIUS: COMPOSER, THEOLOGIAN, THEORIST . 8

CHAPTER III. SYNTAGMA MUSICUM I-III: AN ATTEMPT TO PRESERVE, PROMOTE, AND ELEVATE INSTRUMENTS AND MUSICIANS ...... 11

The Content of Syntagma musicum I: An Overview ...... 13

CHAPTER IV. POLITICAL AND CONFESSIONAL ANXIETY AND THE DEDICATION OF SYNTAGMA MUSICUM I ...... 17

CHAPTER V. LUTHER'S VIEWS ON INSTRUMENTS ...... 30

CHAPTER VI. SYNTAGMA MUSICUM I: A THEOLOGICAL DEFENSE OF INSTRUMENTS ...... 37

Section I: Music in Worship ...... 37

Section IV: Liturgical Instruments ...... 40

CHAPTER VII. PRAETORIUS'S MUSICAL THEOLOGY IN PRACTICE ...... 52

Wachet auf, ruft uns die Stimme from Polyhymnia Caduceatrix et Panegyrica ..... 54

CONCLUSION ...... 65

BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 68

APPENDIX A. WACHET AUF SCORE EXCERPTS ...... 75

APPENDIX B. TITLE PAGES ...... 81 v

LIST OF FIGURES AND EXAMPLES

Figure Page

1 Figure 1: Alternative performance options for Wachet auf ...... 59

Example Page

1 Example 1: Praetorius's Wachet auf from Polyhymnia (1619), mm 32-34 ...... 62

1

INTRODUCTION

The liturgical use of musical instruments was highly disputed in the liturgy of the early

church because it was seen as potentially distracting from the core of worship—instruments were

associated with paganism or considered icons.1 The most important early church figures,

including Saints Justin Martyr (100-165), Basil of Caesarea (329-379), Aurelius Ambrose (340-

397), and Aurelius Augustine (354-430) contributed to this discussion, offering theological

discourse and personal spiritual accounts rejecting or defending the use of instruments.2 This

discussion became a crucial element of debate in the Reformation. Michael Praetorius (1571-

1621)—a highly educated German composer and music theorist who studied Latin, Greek,

theology, and philosophy in school and at university, and whose father was a pastor who studied

in Wittenberg in the late 1520s and worked directly with Martin Luther's musical advisor Johann

Walter—published his three-volume work Syntagma musicum, the first volume of which (1615)3

offered a significant contribution to this debate. Praetorius's position at the court of

Braunschweig-Wolfenbüttel under Duke Heinrich Julius (1564-1613)—one of the most powerful

1 See, for instance, James W. McKinnon's article "The Meaning of the Patristic Polemic Against Musical Instruments," Current Musicology I (1965), 69-82. McKinnon wrote that "the vehemence of the polemic against instruments is primarily accounted for by the association of musical instruments with sexual immorality, an issue on which third- and fourth-century Church Fathers were extremely sensitive." Instruments were associated with dancing, obscene songs, and drunkenness, and the early church responded with strict ecclesiastical legislation which resulted in denying baptism to those who played instruments "until they renounced their trade." This viewpoint is not exclusive, though. It is possible, even likely, that the early church made use of instruments on a regular basis, as Leslie Korrick has argued in response to McKinnon's article in "Instrumental Music in the Early 16th-Century Mass: New Evidence," Early Music, 18 (1990): 359-362. 2 These figures are repeatedly referenced throughout Syntagma musicum I and will be discussed throughout this thesis. A survey of materials, especially of Augustine and Basil can be found in Piero Weiss and Richard Taruskin, editors, Music in the Western World: A History in Documents, Part II The Middle Ages, Belmont, CA: Schirmer Books, 1984. 3 It has been argued that, due to printing errors and other mistakes, the actual date is 1615, not 1614/15 in Dietlind Möller-Weiser, Untersuchungen zum I. Band des Syntagma Musicum von Michael Praetorius, (Kassel; New York: Bärenreiter, 1993), 12-22. 2

Protestant princes within the Holy Roman Empire, and one who was deeply involved in Imperial politics4—gave him the leverage and status needed to be taken seriously in this context. The prince's wife Elizabeth was the sister of Danish King Christian IV, who considered himself protector of Lutheranism within the larger framework of European politics.5 Praetorius's close proximity to powerful Protestant leadership in northern Germany and his extensive education and personal Lutheran conviction, made him highly qualified to produce a treatise on liturgical music practices. Syntagma musicum I was an attempt made to define Lutheran sacrality and establish conclusively which liturgical rituals, especially regarding musical instruments, were useful and ecclesiastical.

In an effort to establish new, and reestablish old, pious practices, and to rekindle the True

Church,6 Praetorius dug down to the foundation in an attempt to rebuild that which, in his view, had been tainted by papal corruption and abandoned by Reformed churches and some Lutherans with reforms established after Martin Luther. Syntagma musicum I provides a close examination of historical liturgical practices and defends the use of instruments as an ecclesiastical form of worship. He had two primary goals in mind: first, to "present and explain piously all the types of songs, organs, and other instruments hallowed for the liturgical rites [which are] pleasing to

God and useful to the public, and [to discuss their] use at gatherings of the church, both in

4 Hilda Lietzmann, Herzog Heinrich Julius zur Braunschweig und Lüneburg, 1564-1613: Persönlichkeit und Wirken für Kaiser und Reich, (Braunschweig: Selbstverlag des Braunschweigischen Geschichtsvereins, 1993). 5 See, for instance, Mara R. Wade, "The Politics of Splendor. Christian IV of Denmark's Hamburg Pageant (1603)," in Brückenschläge. Eine barocke Festgabe für Ferdinand van Ingen, ed. Martin Bircher and Guillaume van Gemert (Amsterdam and Atlanta, GA: Rodopi, 1995), 25- 39. 6 This is a term Luther used to describe the authentic Christian Church before papal corruption and after Lutheran reforms. See the discussion in Robin Leaver, Luther's Liturgical Music: Principles and Implications, (Grand Rapids, MI: William B. Eerdman's Publishing, 2007), 65- 106. Also, Diarmaid MacCulloch, The Reformation: A History (New York: Penguin Books, 2004), xx. 3

ancient times and today;" and second, "to refute the arguments of those who strive to diminish or

to remove altogether the offices of the liturgy."7

This thesis provides a discussion of Praetorius's theology of music as gleaned from an

analysis of Syntagma musicum I, with special attention given to his views on instruments in the

liturgy. In order to contextualize Praetorius's position, a deeper understanding of Martin Luther's

views on instruments in church must be gained; this will be achieved primarily through an

examination of Praetorius's references to Luther's writings but is also supplemented with a collection of related sources. In light of this theological framework it is possible to determine that this document was intended to defend Lutheran sacrality and the use of instruments in church from those who, from Praetorius's Lutheran view, attempted to dismantle the liturgy. The treatise itself is politically charged and theology is used to give Praetorius's argument authority; without the support of scripture and respected church fathers, Praetorius's pleading to the political hierarchy on behalf of himself and church musicians would have appeared futile and even inappropriate. Finally, an analysis of Praetorius's use of instruments in his polyphonic setting of Wachet auf, ruft uns die Stimme from Polyhymnia et Panegyrica (1619) provides a concrete example of how instruments could and should be used to enhance worship according to the guidelines provided by Praetorius in Syntagma musicum I.

7 The original German can be found in Michael Praetorius, Syntagma musicum I, (Wolfenbüttel: Richter/Holwein, 1615). The translation used is by Michael David Fleming, Michael Praetorius, Music Historian: An Annotated Translation of Syntagma Musicum I, Part I. (Ph.D. diss., Washington University, 1979) 14-22. Both sources will be cited throughout this thesis. 4

CHAPTER I. THEOLOGICAL CONTEXT

The complexities of sixteenth- and seventeenth-century theological debates grow increasingly more intricate as one attempts to categorize the liturgical practices and attitudes towards music and musical instruments that could be found in various Christian denominations.

Martin Luther viewed the use of instruments as a theological opportunity that could be used to enhance liturgy and devotion, while John Calvin considered them a theological problem.8 These opposing views resulted from their understanding of music's purpose and its fundamental function in church. Luther and Praetorius viewed music and musical instruments as an aid to enhance worship, while Calvin saw instruments as an elementary aid for pre-Christian worshipers in need of a crutch in the absence of the good news of the Gospel.9 In the broadest

sense Christianity had, for the first time since the Great Schism (1053), experienced another

divide, into the Catholic and Protestant churches. Among the churches of the Reformation there

were two dominant categories, namely Lutherans and Reformed denominations. Church music

at this time was not governed by universal doctrines, and liturgical practices, including but not

limited to music, varied even amongst followers of the same denomination. This means that

followers of two separate denominations may have actually shared certain liturgical practices;

each sub-denomination had its own understanding of Christian sacrality and therefore endorsed

its own unique set of guidelines for what was acceptable in church. While Lutherans were

considered radicals on a theological level from the perspective of sixteenth-century Catholics,

their views concerning instruments in the liturgy were virtually indistinguishable in the early

8 John Calvin, Commentary on the Book of Psalms, translated by James Anderson (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1949), 494-95. 9 Korrick, "New Evidence," 359-362. 5

seventeenth century. It was, rather, the Reformed churches who more drastically contested

traditional worship practices.

The scope of Syntagma musicum I expands far beyond the use of instruments, which is

discussed directly in sections I and IV of this first volume. In fact, the entire document,

including the dedication, has much to offer to our understanding of the context theologically and

politically. As will be explored, theology and politics were closely entwined during Praetorius's

time, and decisions regarding confessional systems directly influenced, or were influenced by,

political situations—local and in a wider context, which, for instance, can be seen in the relationship between Praetorius, his patron Duchess Elizabeth of Braunchweig-Lüneburg, and her brother King Christian IV of Denmark (as will be discussed further below).

Martin Luther established the Lutheran denomination as theologically rooted in the

history of the early church, which created a strong sense of continuity between Catholicism and

Lutheranism, both theologically and in practice. This is true at least from the Lutheran

perspective. Catholics are not likely to acknowledge this connection and they would certainly

not see it as grounds for granting Lutheranism legitimacy. The Catholic Church has a long

history of theological discourse dedicated to determining which methods of worship are

considered ecclesiastical. Praetorius refers to Augustine's embrace of music and musical

instruments and their power to aid congregants in worship, but Luther was more interested in

Augustine for his emphasis on the importance of faith as the means of attaining salvation.10 His theological writings have been elevated almost to that of scripture. Lutheran theologians

10 See the discussion of Augustine in Diarmaid MacCulloch, Reformation: Europe's House Divided 1490-1700, (London and New York, 2003), xx. MacCulloch highlights the potential to emphasize one side of Augustine's discourse, the part that emphasizes God's grace and salvation through faith, but argues that Luther and other reformers paid less attention to Augustine's writings that contradicted their views (i.e., on the importance of good works and obeying the laws of the Catholic institution). 6

(including Luther himself as well as Praetorius) often referred to his work as a source of authority—his theological writings have aged well and in many cases remain relevant to

Christians, both practitioners and theologians, today. Even throughout the Reformation, Luther and his contemporaries refrained from contesting Augustine; rather, they embraced his theology and wielded him against the Catholic Church from their new Protestant perspective by using him as part of the foundation that forms the theological views of Lutheranism.11 By rooting their theological reforms in the collection of early Christian theological discourse of Martyr, Ambrose,

Basil, Augustine, and many others, a strong connection was made between the early church and

Lutheranism. Praetorius frequently uses their writings in a general defense of the liturgy, which he considered to inherently include the use of instruments.

After the death of Luther, controversies, such as the one between Lutherans and Flacians, surfaced among protestant theologians that resulted in yet another divide,12 this time between

Lutheran subgroups, thus distinguishing Lutherans and Gnesio-Lutherans (though at the time they both considered themselves Lutherans and contested each other's claim to the title).

Praetorius's keen awareness of the political and confessional instability throughout German lands led him to accurately perceive the potential for Lutherans to be converted to other

11 This was not done out of spite or baseless hostility toward the Catholic Church. Martin Luther and many contemporaries believed the Church had strayed from the path and that a new and objective reading of Biblical scripture and the theological discourse of early Catholic Church Fathers needed to be the basis of revitalizing the True Church. Luther's theological views, especially those regarding music, are discussed thoroughly in the third chapter of Leaver, Luther's Liturgical Music, 65-106. 12 Oliver K Olson, Matthias Flacius and the Survival of Luther's Reform, (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2002). While they considered themselves Lutherans, "Flacians," known today as "Gnesio-Lutherans," were those that adhered to the teachings of Matthias Flacius. This sect developed out of the Lutheran denomination and was differentiated by their views of original sin and the Real Presence, which conflicted with Luther's understanding and that later recorded in the Book of Concord. Although Flacians and Lutherans were both Protestant and both considered themselves to be Lutheran, they disagreed on fundamental theological issues. 7

denominations, whether it be for personal, spiritual, or political reasons. While Luther waged a

theological battle with the Catholic Church, Praetorius was more concerned with the threat posed by the Reformed churches, who were recklessly abandoning traditional rituals and forms of worship that were viewed by Praetorius as spiritually and practically useful to the congregation

as an aid to practicing Christianity.

8

CHAPTER II. MICHAEL PRATEORIUS: COMPOSER, THEOLOGIAN, THEORIST

Michael Praetorius was born into a Lutheran family in 1571. He studied Greek, Latin,

Hebrew, philosophy, and theology, and became an organ expert early on, which included

composing for, performing on, and designing, tuning, and maintaining organs.13 He worked as a

musical advisor, composer, and music theorist, served as Kapellmeister in multiple court chapels,

and traveled extensively throughout German lands. His father was a Lutheran pastor and a

colleague of Johann Walter, who advised Martin Luther on his edition of the German Mass of

1525 and who collaborated with him on the first Lutheran hymn book published that same

year.14 This created a direct link between Praetorius and the founder of the Lutheran church.

Praetorius's music education began with instruction from Michael Voigt, who succeeded Johann

Walter as Kantor at the Lateinschule in Torgau. From 1582 until 1587 he studied at the

University of Frankfurt and der Oder,15 with the exception of 1584-1585 when he was enrolled at

the Lateinschule at Zerbst, Anhalt. He served as organist of various churches from 1587 until

1595, when he entered the service of Duke Heinrich Julius of Braunschweig-Lüneburg. His loyalty to his patron was displayed in an act of courage during an ambush in 1605; the duke rewarded him monetarily and with a promise of land.16

Much of Praetorius's training in music was done on the job rather than through formal,

traditional schooling. It is important not to understate his capabilities as a composer in view of

13 Siegried Vogelsänger, Michael Praetorius 1572-1621. Hofkapellmeister zwischen Renaissance and Barock, (Wolfenbüttel: Möseler, 2008). 14 Werner Braun, "Walter, Johann," Grove Music Online. Oxford Music Online (2014), www.oxfordmusiconline.com. 15 Walter Blankenburg and Clytus Gottwald, "Michael Praetorius," Grove Music Online. Oxford Music Online, (2014), www.oxfordmusiconline.com. 16 Ibid. 9

this background, 17 since it was common in his time to learn the craft of composition through

independent study. Heinrich Schütz, later viewed as the "father of German music,"18 was only

awarded the Kapellmeister position at Dresden after Praetorius's death. Praetorius continued to study independently throughout his life and traveled to and worked at some of the most prestigious courts and churches of his time (i.e., with Calvinist Landgrave Moritz of Hesse at

Kassel, at Dresden, and with Heinrich Schütz and Samuel Scheidt at Magdeburg).19 Known during his lifetime as an organist and an instrumental specialist, he was frequently consulted when an organ was in need of renovation or to suggest specifications for a new organ—his extraordinary knowledge of instruments and tuning systems made him uniquely qualified. He was widely known as a composer, and as a music theorist and was hired for projects and as a musical advisor throughout Germany in several courts:20

Regensburg (1602, on business, and 1603, with organist's duties) Kassel (1605, 1609, and 1617 for visits with the Landgrave Moritz of Hesse) Prague (1613, with the duke for an extended visit) Naumburg (1614) Ringelheim near Goslar (1614, where he was appointed prior of the monastary) Magdeburg (1614 and 1618, as Kapellmeister to the administrator of the bishopric, the latter occasion together with Schütz and Scheidt) Halle (1616) Dresden (1613-16, after the death of his patron Duke Heinrich Julius for an extended visit as Kapellmeister von Haus aus, and again in 1617) Schwarzburg at Sondershausen (1617) Copenhagen, Denmark (1618)21

17 Siegfried Vogelsänger, Michael Praetorius 1572-1621. Hofkapellmeister zwischen Renaissance and Barock, (Wolfenbüttel: Möseler, 2008). 18 Bettina Varwig, Histories of Heinrich Schütz, (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011), 95. 19 Vogelsänger, Michael Praetorius 1572-1621. 20 List compiled by Jeffrey Kite-Powell in the introduction to Michael Praetorius, Syntagma musicum III, translated and edited by Jeffery Kite-Powell, (Oxford, New York: Oxford University Press, 2004). 21 See Peter Hauge, "Michael Praetorius's Connections to the Danish Court," in Michael Praetorius: Vermittler europäischer Musiktraditionen um 1600, eds. Susanne Rode-Breymann 10

Leipzig, Nuremburg, and Bayreuth (1619, again with Schütz and Scheidt)

While Praetorius is known today in the mainstream music historical narrative almost exclusively

as a theorist, his was a prolific composer who produced more than1,000 compositions (many of

which remain unstudied and unperformed). Praetorius also studied theology, and while his

theological writings are considered lost, evidence of his thorough understanding and belief in

Lutheran theology, especially with regard to liturgical music—and even more specifically,

instruments—is evident in the first of three volumes of Syntagma musicum published before his

death.

and Arne Spohr (Hildesheim: Olms, 2011). Jeffrey Kite-Powell omitted Copenhagen from Praetorius's list of travels, but it is included here. 11

CHAPTER III. SYNTAGMA MUSICUM I-III: AN ATTEMPT TO PRESERVE, PROMOTE, AND ELEVATE INSTRUMENTS AND MUSICIANS

It was his theological background that provided Praetorius with the justification needed to not only compose instrumental and combined (instrumental and vocal) music for the Lutheran

Mass, but also to elevate and preserve the reputation of instruments in general in the three volumes of Syntagma musicum. It had been nearly a century since the German Lutheran Martin

Agricola published his treatise on musical instruments, Musica instrumentalis deudsch (1528).22

Praetorius's comprehensive collection is a gesture toward instruments, promoting their use in all

settings—in and outside the church. Agricola's treatise was a practical approach to German

instrumental music in the early sixteenth century and is, therefore, aimed at performers, students,

and amateurs who could have referred to it as an instructional guide.23 Volumes II and III of

Syntagma musicum, similar to Agricola's treatise, are directed toward the average German

musician—including amateurs, court, and church musicians—and reflects the growing interest

ordinary people had in music in the early seventeenth century. Volume III in particular falls into

the group of approximately 150 instructional (performance practice) manuals that had been

published by 1619. In choosing to write volume I in Latin, Praetorius aimed it directly to the top

of the political and church hierarchy, namely those capable of reading Latin: bishops (who, in

German lands, were often also princes), abbots, leaders, and patrons, etc. Syntagma musicum is

the only early seventeenth-century source that so thoroughly addresses music (sacred, liturgical,

and secular), performance practice, and instruments (ancient, contemporary, and even non-

European)—Praetorius did the work of several modern day musicologists' long careers in

22 Martin Agricola and William E. Hettrick, The 'Musica instrumentalis deudsch' of Martin Agricola: A Treatise on Musical Instruments, 1529 and 1545, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994). 23 Ibid., xiii. 12

compiling massive amounts of information, diagrams, pictures, and woodcuts, and applied his

expertise as a composer to his knowledge of theology and church history to offer a comprehensive discussion of liturgical music. His work is recognized today mainly for its documentary value, but a closer study of Syntagma musicum and its abundance of references

offers unique insight into the musical culture of the early seventeenth century in the broadest

sense. An issue, however, has been raised by Michael Flemming concerning Praetorius's use of

sources in volume I:

His use of these sources … needs closer scrutiny. In many cases he amassed and presented great chunks of information without making any attempt to sift fact from legend, or to disentangle the truth from a mass of conflicting viewpoints. [But] one can hardly criticize Praetorius for failing to meet the standards of scholarship established in the nineteenth century.24

However, while Praetorius was criticized for including sources that were not carefully vetted in

Syntagma musicum, he certainly did not collect these sources and arrange them arbitrarily.25 He collected particular sources and arranged them in a strategic manner in order to promote his overarching goal; he speaks through the words of others, which, in essence, makes their words his own.

Jeffrey Kite-Powell places Syntagma musicum as a whole in the category of theoretical compendia by Johannes Tinctoris and Gioseffo Zarlino, noting that this three volume collection goes far beyond any previous German musical treatise. Praetorius's treatise, though, expands beyond even Tinctoris's and Zarlino's theoretical assessment of performance practice,

24 Fleming, An Annotated Translation of Syntagma musicum I, xxii-xxiv. 25 Alina Mazur, "'Gloria Dei et Voluptas hominum,' Von der Natur der musikinstrumente nach Michael Praetorius," in Michael Praetorius: Vermittler europäischer Musiktraditionen um 1600, eds. Susanne Rode-Breymann and Arne Spohr (Hildesheim: Olms, 2011). Although Mazur discusses Praetorius in the context of Syntagma musicum II, she shows that Praetorius's classification was shaped by Aristotelian thought and can be called "modern." This is in contrast to Flemming's suggestion that Praetorius was working in a medieval tradition. See Flemming, Ibid. 13

particularly volume I, which details historical and modern liturgical practices and is prefaced

with a politically charged dedication. Its scope is much wider than treatises directed at music

alone. As will be discussed further in this thesis, Syntagma musicum I extends to both social and quality-of-life issues for musicians.

The Content of Syntagma musicum I: An Overview

Volume I of Syntagma musicum is arranged in four sections:

1. On sacred and ecclesiastical music

2. On the liturgy of the Mass

3. On the Liturgy of matins and vespers

4. On musical instruments26

Section I is chiefly concerned with psalmody, the use of the psalms in Christian worship and, significantly, the importance of inward reflection. Praetorius viewed the Mass as an internal spiritual experience, rather than an outward task to be completed. In this sense, inward reflection is what authenticates the use of a particular ritual. Section II deals with the Mass and its liturgy.

Praetorius asserts that the parts of the Mass that originated during times of Papal corruption were tolerable to some degree and should not be immediately discarded. The Divine Office is the subject of Section III, specifically the spiritual significance of the various parts of the offices.

The two inner sections do not deal directly with instruments, but because he believed they are inherently included in worship, a defense of the liturgy is also a defense of their liturgical use.

Much of the discussion of the Mass is based on Loci Communes, a work published by Peter

Martyr (1500-1562), an Augustinian friar who converted to Protestantism and taught Divinity at

26 Kite-Powell, ed. Syntagma musicum III, 22. 14

Oxford. While Luther rarely references him directly, it seems clear that this early Protestant

theologian's work is the source of much of the content presented by Praetorius.27 The final

section is Praetorius's Biblical defense of instruments in church. As Flemming has also noted,

Section IV has many parallels to Section I.

This thesis primarily discusses the dedication with regard to its political implications,

Section I in view of its theological explanations of various liturgical musical practices, and

Section IV with particular focus on the Biblical defense of instruments in sacred music. In doing

so, the objective is to provide an understanding of Praetorius's theology and in what way it

justifies the use of instruments in Lutheran liturgy.

Volume II, De Organographia, is concerned with instruments and is divided into two

main sections.28 The first provides a collection of information on all instruments known to

Praetorius including names, classifications, sizes, ranges, and tuning. The second section of the

book is entirely dedicated to the organ, demonstrating his breadth of knowledge and experience

with all things related to the organ, organ playing (i.e., special effects: tremolo, cymbelstern,

etc.), and organ specifications (size of pipes and tuning).29 Of particular importance to music historians is the collection of plates at the end of the volume, which documents and preserves physical parameters of the various instruments discussed in the body of the text. Instruments are labeled and the dimensions are recorded through the use of a ruler on the frame of the image.

The descriptions and depictions in Syntagma musicum II is a logical continuation of their theological justification in volume I.

27 Fleming, An Annotated Translation, xxii. 28 Alina Mazur, "'Gloria Dei et Voluptas hominum,' Von der Natur der musikinstrumente nach Michael Praetorius," in Michael Praetorius: Vermittler europäischer Musiktraditionen um 1600, eds. Susanne Rode-Breymann and Arne Spohr (Hildesheim: Olms, 2011). 29 Jeffrey Kite-Powell, ed. Syntagma musicum III, 20-23. 15

Volume III is divided into three sections. The first section provides a list and discussion

of prominent vocal genres (i.e., concerto, motet, madrigal, canzona, dialogue, aria, etc.),

instrumental genres (i.e., canzona, prelude, fantasy, capriccio, fugue, sinfonia, sonata, toccata,

etc.), and dance forms (i.e., pavans, passamezzos galliards, branles, courantes, voltas,

allemandes, etc.—in the Italian, French, English, and German styles). Part two is concerned

with general musicality. It takes under consideration issues of notation, transposition, and others

including voice distribution in vocal works. The final section deals with Italian performance

practice, which he learned through studying treatises, and includes a substantial list of Italian

terms, definitions, and short essays on various aspects of the Italian style. His endorsement of

instruments and instrumental music is consistent throughout Syntagma musicum—he promotes

their use in- and outside the church and finds them to be highly effective in both settings. Our

modern understanding of Syntagma musicum is skewed, though. To Praetorius and his

contemporaries, the discussion of the theology of music and musical instruments in volume I

would have been the most important. Only when the use of instruments is deemed acceptable

and ecclesiastical through the argument presented in volume I would the later volumes, which deal with the practical use of instruments, become relevant.

It is surprising that—given the direction the narrative of western music history took after

Praetorius, specifically the rise of instrumental music throughout Europe—Praetorius's three volumes of Syntagma musicum have not been presented with more vehemence. While it is clear that instrumental music grew rapidly in the seventeenth century in Italy, France, Germany,

England, and Spain, Praetorius's acclamation of instruments has hovered under music history's radar. Burkholder's A History of Western Music mentions Syntagma musicum II in passing in the

introduction to the Renaissance chapter on musical instruments and a scan of a diagram is 16 included (similar to those provided above), but this presentation is incomplete in view of his omission of Syntagma musicum I.30 Volume I promoted the use of instruments in a theological and political context and helped fight the negative connotation instrumental music carried as drinking music meant for the low class to enjoy in pubs. Even Luther suffered from this misconception.31

30 Donald Jay Grout, Peter Burkholder, and Claude V. Palisca, A History of Western Music, 8th ed. (New York: W.W. Norton, 2006), 265. 31 Martin Luther was criticized by a theological opponent for playing an instrument in public: "In the inns they [Luther's party, including Jonas Schurff, and Amsdorf] found many a toast, cheerful drinking-parties, music, and enjoyments; to such an extent that Luther drew all eyes to himself in some places by playing songs on a lute, as though he were a kind of Orpheus, but a shaven and cowled one, and for that reason more to be marveled at." Robin Leaver, Luther's Liturgical Reforms, 34. 17

CHAPTER IV. POLITICAL AND CONFESSIONAL ANXIETY AND THE DEDICATION OF SYNTAGMA MUSICUM I

The dedication and acknowledgements prefacing Syntagma musicum I reads as follows:

To the most reverend, most illustrious, reverend, most noble, most excellent, most renowned, most learned, by the Gift of God bishops, abbots, leaders, canons, doctors, and church inspectors in Saxony, Brandenburg Magdeburg, Halberstadt, Braunschweig, in the Arch-Electoral and –Episcopal Duchy

Guardians of the Sacred Liturgy his Lords Protectors and Cherished Patrons MP C[reuzbergensis] dedicates and consecrates with many greetings this sacred part of the SM in honor of ecclesiastical dignity32

Unlike the later volumes, Syntagma musicum I33 was written in Latin for the learned, although Praetorius provided that its content would also be useful to any practitioner of the

Christian faith, not just the educated leadership. Language is important, though, when considering his potential audience; in this case, only those with access to education (i.e., those with some type of power) could be intended to read this treatise—as is made clear in the first words of his dedication. Praetorius's choice to dedicate this to leadership exclusively stems from

32 Michael Praetorius, Syntagma musicum I, 2. Michael David Fleming, An Annotated Translation, 42. 33 Syntagma musicum I will be referred to as "SMI" from this point forward. 18

his understanding of God's divinely ordained political hierarchy, where the few leaders were

solely responsible for the views, beliefs, and well-being of the general population. His choice of

dedicatees was made to convey a theological message to them: he urged them to protect the

liturgy and its musical practices. The dedication addresses several of Praetorius's ongoing

concerns simultaneously, but only amidst an understanding of seventeenth-century German

politics and an awareness of shifting confessional affiliations throughout Germany, especially in

those regions mentioned in the dedication above, do these motives become clear.

On the one hand SMI may be viewed as a response to local political issues and the

practical needs of Praetorius's court musicians. On the other, the publication is also likely the

result of a much wider political triangle consisting of leadership in Germany, the Danish king,

and the emperor in Prague. When Heinrich Julius, Praetorius's patron, died in 1613, the court

entered a period of transition as was to be expected in such a situation. Given the tumultuous

times, there would be a degree of uncertainty regarding their specific Protestant affiliation

moving forward. Religious instability had shifted confessional affiliation in Anhalt, Hesse, and

Brandenburg, among others, during Praetorius's lifetime.34 With a new affiliation would come a

new theology and a new form of sacrality in music. This could result in unemployed or under

employed musicians. Duke Friedrich Ulrich, Heinrich Julius’s son and successor, was seen as a

weak prince, who was viewed as easily manipulated by some of his contemporaries.35

The years around 1600 had been volatile politically for Heinrich Julius: his claim over the city of Braunschweig was challenged and so he sought the emperor's support. This led to an

34 Bodo Nischan, People, and Confession: The Second Reformation in Brandenburg, (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1994). Nischan's discussion focuses on the instability of these and other German territories. 35 Jill Bepler, "Practical Perspectives on the Court and Role of Princes: Georg Engelhard von Loehneyss' Aulico Politica 1622-24 and Christian IV of Denmark's Königlicher Wecker 1620," in Pomp, Power, and Politics, ed. Mara Wade (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 2004), 145-48. 19

uprising and a brief civil war in 1605.36 Heinrich Julius's second wife Elizabeth was the sister of

Danish King Christian IV. Elizabeth's presence in northern Germany served as an extension of

the Danish king's influence, including his strict adherence to Lutheranism.37 King Christian IV

of Denmark, Elizabeth's brother, attempted to mediate the disagreement between Heinrich Julius

and the city of Braunschweig but was unsuccessful. Heinrich Julius gained the support of the

Emperor after serving as a diplomat in an effort to resolve a political conflict with Bohemian

Catholics, but the city remained unyielding.38 While Heinrich Julius was well known as a

defender of the Lutheran faith, these many circumstances provide for the possibility that he was

at least a controversial leader for his participation in civil war and willingness to cooperate with

Catholics in order to gain power. Praetorius, who was on friendly terms with both Heinrich

Julius and Elizabeth, may have been concerned for the future of Lutheranism in northern German

territories when Heinrich Julius died, and he may have also felt pressure—either directly or

passively—from Elizabeth (and by extension the Danish king) to secure Lutheranism.39 This

context allows for SMI to be seen as an attempt to send a message to north German realms—

including his own while in its vulnerable state—to maintain the true Lutheran church. While on

one hand Elizabeth's presence could have been a source of Lutheran influence over Praetorius, it

appears that the theology is his own and is endorsed personally throughout the treatise.

36 Hilda Lietzmann, Herzog Heinrich Julius zu Braunschweig und Lüneburg (1564-1613). Persönlichkeit und Wirken für Kaiser und Reich, (Braunschweig: Braunschweigischer Geschichtsverein, 1993). 37 Wilibald Gurlitt, Michael Praetorius (Creuzbergenis): sein Leben und seine Werke (Leipzig: Breitkopf & Härtel, 1915), Edited by Josef Floßdorf and Hans-Jürgen Habelt, (Wolfenbüttel: Floßdorf, 2008). 38 Lietzmann, Herzog Heinrich Julius zu Braunschweig und Lüneburg, 14-20. 39 Arno Forchert, "Musik als Auftragskunst. Bemerkungen zum Schaffen des Michael Praetorius," Schütz-Jahrbuch 27 (2005): 37-51. Praetorius's Musae Sioniae I (1605), a collection of chorale motets for the Lutheran church, are dedicated to Elizabeth. This connection has also been observed in Dietlind Möller-Weiser, Untersuchungen zum I. Band des Syntagma Musicum von Michael Praetorius, (Kassel; New York: Bärenreiter, 1993), 14. 20

It was a time of general turmoil in the years leading up to The Thirty Years' War, when political battles were often waged through theological means and confessional practices often implied political messages. Princes often altered religious affiliation based on political or economic aspirations. In some cases shifting confessional affiliation created new allies and could often be seen as a gesture to foes of an alternative confessional system.

An example of a politically motivated confessional shift took place in Brandenburg,

which Praetorius included among those regions to which SMI was dedicated (see Appendix A

for dedication). Elector Johann Georg of Brandenburg (1525-1598) had enforced a strict

Lutheran system, more comparable to the Catholic approach than that of the Reformed churches.

When his son Joachim Friedrich (1546-1608), who worked as the administrator of the

archbishopric of Magdeburg for thirty-two years where he gained the political experience that

influenced his early decisions as prince, inherited the electorship of Brandenburg in 1598, fears

of the counter-reformed Catholic Church outweighed uneasiness caused by the more drastic

reforms of Calvinism. The growing strength of their political foes—the Catholics—built a

tolerance for, and even inspired a shift toward, Calvinism.40

While at first Praetorius appears ignorant in dedicating SMI partially to a Calvinist court

(or at least one with Calvinist tendencies)—Brandenburg—it is more likely that he was pleading to those with power in Brandenburg and elsewhere to maintain Lutheran church practices based on the early Christian liturgical traditions outlined in the main body of SMI. Calvinists in general were hostile toward instruments and banned their use in many instances. Instruments presented a theological issue because of their close association with the Temple cultus, which was nullified by Christ's sacrificial crucifixion. John Calvin wrote the following on Psalm 92:4:

40 Nischan, Prince, People, and Confession, 56-7. 21

The Levites who were appointed singers employ their instruments of music—not as if this were in itself necessary, only it was useful as an elementary aid to the people of God in these ancient times ... it were only to bury the light of the Gospel, should we introduce the shadows of a departed dispensation.41

His description of instruments as an elementary aid to people of ancient times is not an outdated reference to modern superiority in mankind's development. Biblical descriptions of instruments in worship were attributed to the presupposition that Jews were in need of external motivation in their spiritually undeveloped state.42 According to Calvin, instruments provided a form of pleasure that was no longer needed in Christian worship—metaphorically, Grace as a medication was not in need of the sweetness provided by honey spread around the cup of more primitive, earlier treatments.43 The good news of the Gospel was to be the focus and Calvin considered musical instruments to be a distraction. Instruments banned in churches became widespread, but to claim all Calvinists prohibited instruments would be an over generalization.

As already mentioned, Protestant churches were not operating under a unified set of guidelines.

Calvin's disapproval of instruments in church does not mean all Calvinists banned them. Robert

Weeda provided an account of Loys Bourgeois, the French Calvinist composer who wrote the

Protestant doxology, suggesting that vocal music played on instruments was common in the sixteenth century.44 And while most sources are consistent in asserting that instruments were prohibited in Calvinist churches, organ accompaniment was restored in Calvinist churches in the north, especially the Netherlands, in the first half of the seventeenth century, probably within a

41 Calvin, Commentary on Psalms, 494-95. 42 Korrick, "New Evidence," 359-362. 43 This metaphor was first made by St. Basil and will be discussed further in the final chapter of the thesis. Weiss and Taruskin, Music in the Western World, 25-28. 44 Robert Weeda, Le psautier de Calvin: l'histoire d'un livre populaire au XVIe siècle (1551- 1598), (Turnhout, Belguim: Brepols, 2002), 87. 22

decade after SMI's publication date.45 Additionally, some Calvinist princes, such as Moritz of

Hesse, established remarkable court chapels that became centers for courtly musical life in

Germany.46 Both employed instrumentalists who not only performed during secular occasions

(e.g., at the dinner table), but also during church services. However, the liturgical use of

instruments in Calvinist territories was largely limited to the courtly sphere, because it was

motivated by the political need of princely representation.

More conservative changes were made in order to channel power to the prince, who, in

Lutheran lands, often also served as Bishop of the Lutheran church. While Lutheran theology

emphasized the fundamental principle of salvation through faith—even in the absence of good works—some late sixteenth- and early seventeenth-century theologians recognized the potential for political vulnerability if the old system, which was built around the necessity of good works

and obedience, was removed. A system that requires good works and Christian obedience

follows the power hierarchy of the Catholic Church and gives those at the top of the hierarchy

control: in the case of the Catholic Church, the Pope; and in the case of the more rigid Lutherans

of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the prince-bishops of formerly Catholic territories,

such as Heinrich Julius, who was also Bishop of Halberstadt. But the Protestant system could

not resemble that of the Catholic Church. Philip Melanchthon (1502-1574) ushered in the

Gnesio-Lutheran idea in Saxony, insisting a "new obedience is necessary for salvation,"47 in

45 Kristine K. Forney, "The Netherlands, 1520-1640," in European Music 1520-1640, edited by James Haar, (Rochester, NY: Boydel and Brewer, 2006), 276-77. 46 Bettina Varwig, Histories of Heinrich Schütz, (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011). Schütz entered the service of Landgrave Moritz of Hesse at a young age and built the musical reputation of the court. John Dowland, who was invited to work in the court of Heinrich Julius, also spent time in 1594 at the Calvinist Court in Hesse. See Peter Holman and Paul O'Dette, "Dowland, John," Grove Music Online, Oxford Music Online, (2014), www.oxfordmusiconline.com. 47 Nichan, Prince, People, and Confession, 34. 23

order to differentiate Lutherans from the Catholic Church. Abdias Prätorius (1524-1579)

considered the abolishment of Christian laws a very real and literal threat: "If the nova

obedientia is not needed, then obedience to the sovereign himself becomes superfluous. If good

works are dispensable, then taxes also need not paid."48

It is important to be reminded that Praetorius understood music and musical instruments

to be inherently included in the liturgy. His more general comments on authority figures and

their role in protecting the liturgy as a whole include the essence of this argument: a place for

musicians, including composers, vocalists, and instrumentalists, needs to be nurtured and

protected by the patrons of the church. While Praetorius finally makes this point crystal clear in

the last section of SMI (Section IV), which is discussed at length in the final chapter of this thesis, he already begins to prepare this argument in the dedication.

In the New Testament is preserved an exhortation by the Apostle [Paul], derived from many psalms, for the teaching and admonition about the liturgy (Ephesians 5:15-19; Colossians 3:16). In the primitive church, after the time of the Apostles, Christian emperors, kings, bishops, fathers, and doctors of the church were eager for a worthy observance of the liturgy.

Theodosius, Constantine, Pepin, Charlemagne, Louis, etc., obtained an immortal name in [their] cultivation of the liturgy [because] they took time for the liturgies in honor of the divine Majesty, and joined the choirs of psalm-singers with inner devotion. Among these, Constantine the Great piously and solemnly pronounced that not only did the care of the region pertain to him, but also that of religion, not only that of the realm, but that of the church, whose bishop was set up, not within [the church], like the priests, but outside, by God.49

Praetorius describes in this passage the system of worldly and church leaders and their

respective roles. Lutheran lands were ruled by figures that represented both church and state—it

was the antithesis of today's constitutional policy in America. By combining the leadership

roles—earthly and heavenly, flesh and spirit—into a single figure, the power was compounded

48 Ibid., 35. 49 Praetorius, Syntagma musicum I, 12-13. Fleming, An Annotated Translation, 52-53. 24 and the roles supported and sustained each other (as described in the passage above regarding good works and obedience). Praetorius was drawing on this model to promote his own beliefs and advance his agenda—the dedication, and indeed SMI as a whole, is used as a political statement. He was, in essence, highlighting the similarity between seventeenth-century German princes and the great and pious European emperors of old, who similarly ruled over church and state. According to Praetorius, the Emperors' and Kings' piousness and political greatness was a result of their service to the church and their protecting of its Offices. While his tone remains polite and he avoids implying the opposite, this passage is a clear attempt to suggest that in order to achieve the level of greatness and piety of past church patrons and leaders, one must protect the "worthy observance of the liturgy." In other words, he offers compliments and accolades preemptively, with the hope that the dedicatees will comply with his message and continue the tradition of the liturgy as described by Praetorius in SMI.

The message is reiterated in the following passage of the dedication, which is directed more specifically at certain leadership positions:

Now, your patronage and protection of this Syntagma of vocal and instrumental music demands inevitably that I direct to your most reverend and illustrious highnesses and your reverend dignities, with your permission, a modest and humble dedication. For I, a humble choirmaster, venerate and acknowledge you, the bishops and patrons of the church, as well as superiors and high curators, inspectors, and directors of the sacred office in churches and choirs. Your reverend highnesses' and dignities' outstanding piety and most observant care of the liturgy assures me that you will not withhold encouragement from me. Your reverend highnesses' and dignities' duties and names: bishops, abbots, leaders, and deans, cantors, etc., call to mind the meaning of the episcopal sees and churches, the noble houses, the collegiate churches, the monasteries, etc. All these indicate that the thoughts of your minds and all the actions of your lives are devoted and will be devoted to this cause [namely], that the seat of religion may stand firm and unmoved, as the noble house of piety, built on the foundation of the Prophets and Apostles, so that it may not build on the foundations of heretics, that the colleges may share [and] solidly confirm peace and concord in doctrine and orthodox worship, that the choirs and churches, which devoutly and religiously intone and sound in the glorification of the most divine Name, and in 25

the confession of saving faith, in the practice of the liturgy of speech and song, may be places of sweetness, places of meditation, holy, pure, and skillful.50

The abstract nature of SMI's theological discussion is anchored to concrete politics. It is made clear in the dedication that SMI is a direct request by Praetorius to the bishops, abbots, leaders, etc., of those regions specifically mentioned—Saxony, Brandenburg, Magdeburg, Halberstadt, and Braunschweig—to continue the liturgical traditions, especially regarding music and musicians, outlined in the main body of the treatise; and he iterates throughout that it is the responsibility of church leadership to maintain the highest standard of Christian worship.51 It should be noted that, although Praetorius attended Latin school in Anhalt, a region physically close to Braunschweig-Wolfenbüttel, it is not mentioned in the dedication. Anhalt converted to

Calvinism in 1596 and theological warfare was waged in pamphlets and other discourse throughout Praetorius's lifetime. The close proximity of Calvinism pressing in on Praetorius surely would have influenced him in a similar way to that of Brandenburg and other vulnerable regions. Abraham Taurer wrote in a pamphlet dedicated to Heinrich Julious, in defense of

Lutheranism:

The iconoclasts in Anhalt tear all Christian images, paintings, alter, and organs out of their churches so they look more like a public brew house than a temple of God. But you, ducal highness, adorn the place of worship in the greatest possible way, for example in the ducal church of Gröningen, you built recently a most splendid organ because of your particular love of the holy liturgy and to the hatred of all iconoclasts in Anhalt. In the opinion that God the Lord has nothing against a well-sounding Christian musical instrument and against organs as the deceived iconoclasts in Anhalt claim.52

50 Praetorius, Syntagma musicum I, 26. Fleming, An Annotated Translation, 66. 51 Dietlind Möller-Weiser, Untersuchungen zum I. Band des Syntagma Musicum von Michael Praetorius, (Kassel; New York: Bärenreiter, 1993), 23-31. 52 The original German can be found in Möller-Weiser, Untersuchungen zum I, 27-28. Translations provided by Arne Spohr. 26

And another, in response to attacks from Anhalt on the polyphonic music used in Lutheran

churches in Braunschweig-Wolfenbüttel and elsewhere:

We do not deny that in our churches it is custom to use vocal-instrumental music … it is the instrumental music, per se, a gift from God because it is able to move the spirit of man even though there is no human voice [in the instrumental music]. As long as you know that it is enough, as far as organs are concerned, and they are not played in vain. It is important to know that sacred songs made for the praise of God are played on the organ. Whoever knows this does not take offense by the organ which has quite a lot of power. Besides, it is possible to make sure, in our churches, there is moderation with organ playing and singing and there is enough time devoted to the service itself. We are also able to take care there is no sinful dance or passa meza.53

The debate over musical practices in church was a public discussion, with attacks made by both sides. Praetorius served in the court of Heinrich Julius, a defender of Lutheranism, and his views reflected the interests of his patron.

Praetorius's theology of music begins to come into view even before the main body of the text in his comment on man's greatest function: "Surely the ultimate and highest end of man, which he has in common with the blessed angels, appoints and dedicates him to the natural exercise of divine worship ... and the highest virtue [is] the praise of God."54 The liturgy,

according to Praetorius, was designed to facilitate the worship of God with speech and music.

Already with this statement he describes his own profession as a minister of music in the church,

as the centerpiece of mankind's most important act: worship. This implies the imperative role

music plays for humanity and, in turn, elevates the musicians themselves. He described his own

purpose as a composer and a musician:

Indeed, in considering carefully the dignity of the established liturgy, the usefulness of its purpose, and the application of its use, I began to think carefully what my part was, and what was available that I could bring to the speech and song of the liturgy, according to the talent granted to me ... Therefore, taking into

53 Ibid., 29. 54 Praetorius, Syntagma musicum I, 4. Fleming, An Annotated Translation, 44. 27

consideration the office that I fulfill in the employ of the duke of Braunschweig ... I began to arrange for choirs of voices, organs, and other instruments, Latin songs in the style of motets for the entire liturgical year ... Just as it is shameful, then, not to speak with Scripture, or not to use sound words agreeable to the rule in sacred assemblies, so I shall say, not improperly, that if someone wishes to sing in church, he should sing with the church.55

Praetorius exposed part of his theology of music in this passage, though he does so indirectly. Christianity balances wisdom (knowledge of scripture) and zeal (the mystical, spiritual, or emotional side of the faith). This can be observed in the liturgy through what

Praetorius calls "speech" and "song."56 Michael Flemming wrote in the introduction to his study

of Syntagma musicum I:

For Praetorius, church music was no mere ornament or decoration; it was an integral part of the spiritual life of the church. He asserts that the church rests on two pillars, speech and song, which he compares allegorically to the trees of knowledge and of life in the Garden of Eden, to the Urim and Thummim carried by the Jewish high priest on his breastplate, to the two bronze pillars which supported Solomon's Temple, to the cherubim and seraphim, and to the two silver trumpets forged at Moses' command to summon the tribes of Israel.57

"Speech" is represented through the study of scripture practiced in readings and preaching

throughout the liturgy. Speech is the intellectual side of Christianity, and it was the Lutheran

view (and Praetorius's) that all teachings be based on Biblical texts; a lesson based elsewhere is

misguided and corrupt. Equally necessary, though, is "song," which Praetorius uses to describe

all musical worship. As speech's counterpart, song—or more generally, music—is to be used for

the betterment of the congregation's spiritual experience, and any performer "who sets himself up

to indulge only his own taste and temperament"58 participates in a futile and corrupted attempt to

55 Praetorius, Syntagma musicum I, 20-21. Fleming, An Annotated Translation, 60-61. 56 Praetorius, Syntagma musicum I, 4. Fleming, An Annotated Translation, 44. The dedication begins with a lengthy discussion of this relationship and the many manifestations it takes in church history. 57 Fleming, An Annotated Translation, xii-xiii. 58 Praetorius, Syntagma musicum I, 21. Fleming, An Annotated Translation, 61. 28

worship. This idea is particularly important to the Lutheran chorale and Praetorius's style of

setting chorale texts to polyphonic arrangements as in Polymnia Caduceatrix et Panegyrica

(1619), which will be discussed in the final section of this thesis. The importance of music for

the congregation is reiterated in the preface to that publication. Quoting Justin Martyr: "It is and

remains the word of God, that what is felt in the soul [should be] sung with the voice and played

and struck on instruments."59

Praetorius does not blindly endorse all music in worship, though; rather, he maintains the

practices established by Luther, who, in his views, resurrected the true and authentic church and,

in doing so, restored worship from its corrupted Catholic form:

Although it cannot be denied that the monks, turning the liturgy into a theatrical and scenic spectacle, formerly profaned the holy offices, and profane them today by the blasphemy of the abominable Mass, and that they block their ears with the liturgical melody, as if with an incantation, that they bewitch their souls with foul corruptions and gross errors about the sacrifice of the Mass and the invocation of the saints; nevertheless, it is agreed that the songs were freed from a superstitious and vain worship by God's grace, and properly converted to the true and religious worship of God in the reformed liturgies, just as the Israelites learned to put to a more true use in the Sanctuary the spoils which the Egyptians had abused.60

It can be gleaned from the dedication alone that Praetorius intended to wield the power of

religion and his knowledge of theology as a shield against those that might diminish the offices

of the liturgy, especially the ministry of music in the Lutheran church. The message he sends is

overtly political, though he avoids any direct contact with political topics or jargon. In refuting

"the arguments of those who strive to diminish or to remove altogether the offices of the

59 Margaret Anne Boudreaux, "Michael Praetorius's Polyhymnia Caduceatrix et Panegyrica (1619): An Annotated Translation." (Ph.D diss., University of Colorado, Boulder, 1989). 60 Praetorius, Syntagma musicum I, 17. Fleming, An Annotated Translation, 57. 29 liturgy,"61 Praetorius was simultaneously defending musicians and promoting their function as ministers of the faith through worship music.

61 Praetorius, Syntagma musicum I, 22. Fleming, An Annotated Translation, 62. 30

CHAPTER V. LUTHER’S VIEWS ON INSTRUMENTS An important question that needs answering before examining the main body of

Syntagma musicum I is related to the basic principle of instruments in Lutheran churches: what were Martin Luther’s views on instruments in church? Presumably, given Praetorius’s conservative approach toward liturgical reform as well as his support of Luther's theology made evident throughout SMI, the inspiration for such justification must have been initiated by Luther.

The relationship between Luther, Walter, and Praetorius's father created an even stronger link with Lutheran theology. Luther was far less direct than Praetorius in his theology of instruments, but this was likely due to his role as theological reformer, which shaped his general view of the various liturgical practices: in essence, his view was that any ritual that could be used to facilitate an enhanced worship experience should be utilized.

While the work of Robin Leaver and many other musicologists has provided a thorough understanding of Luther's views on music's liturgical value and function in general, a detailed study dedicated solely to his view of musical instruments has not yet been written. The following is a survey of sources (both primary and secondary). These sources come in two general varieties: one type can be understood literally but the other type is more abstract and in need of interpretation. Among these sources are a number of misleading accounts of Luther being highly critical of instruments, music, and various other church rituals:

Therefore, let the works go, no matter how great they may be, prayers, chants, yammering, and yapping ... Christ's Mass was most simple, without any displays of vestments, gestures, chants, or other ceremonies ... The Pope directs how one can serve God and do good works through ... fasting, begging ... singing, organs, censing, bell-ringing, celebrating, buying indulgences ... all of which God does not know ... We have no great need of organ music, bells, and rote recitation ... [We have gone] so far astray and think we serve God by building churches, ringing bells, burning incense, reciting by rote, singing, wearing hoods, having tonsures, burning candles, and by other countless foolish acts of which the world 31

is full, indeed more than full ... St. Paul perceives with great clarity what great fools they are who want to become pious through works.62

At first this seems to completely refute Praetorius's aim, but this is what has been misunderstood by those who believe Luther was critical of instrumental music. It is not the music itself that

Luther criticizes. If Luther truly disapproved of organs and bells just as he does the buying of indulgences (which is clear), then why would he also include singing on this list? His most well- known musical contribution, after all, as well as one of the most drastic reforms he made to the

Mass, includes the composing of church chorales, which he designed to maximize congregational participation in the Mass ritual. Luther is not critical of the rituals, but rather the manner in which they were practiced. This criticism is in no way unlike Paul's message to the

Corinthian church. The presence of wine in Corinthian Mass was not misguided in itself, but drinking it in excess was an abuse of the Eucharistic ritual and was strongly condemned.

Therefore, it is not necessary to remove wine from the ritual, but to refocus the mind and soul of the participants on the purpose of the ceremony—on the theological principle behind the practice.

Praetorius was aware of this and provided a similar account of Ambrose from "Liber de

Elia et Jejunio," where Ambrose's words have a potential to be misunderstood and misdirected.

Woe to them, and justly so, who in the morning need alcoholic drink, when they should have given praise to God, risen before dawn, and taken time for prayer to meet the Sun of justice, which visits us and rouses us [from sleep]. Let us, therefore, arise to Christ, not to wine and to intoxicating drink. Are hymns being sung (by the pious and sober, that is) while you are playing the kithara? Are psalms being sung, while you are playing the psaltery or tambourine?63

Similar to Luther, Ambrose addressed the misuse and abuse of instruments in conjunction with other impious acts (i.e., drinking alcohol in the morning before prayer, or in the complete

62 Leaver, Luther's Liturgical Music, 6-7. 63 Praetorius, Syntagma musicum I, 92. Fleming, An Annotated Translation, 134. 32 absence of prayer). Ambrose was not associating drunkenness and lascivious behavior with instruments because they are inherently bad, but because they can also be used in a spiritually unconstructive way. Instruments can be used for "drunken and lascivious pleasure"64 when removed from the context of church—Ambrose's comment is addressing the misuse of both alcohol and music.

In 1541 Luther wrote the following in a Bible dedication presented to Wolff Heinz:

The stringed instruments of the ... Psalms are to help in the singing; and ... all Christian musicians should let their singing and playing to the praise of the Father of all grace sound forth with joy from their organs, symphonias, virginals, regals, and whatever other beloved instruments there are [since the time of David and Solomon].65

This is consistent with the more general message Luther spread regarding music, namely that any form of music (or other type of ritual) that can enable one to participate in worship should be utilized. The end of this quotation refers to newly invented instruments (since the time of

David). Luther considered ancient instruments to be limited in capability and less "artistic."66 In a comment he made on Psalm 8 Luther suggests that modern (sixteenth-century) instruments are superior in their capabilities to produce artistic variety. Luther not only advocated the use of those instruments mentioned specifically in Psalms, but also encouraged the use of new instruments, which he believed could be more effective. These new instruments were created along with new artistic forms and genres. He advocated the use of any art form that could effectively be imbued with a sense of sacrality, and in turn enable enhanced worship.

In a letter to Ludwig Senfl, Luther requested a recently composed motet:

I ask if you would have copied and sent to me, if you have it, a copy of that song: In pace in idipsum [Psalm 4:8]. For this Tenor melody has delighted me from

64 Ibid. 65 Praetorius, Syntagma musicum I, 91. Fleming, An Annotated Translation, 133. 66 Leaver, Luther's Liturgical Music, 376. 33

youth on, and does so even more now that I understand the words. I have never seen this antiphon arranged for more voices. I do not wish, however, to impose on you the work of arranging; rather I assume that you have available an arrangement from some other source. Indeed, I hope that the end of my life is at hand; the world hates me and cannot bear me, and I, in turn, loath and detest the world; therefore may the best and most faithful shepherd take my soul to him. And I have already started to sing this antiphon and am eager to hear it arranged.67

It is important to note that this antiphon "delighted" Luther before he knew the words to which the melody was set. The joy came from the antiphon without knowledge of the text and was then

only augmented by the text once he learned of its meaning. Therefore, the meaning or subject

was effectively being conveyed through the melody itself. As he anticipated his own death and

spiritual ascension he turned to this antiphon. This quote strongly suggests that the music itself

aided Luther in accessing a spiritual state. It also suggests that anything capable of carrying a

melody, with or without a text, has the potential of evoking spirituality. Luther often played

intabulations on the lute, which will be discussed further in the next section, and may have

known this motet from that context.

Robin Leaver has noted another occasion on which Luther indirectly suggests

instrumental music can have spiritual significance. Luther had a great appreciation for, and also

an understanding of, the music of Josquin des Prez and Pierre de la Rue, among others, including

their use of theological symbolism. For example, a three-voice canon in la Rue's Pater de coelis

is representative of the Trinity, and Luther was aware of this significant symbolism. A

significant portion of sixteenth-century lute intabulations were modeled on vocal works like

Pater de coelis and similar works by composers including Senfl, Stoltzer, and Josquin. Luther

performed transcriptions of sacred music on lute with his family and friends in the evenings after

67 Ibid., 52. Leaver quoted Honemeyer in Karl Honemeyer, "Luther's Musikanschauung: Studien zur Fragen ihrer geschichtlichen Grundlagen," (diss., University of Münster, 1941), 427-29. 34

dinner, fully aware of the theological implications of the music itself. While these two examples

do not address the use of instruments in the liturgy, they do assist in determining Luther's general

view of non-texted music.

Another account of Luther's reaction to the use of an instrument in the Mass has been used out of context in the argument against instruments in church. While celebrating the Mass at a church in Erfurt, Luther was surprised by an uncommon musical practice: a lutenist accompanied the Kyrie, Gloria, and Credo. Luther could not prevent himself from laughing at this "organ."68 This reaction could suggest to some that he disapproved of the use of a lute, but

there is no account of any response beyond his surprise. He differentiated between what was

theologically acceptable and his personal preferences in choosing to not comment on the

legitimacy of the lute's inclusion in the liturgy.

In a letter to Prince Joachim of Anhalt in 1534 Luther made a more direct statement, calling for the use of instruments in worship, viewing them as a "theological opportunity,"69

especially when combined with voices.

So Elisha was awakened by his minstrel and David himself declares in Psalm 57 that his harp was his pride and joy: "Awake up, my glory; awake psaltery and harp." And all the saints made themselves joyful with psalms and stringed instruments.70

Robin Leaver cites the output of Michael Praetorius in his description of Luther's

intention regarding liturgical music reform and congregational singing. He suggests that, in

addition to the evidence already mentioned above, the fact that instruments became so widely

68 Because Luther was accustomed to an organ accompanying the Mass in this situation, he jokingly described his surprise at the sound by calling the lute an organ. Leaver, Luther's Liturgical Music, 31. 69 Ibid., 92. 70 Ibid. 35

used in Lutheran churches is evidence in itself that Luther supported the idea of instruments in

church:

Michael Praetorius' substantial volumes of church music contain many hundreds of chorale settings, most of them are compositions for choirs rather than for congregations, ranging from simple two-part settings to massive polychoral concertos with anything up to twenty-one parts for voices and instruments. Congregational participation in singing Lutheran chorales was certainly a primary goal of Luther's reformation of worship, but it was not meant to stand alone; it was to be augmented by a wide variety of vocal—choral as well as congregational—and instrumental music.71

This form of evidence can be extended to Heinrich Schütz and eventually to Bach. Luther began a tradition of worship that developed to utilize secular genres in a sacred context.

Another avenue toward an understanding of Luther's views of instrumental music is through a brief examination of the instrumental music of Johann Walter, with whom Luther

worked closely in composing the earliest chorales. Also be reminded of the direct connection

between Luther and Walter, and Walter and Praetorius. This relationship makes the examination

of Walter particularly useful especially considering an appendix of SMI provides an account of

Walter.

Although Walter's music has been (unjustly) criticized as "unbelievably dull from any

angle," and that "Walter's Lutheran piety outweighed his common musical sense,"72 it was well received in the sixteenth century. A quick vetting of Walter will find him more than capable of representing Luther's musical intentions. In 1524, as an expert in church music composition,

Walter assisted Luther in the creation of the Deutsche Messe,73 which they completed two years

later, but not before Walter was appointed court composer at the Elector of Saxony's Hofkapelle.

71 Ibid., 209. 72 G. B. Sharp, "The Fathers of Lutheran Music: 1: Johann Walter," The Musical Times 112, no. 1545 (1971): 1060-1061. 73 Robert Marshall and Robin Leaver, "The Chorale," Grove Music Online, Oxford Music Online, (2014), www.oxfordmusiconline.com. 36

Walter was a highly skilled composer and was probably more familiar with Luther's theology of music than any other contemporary. By 1547 Walter's music was the most sung in Wittenberg,74

which is the location known famously for Luther's alleged posting of the 95 Theses. These are

all signs of Walter's Lutheran purity and it is for this reason his collection of 26 Fugae composed

in 1546 should be considered evidence of early Lutherans embracing instrumental church music.

A connection has been made between Walter's fugues and psalm tones. Historically, it was

common in sacred music to make use of the church modes. The modes had sacred and spiritual

implications, and Walter's instrumental fugues include psalm tones and make use of church

modes.75

74 Werner Braun, "Walter, Johann." Grove Music Online. Oxford Music Online. (2014), www.oxfordmusiconline.com. 75 The Fugue also have a pedagogical aim, which suggests this musical tradition was being perpetuated by Lutheran leadership. Ibid. 37

CHAPTER VI. SYNTAGMA MUSICUM I: A THEOLOGICAL DEFENSE OF INSTRUMENTS

Section I: Music in Worship

Section I "Dianoia, or discussion of choral music and the psalmody of the ancients."

In Section I, Praetorius began his discussion by looking deep into Christianity's history and discussing the practices during the reign of Rome's emperors Constantine, Theodosius, and others. He recalled Bishop Paulinus of Tyre, who wrote the following concerning the architecture of the church building:

Therefore, having enclosed this much larger choir, he fortified its outer edge with a wall, to provide protection for the whole edifice. Then he extended a large vestibule, reaching into the air toward the rays of the sun, so that those who stood at a distance outside the sacred walls should have a clear view of those within.76

It seems likely that the passage describing a large vestibule reaching toward the rays of the sun was a reference toward some kind of symbolic connection between the physical realm of

Christians—the microcosm—and the heavenly realm—the macrocosm.77 Psalmody was used to channel this connection between the people and God. Praetorius follows this account with a discussion of psalm melodies of the ancients and their purpose, as well as the varied methods of ecclesiastical praise. Praetorius described the Psalmody of ancient times: "It was the practice of

76 Praetorius, Syntagma musicum I, 36. Fleming, An Annotated Translation, 78. 77 Jörg Jochen Berns, "Instrumental Sound and Ruling Spaces of Resonance in the Early Modern Period: On the Acoustic Setting of the Princely potestas Claims within a Ceremonial Frame," in Instruments in Art and Science: On the Architectonics of Cultural Boundaries in the 17th Century, edited by Helmar Schramm, Ludger Schwarte, and Jan Lazardzig, (Berlin: Hubert & Göttingen). 38

the church to sing the psalms with such a slight inflection of the voice (just as Augustine recalls)

that psalm-singing was closer to speech than to song:"78

For the sake of carnal men (and we should all admit that we are so), and not for spiritual [men], the custom of singing was established in the church, so that even those who are not stirred by the words may be moved by the sweetness of the melody.79

The music, we can interpret from this passage, was considered separate from the text. It was

applied to the text to make it more attainable to psalmists and congregants. The sweetness of

music was viewed as an enabler for those who are not stirred by the words, and, according to

Praetorius, the church fathers allowed for instruments to fulfill this role. It is in his discussion of

Communion and the use of psalms that he grounds his theological argument.

Leslie Korrick provided a new perspective of the use of instruments in sixteenth century

churches (both Catholic and Protestant) in her article "Instrumental Music in the Early 16th-

century Mass: New Evidence." There are collections of paintings of sixteenth-century Masses,

many that feature the patron at the altar participating in Communion, but they almost never depict instruments as a part of the ceremony—the core of McKinnon's argument that instruments were not used is based on this series of paintings. This is what commonly leads historians and musicologists, including McKinnon,80 to believe that instruments were not used regularly in the

Mass. However, Korrick believes that instruments were common, but that they were not often

pictured because of the occasions on which the paintings were made. Many of them depict the

Communion ritual and are focused on the intimate setting around the altar—there is not enough

room in the painting to include all of the musicians and congregants. Because of this we are

78 Praetorius, Syntagma musicum I, 39. Fleming, An Annotated Translation, 81. 79 Ibid. 80 James W. McKinnon, "The Meaning of the Patristic Polemic Against Musical Instruments," 69-82. 39

provided with a distorted sample of period church music. Additionally, the paintings may have

corresponded with the Book of Hours, of which only the Office of the Dead would be illustrated.

This solemn ceremony may not have been seen as fit for the use of instruments, which are

described by Praetorius as a means of celebrating and expressing joyful worship.81

Praetorius, in his embrace of instruments, used Communion to weigh their importance.

He compared the breaking of bread with prayer and the consumption of drink with psalms:

Even Christ himself, our Savior, whenever he wished to take food and offer it, began with praise and thanksgiving ... He had added prayer to the breaking of bread ... and after the cup had been passed around the table, one of the psalms of David [would be sung].

The authenticity and effectiveness of spirituality in the Mass is maintained by the practitioner.

The rituals are to assist and support, but have the potential to lead the practitioner astray. It was

Praetorius's belief, as it was Luther's and countless others before him, that all forms of music can enhance the Mass—including instrumental music—but that the Mass takes place internally, not in external rituals.

The second-century Christian apologist Justin Martyr, in a discussion of psalms, wrote, and is quoted in SMI:

Paul calls it 'the sword of the Spirit' (Ephesians 6:17) when it provides pious soldiers with arms against invisible foes. For it is the word of God, whether thought with the mind, or sung, or played on an instrument.

The invisible enemies mentioned in this passage are not physical beings, but rather demons that take the form of improper thoughts, emotions, or physical illness. For Justin Martyr and

Praetorius, psalmody wards off these demons, purifying the body, mind, and soul. Just as

81 Korrick, "New Evidence," 364-66. Korrick's article systematically addresses the issues raised by McKinnon in an effort to reanalyze and clarify issues and misconceptions. Her view supports the idea that instruments were used commonly during the Office and on Feast Days, but were omitted during more solemn ceremonies including Requiem Masses or the Office of the Dead. 40

prayers can be silent rather than spoken, psalms can be played rather than sung. It is the

ecclesiastical style and the mind's disposition that makes the music appropriate. The

effectiveness of the music lies within the performer and the listener, not the music itself; this is a

belief Praetorius shared with Luther and it is this that allows for any ritual to be used

productively. One of Praetorius's intentions was to describe the acceptable musical treatments for the various spiritual conditions. Instrumental music has the ability to access one's inner self, and especially when paired with singing or text recitation, it can sufficiently improve one's spiritual condition.

Section IV: Liturgical Instruments

"Observations on the Musical Instruments of Zion: A survey of instrumental music used in the

church, both in the Old Testament and in the New, gathered from the Bible, from ancient and

modern ecclesiastical writers, and from other authors"

Praetorius's defense of instruments is made complete with this final section, which includes three fundamental approaches. First, Praetorius explained the origins of instrumental music through a study of the Hebrew terms and scriptural references from Genesis; the

explanation is identical to Martin Luther's origins of music, however, Praetorius's discussion of

instruments and the usefulness of music in general extends far beyond that of Luther. Praetorius

then provided a series of chapters concerned with the treatment of church musicians, who were,

according to him, held in high regard during ancient times—much higher politically and socially

than in seventeenth-century Germany. As a vital part of the church ministry, Praetorius pleaded

for wages, food, and clothing that adequately represents the importance of musicians' function in 41

church. This practical argument is in line with the proposal submitted after Duke Heinrich

Julius's death to his successor Friedrich Ulrich in 161482 to improve the court's music, but in SMI

he utilized theology and church history to support his request. It is at this point that the tone

becomes defensive and even threatening during select passages, especially when discussing the

salvation of church leaders. Lastly, Praetorius systematically recounts each Old Testament

reference to instruments—mostly from the book of Psalms—and their uses. His understanding

of these passages is literal: if an instrument was used in ancient times, it can be used today.

Praetorius's understanding of instruments as inherently acceptable as part of liturgical

worship stems from his understanding of the origins of music, which is identical to that of Martin

Luther. He first discussed the earliest known reference to instrumental music: Genesis 4:21,

"His brother’s name was Jubal; he was the father of all who play lyre and pipes."83 Cain, the son

of Adam and murderer of his brother Abel, as punishment from God, was disconnected from the

line of Adam and was forced to begin a family line as a nomad. The seventh generation that

came after him, was Jubal, the father of lyre and pipes. The line of Cain praised God with

instruments, but because they were disconnected from the authentic church, their attempt to

worship was futile. Although the house of Cain is known for the use of instruments, it is no

more likely that their praise would have been accepted if it had been offered in a different form

(i.e., singing). The name Jubal comes from the Hebrew word "yuval" or "yubal," which means

"sound, clang, trumpet-playing, and merrymaking."84 And the word yuval is derived from a

82 Walter Deters, "Alte und neue Aktenfunde über Michael Praetorius," Braunschweigisches Jahrbuch 52 (1971): 102-120. The date 1613 was suggested in James Leonard Brauer, "Instruments in Sacred Vocal Music at Braunschweig-Wolfenbüttel: A Study of Changing Tastes in the Seventeenth Century." (Ph.D diss., City University of New York, 1983), 82-83. 83 Praetorius, Syntagma musicum I, 190. Flemming, Annotated Translation, 234. 84 Ibid. 42

word that means "to lead, to lead out, and to lead back."85 Because Cain was condemned to be a

wanderer, disconnected from the original line of Adam, it seems likely that Jubal, whose name

refers both to music and a completed journey, is the first generation in the line since Cain to

rejoin what has been called by Luther and others, the "True Church."86 In this way, instrumental

music metaphorically ushered in the return of Cain's descendents—or at least accompanied

them—repairing the damage caused when Abel was murdered. This reunited vocal and

instrumental music as authentic forms of worship within the True Church. Robin Leaver

provided an account of Martin Luther's views on instrumental music amidst a discussion of his

understanding of the origins of music:

They imagine that Cain's descendants were compelled to engage in other occupations because for them the earth was cursed, and that for this reason they gained their livelihood by another method. Some became shepherds; others, workers in bronze; still others devoted themselves to music, in order to obtain from the descendants of Adam grain and other products of the earth which they needed for their support. But if Cainites had been so hard pressed by hunger, they would have forgotten their harp and the other musical instruments in their poverty. There is no room for music among people who suffer hunger and thirst. The fact that they invented [instrumental] music and devoted their efforts to developing other arts is proof that they had a plentiful supply of everything needed for sustenance. They had turned to those endeavors and were not satisfied with their simple manner of life, as were the children of Adam, because they wanted to be masters and were trying to win high praise and honor as clever men. Nevertheless, I believe that there were some among them who went over to the true church and adopted Adam's faith.87

Leaver added, though, that Luther believed that music in the True Church before the Fall would have been unaccompanied singing, but a new aid to worship—the use of musical instruments— was necessary after the Fall. The True Church is conceptually similar to the Catholic Church in that it universally includes all Christians—those who have achieved salvation through faith. It is

85 Ibid. 86 Leaver, Luther's Liturgical Music, 65-72. 87 This translation taken from Leaver, Luther's Liturgical Music, 69. 43 not, however, the Catholic Church per se: due to papal corruption and false, heretical practices,

Lutherans believe that the Catholic Church was misguided and no longer inherently authentic.

Lutheranism was the inadvertent result of what was initially an attempt to correct the missteps made by several generations of corrupt popes by reviving and continuing the lineage of the True

Church.

Section IV, "A survey of instrumental music used in the church, both in the Old

Testament and in the New, gathered from the Bible, from ancient and modern ecclesiastical writers, and from other authors," provides a more literal commentary on Biblical passages and calls for the continuation of earlier practices concerning music, musicians, and musical practices.

Among the many chapters that fall within the final section of SMI, there are several that are chiefly concerned with the musicians themselves, including proper payment and adequate numbers of performers. It may not be a coincidence that Praetorius had made a futile effort to improve Braunschweig-Wolfenbüttel's court music under its new Prince, Friedrich Ulrich, the same year SMI was published.

The reputation of the music in the court of Braunschweig-Wolfenbüttel reached a peak during Praetorius's lifetime with the support of Duke Heinrich Julius. Heinrich Julius's successor, Friedrich Ulrich, was a less ambitious patron of the arts—partially due to the debt

Julius had accumulated and partially due to his young age and lack of interest in church music— and some of Praetorius's efforts to nurse the court's music back into form were denied. For instance, on October 23, 1614, the year before SMI's publication, Praetorius's proposal to reorganize Friedrich Ulrich's Hofkantorei—formerly under the discretion of Praetorius during

Heinrich Julius's rule—was ignored.88 While it is not clear which was written first (SMI or the

88 Brauer, "Instruments in Sacred Vocal Music at Braunschweig-Wolfenbüttel," 82-83. 44

October 23 proposal) it is clear that because they were made public at approximately the same

time, the two are almost certainly related conceptually—SMI is also dedicated in part to

Friedrich Ulrich. Praetorius sought to reinvigorate the enthusiasm for the court's music and continue its enviable reputation. This particular proposal would have recalled former court musicians from their new posts and provided adequate performing forces (vocalists and instrumentalists—including both wind and string players) to continue performing music at court and in chapel services at a high level. The ambition to improve the court's music should not be mistaken as the result of ego and politics—at the very least, it is safe to say these were not the main sources of influence. As gleaned from the preface to Musae Sioniae II (1607), the need to

improve the music at the court stemmed from the practical function music played as a ministry

within the church. For example, Praetorius described ideal ordinary conditions in which there

would be enough musicians to perform in a consort of three or more instruments, organ, enough

voices to maintain a solid cantus firmus for the congregation to cling to, and additional singers to

perform counterpoint or harmony. Special Masses would require a larger ensemble. Praetorius

had seventeen musicians in 1605-06 (under Heinrich Julius), which provided him with the means

to achieve this goal.89 Large polychoral works Praetorius had planned and eventually composed, including the 1619 setting of Wachet auf, ruft uns die Stimme from Polyhymnia caduceatrix et

panegyrica discussed in the final chapter of this thesis, required many performers—many more

than were employed by Friedrich Ulrich after 1614—in order to be performed in their ideal form.

These compositions combined the practical function of the Lutheran chorale with the spectacular

effects of polychoral, polyphonic music. This is something Praetorius states plainly in section IV

of SMI. The first chapters of section IV of SMI is a resolute effort to convince Duke Ulrich and

89 Ibid. 45

leaders of other German territories to continue funding and expanding their courts with music,

musicians, and composers as ministers of the faith, despite difficult financial and political

conditions.

At first his tactics are in line with the rest of SMI: his theological discussion concerning

the holy origins of music is supplemented with some of the earliest accounts of instruments used

by David in public worship. Praetorius observed that the Psalms of David, which were divinely

inspired, were composed metrically so that they could be accompanied by instruments.

Instrumentalists required meter in order to collaborate with singers, and meter is likely to have

been prescribed for the purpose of adding instruments.

For the rest, David, having already suffered through wars and perils, living then in the greatest peace, composed poetic odes and hymns in honor of God, partly in trimeter, partly in pentameter; and he taught the Levites to sing the praises of God to the accompaniment of the musical instruments which he had assembled, both on the Sabbath, and on the other feast days.90

Like the psalms of David, Praetorius recognized that the psalms of Asaph, also divinely inspired,

as observed by Augustine and Cassiodorus, were sung and played with voices and instruments in

collaboration. Indeed, he even references I Chronicales 25:1, which Praetorius interprets as an

occasion on which instruments enabled prophesying: "David, together with the commanders of

the army, set apart some of the sons of Asaph, Heman and Jeduthun for the ministry of

prophesying, accompanied by harps, lyres and cymbals."91

Chapter III, "On the number of the musicians," again establishes the highest standard of

praising God as can be observed in the court of David. Praetorius's request for fewer than twenty

90 Praetorius, Syntagma musicum I, 192. Flemming, An Annotated Translation, 236. Quoted from Josephus's Antiquitates Judaicae, 7.10. 91 I Chronicles 25:1 (New International Version). 46 musicians is miniscule in comparison. He made a special effort to highlight the ratio of instrumentalists in relation to the total number of Levites:

Those who were in charge of the work of the house of Jehovah 24,000 Officers and Judges 6,000 Gatekeepers 4,000 Those who praised Jehovah with instruments 4,000 ———— 38,00092

Instrumentalists : Total number of Levites 2:19

Praetorius also emphasized that 4,000 musicians were added to the choir when funding had been established, equaling the number of instrumentalists (not exceeding). In light of this ideal ratio,

Praetorius's request for fewer than 20 total musicians (to be divided amongst singers and instrumentalists) is conservative but in line with what is deemed theologically appropriate according to scripture. Although their numbers were far greater, David's musicians— instrumentalists included—had specific duties: some were assembled to praise God, others were reserved to stir prophesy, and large ensembles were gathered for special events (i.e., the moving of the Ark of Jehovah).

Praetorius also described with clarity the number and positioning of the instrumentalists during the ceremony in which Solomon was placing the Ark of Zion in the entrance to his temple, reminiscent of the scrutiny in which he often gives performance directions in Syntagma musicum III and in Polyhymnia Caduceatrix et Panegyrica.

...all the Levitical singers, Asaph, Heman, and Jeduthun, with cymbals, harps, and lyres, stood east of the altar with a hundred and twenty priests who were trumpeters; and it was the duty of the trumpeters and singers to make themselves heard in unison in praise and thanksgiving to the Lord, and when this song was raised, with trumpets and cymbals and other musical instruments, in praise of the

92 Praetorius, Syntagma musicum I, 204. Flemming, An Annotated Translation, 248. 47

Lord ... the house of the Lord was filled with a cloud, so that the priests could not stand to minister ... for the glory of the Lord filled the house of God.93

In this passage the priests themselves perform on trumpets, blurring the class lines known to the seventeenth-century. The musicians are equally important in stirring spiritual worship and the power of the music crippled the ministers. The mystical power of music, specifically instruments, apparent to Praetorius is paramount to my analysis of Wachet auf, ruft uns die

Stimme in the final section of this thesis.

Finally, in chapter V, "On the food and clothing of the singers," Praetorius discussed what is clearly a personal matter. His language is more blunt and direct, and at times it seems as though he is bargaining or pleading with contemporary church leadership on behalf of those musicians employed below him as court performers. He made a distinct effort to elevate the musicians themselves and threatened (on behalf of God) the well-being of the church leaders' souls for mistreating the ministry of music; in his view, musicians deserve respect and compensation that equals the importance of their ministry:

Listen now, I pray you, with attentive ears and willing hearts, and you who sit in judgement [sic], consider the reward due to the musicians for their duties. And whoever among you withdraw or diminish or deny or take away the wages from musicians, so that they have nothing to live on (an act which is unworthy of the generosity of Nehemiah), consider how iniquitously and inhumanly you are most certainly drawing to yourselves and unfriendly remembrance from God, and weighty retribution, the ruin of your salvation, and the everlasting destruction of your souls. Let him who is taught the word share all good things with him who teaches. Do not be deceived; God is not mocked. (Galatians 6:6-7) 94 This warning was reiterated in the preface of Polyhymnia Caduceatrix et Panegyrica when

Praetorius declared "they [the Christian rulers] believe that a ruler who has no understanding of

93 Praetorius, Syntagma musicum I, 211. Flemming, An Annotated Translation, 255. 94 Praetorius, Syntagma musicum I, 217. Flemming, An Annotated Translation, 261. 48

music [cannot] govern his land and people rightly and well or otherwise find any fruitful profit in

his land and be self-sufficient."95 Continuing this line of argument, Praetorius also provides an

account of the robes worn by Solomon's choir. The outfit honors the musicians by separating

them from the congregation similarly to the priests and elevating them visually. Praetorius offers two early accounts: in one instance Solomon made 200,000 cotton robes for the hymn singers, and in another instance, linen robes—the quality reserved for priests—were used by singers.96

To reiterate this point, Praetorius's language becomes again more defensive, not only of himself,

but of those below him on the pay scale:

Formerly, the pious authorities did not cheat the faithful students of choral music out of honor, reward, and adornment. They, as well as the rest of the Levites, received wages and tithes for their ministry (Numbers 18:2697), and they were allowed to eat from the tithes (Numbers 18:3198; Deuteronomy 18:899) ... Even in difficult time of Zerubbabel and Nehemiah all the Israelites set aside portions for the singers, and daily allowances for each one (Nehemiah 10:40, 12:47100 and 44101).102

Praetorius was petitioning for social and political shift and for the care of his musicians

by referring to historical ideals and Biblical texts. His argument maintains a focus on theological

95 Boudreaux, "Michael Praetorius's Polyhymnia," 59. 96 Praetorius, Syntagma musicum I, 218. Flemming, An Annotated Translation, 262. 97 "Speak to the Levites and say to them: ‘When you receive from the Israelites the tithe I give you as your inheritance, you must present a tenth of that tithe as the Lord's offering." Numbers 18:26 (NIV). 98 "You and your households may eat the rest of it anywhere, for it is your wages for your work at the tent of meeting." Numbers 18:31 (NIV). 99 "He is to share equally in their benefits, even though he has received money from the sale of family possessions." Deuteronomy 18:8 (NIV). 100 "So in the days of Zerubbabel and of Nehemiah, all Israel contributed the daily portions for the musicians and the gatekeepers. They also set aside the portion for the other Levites, and the Levites set aside the portion for the descendants of Aaron." Nehemiah 12:47 (NIV). 101 "At that time men were appointed to be in charge of the storerooms for the contributions, firstfruits and tithes. From the fields around the towns they were to bring into the storerooms the portions required by the Law for the priests and the Levites, for Judah was pleased with the ministering priests and Levites." Nehemiah 12:44 (NIV). 102 Praetorius, Syntagma musicum I, 216. Flemming, An Annotated Translation, 260. 49 issues but is intended to make a practical impact on musicians in northern Germany and throughout Lutheran lands.

The following chapters of SMI provide a literal interpretation of the use of instruments in scripture, especially their use in Psalms. Each chapter is designated to discuss a different instrument or group of instruments. Praetorius exhaustively provides accounts of their uses and in many cases expands to include a discussion of their allegorical, symbolic, or mystical, function. The chapters are as follows:

Chapter VII – On the various types of instruments which are elicited from

the inscription to the psalms

Chapter VIII – On the various instruments in the psalms and in other

sacred writings, and first of all, about the organum

Chapter IX – On the lyre and stringed instruments; on the harp and

cymbals, and on the harp of ten strings

Chapter X – On the drum, its use and abuse

Chapter XI – On the trumpet and horn

Chapter XII – On bells

An example of justifying the use of the psaltery:

Praetorius recounted an allegorical justification of several instruments, including one by

Augustine, who, similarly to Luther, believed that it is the person, not the instrument, that is responsible for its proper use—any ritual can be used for good but also could be corrupted by malpractice or a disingenuous heart. Praetorius spoke almost completely through the words of

Augustine, providing nearly three complete pages of an unbroken quote. He justifies the psaltery as follows: 50

Sing to the Lord on the ten-stringed psaltery. For there are ten precepts of the Law ... You have the love of God in three commandments, and the love of neighbor in seven. ...God says to you from on high that 'The Lord your God is one God.' You have one string. 'You shall not take the name of the Lord your God in vain.' You have the second string. 'Keep the Sabbath day. [etc.]103

Praetorius, in his continued justification of the use of instruments, refers primarily to two fundamental rituals: Communion and praise through psalms; and the two are inextricably linked.

As Praetorius discusses Psalm-titles, also known as "keys to the psalms,"104 and the implications of such descriptive titles, another reference to Luther was made in the first part of Section IV.

The most common Psalm-title prefix is "lamenaseah" which is translated to mean "to the end"— an allegorical reference to Christ as marking the end of Jewish law and the beginning of the New

Testament's faith-based religion. "Neginoth," one of the many descriptive psalm titles that may be combined with "lamaneseah," indicates vocal and instrumental music—this basic understanding was never in question, but rather seems to have been forgotten. Before Luther, however, the word was understood to prefer vocal music. Praetorius claims instrumentalists were thought to be "the drunkards [who] make song."105 Luther's new understanding balanced the power of the "varied and pleasing melodies"106 between instruments and voices, and even indicates that these psalms might be

handed over to the leader of the minstrels for him to play on a stringed instrument. ... But whether 'neginah' are concerted instruments which are touched or struck ... or whether they are wind instruments, which give forth sound through tubes by the drawing of breath or air, cannot be said for certain, and it is useless to quarrel with anyone over it.107

103 Praetorius, Syntagma musicum I, 239. Flemming, An Annotated Translation, 283. 104 Praetorius, Syntagma musicum I, 219-21. Flemming, An Annotated Translation, 263-65. 105 Praetorius, Syntagma musicum I, 222. Flemming, An Annotated Translation, 266. 106 Praetorius, Syntagma musicum I, 223. Flemming, An Annotated Translation, 267. 107 Ibid. 51

In light of Luther's comment on instruments, the quarrel would be useless because any

instrument would suffice. In the preface to Polyhymnia Caduceatrix et Panegyrica, Praetorius

describes the difference between those who use music and instruments appropriately and those

who abuse it:

It now becomes known as clearly and obviously as the sun [is in the sky] that the music lover through the acceptance of the Holy Spirit will be aroused and driven for such service to God, as the Apostle Paul admonished. On the other hand, it is to be assumed and concluded that [there are] those who live without acceptance of the Holy Spirit and who are not driven by the good princely spirit, rather who are ridden by wicked, evil, and futile spirits, who have idiotic wisdom, hypocrisy of the Pharisees, and who are disposed towards Thrace or Cato, indeed stoic and stubborn dullness; who would rather head the stallions and mares neighing and the dogs howling and barking than the vocal and instrumental music at the table and in the churches. And [they] will repent heavily for that love of horse and dog, if the arrogant horses and jealous dogs must eternally neigh and scream in that hot chapel of hell, with teeth chattering, wailing, and howling as miserable, horrible music in a murderous outcry.108

Praetorius's discussion goes far beyond that of Luther or any other theological treatise

concerning music. His use of theology and church history is creative and was utilized to meet

his practical needs as kapellmeister. How, though, does his theological defense of instruments

translate to his compositions that include instruments? The following analysis of the role of

instruments in Wachet auf, ruft uns die Stimme from Polyhymnia Caduceatrix et Panegyrica

(1619) highlights the practical and mystical function that music, in Praetorius's view, is supposed to serve.

108 Boudreaux, "Michael Praetorius's Polyhymnia," 45. 52

CHAPTER VII. PRAETORIUS’S MUSICAL THEOLOGY IN PRACTICE

With the onset of Lutheranism and new theological interpretations came practical changes to the Mass. One of the most important and noticeable reforms regards congregational singing. Chorales were written by Martin Luther and contemporaries such as Johann Walter in order to create an avenue for congregants to participate actively in the Mass. This tradition carried on for centuries among Lutheran composers. Luther viewed the congregation itself as a priesthood, granting the average (non-ordained) person full and complete access to communicate with God.109 The Catholic view grants this only to ordained priests, essentially forcing the congregation to speak to God through the priest. This is not something newly acquired by

Lutherans, but rather newly realized. Robin Leaver and Robert Marshall describe this Lutheran idea clearly and concisely:

Only with the Reformation did the chorale become an integral, indeed central, part of the main church service. By being elevated to liturgical status, the chorale, along with the sermon, helped to effect a fundamental change in the nature of the liturgy. For Martin Luther the church service was no longer a sacramental act alone but also the occasion for the proclamation of the Word among believers: the congregation, united through the act of singing, could participate by responding to the spoken word of the pastor, proclaiming the Gospel and expressing the joy of faith and the praise of God.110

By necessity chorales are typically simple. Early Lutheran chorales (i.e., those composed by Martin Luther and Johann Walter) were monophonic and syllabic, but they were also tuneful and metric. The melodies needed to be accessible to the ordinary congregant so that the text, which would be sung in the vernacular, could be the focal point of the act of worship. Thus,

Luther's chorale genre was once again a return to the early church fathers' idea of music as an aid

109 For more discussion on this aspect, see Norman Nagel, "Luther and the Priesthood of All Believers," Concordia Theological Quarterly 61 (1997): 277-98. 110 Marshall and Leaver, "Chorale," Grove Music Online. 53 to those in worship and was intended to create a sense of inclusion for participants and continuity with the early church. In another article, Leaver described the chorale as the following:

A. The chorale is confessional B. The chorale is catechetical C. The chorale is liturgical D. The chorale is multi-cultural in origin E. The chorale is musically diverse111

St. Basil the Great, Bishop of Caesarea, was in league with the most respected church fathers and he described the usefulness of music in worship:

When, indeed, the Holy Spirit saw that the human race was guided only with difficulty toward virtue, and that, because of our inclination toward pleasure, we were neglectful of an upright life, what did He do? The delight of melody He mingled with the doctrines so that by the pleasantness and softness of the sound heard we might receive without perceiving it the benefit of the words, just as wise physicians who, when giving the fastidious rather bitter drugs to drink, frequently smear the cup with honey.112

It was at one time common for congregational singing in the Catholic Church. Luther and

Praetorius both would have been aware of Augustine's account of the value and importance of music in worship—Augustine endorsed music in worship more enthusiastically than any other until Luther. Augustine partially attributed his conversion to Christianity to the singing of psalms and hymns that he heard at Milan with Ambrose. Hymns sung at Milan, in many ways similar to Lutheran chorales, were metrical poems, newly composed rather than Biblical

(although they refer to Biblical texts), and strophic.

It became a tradition early in Lutheranism for composers to set texts to chorale melodies, monophonically at first, but eventually in four-part homophonic arrangements, and as can be

111 Robin Leaver, "The Chorale: 'Transcending Time and Culture,'" Concordia Theological Quarterly 56, nos. 2-3 (1992): 123-44. It was Leaver's task to describe these five points. 112 Weiss and Taruskin, Music in the Western World, 25. 54

seen with Praetorius and most Lutheran composers after him—including Heinrich Schütz and

J.S. Bach—polyphonically.

Wachet auf, ruft uns die Stimme from Polyhymnia Caduceatrix et Panegyrica

Before delving into an analysis of this piece, it is useful to first overview the collection in which Wachet auf, ruft uns die Stimme was published: Polyhymnia Caduceatrix et Panegyrica

(1619). Praetorius's style has been divided into two major categories. The first falls within the tradition of Orlande de Lassus and Johann Walter and contains music that can be used for pedagogical purposes. Additionally, this consists of chorale arrangements and works in the polychoral style. The second style, which consists of mostly chorales and Lutheran church music and includes Polyhymnia Caduceatrix et Panegyrica, displays Italian developments in technique, especially a synthesis of the concerted and polychoral style.113 This was inspired by

Praetorius's independent study of Italian musical treatises, and time spent working in Dresden,

where court music thrived, especially in comparison with the state of music in Wolfenbüttel

under Friedrich Ulrich of Braunschweig-Lüneburg. Polyhymnia itself is dedicated to Johann

Georg, Elector of Saxony (Dresden), for whose court he had been working as an external

Kapellmeister since 1613, Christian Wilhelm, the administrator of the bishopric of Magdeburg

(for whom he had also worked in the past), and lastly, the prince who was still his employer,

Friedrich Ulrich. Based on the sheer magnitude of Polyhymnia's contents, dedicating this collection in part to Friedrich Ulrich must have been simply an expected, well-mannered gesture

113 Siegfried Vogelsänger, Michael Praetorius, 1572-1621, Hofkapellmeister zwischen Renaissance and Barock, (Wolfenbüttel: Möseler, 2008). Vogelsänger refers to Friedrich Blume, Syntagma Musicologicum: gesammelte Reden und Schriften, (Kassel: Bärenreiter, 1963). 55 toward his employer, especially considering Friedrich Ulrich's court instrumentalists were too few and perhaps incapable of performing such technically demanding parts.114

The chorale text is from the book of Matthew 25:1-13, a parable calling for all Christians to spiritually prepare themselves for Christ's return, which simultaneously marks the end of the world as we know it—the message is apocalyptic. The chorale was first composed by Philipp

Nicolai in 1598 during a plague in Unna. This text is an appropriate response to the widespread death during a plague. The apocalypse of Christ's return is a joyous one in Christian theology: it signals the end of worldly suffering and the reunification of God and mankind. Nicolai clearly understood this to be an encouraging text:

Day by day I wrote out my meditations, found myself, thank God, wonderfully well, comforted in heart, joyful in spirit, and truly content; gave to my manuscript the name and title of a Mirror of Joy ... to leave behind me (if God should call me from this world) as a token of my peaceful, joyful, Christian departure, or (if God should spare me in health) to comfort other sufferers whom He should also visit with the pestilence.115

The chorale text was intended to provide comfort to those suffering from the illness and it is from this context Praetorius takes it.

Matthew 25:1-13

Then the kingdom of heaven will be like ten virgins who took their lamps and went to meet the bridegroom. 2 Five of them were foolish, and five were wise. 3 For when the foolish took their lamps, they took no oil with them, 4 but the wise took flasks of oil with their lamps. 5 As the bridegroom was delayed, they all became drowsy and slept. 6 But at midnight there was a cry, "Here is the bridegroom! Come out to meet him." 7 Then all those virgins rose and trimmed their lamps.8 And the foolish said to the wise, "Give us some of your oil, for our lamps are going out." 9 But the wise answered, saying, "Since there

114 Praetorius also specifically mentions both of his patrons, Heinrich Julius and Friedrich Ulrich, with kind regards, but emphasizes the dedication the former had to music in allowing Praetorius to travel to further his studies and experience as a means of enhancing the court's music. There is no mention of Friedrich Ulrich's commitment beyond a polite mentioning of his name among others. See Boudreaux, "Michael Praetorius's Polyhymnia," 65. 115 Raymond Glover, ed., The Hymnal 1982 Companion, vol. 1 (Church publishing: 1990), 117. 56

will not be enough for us and for you, go rather to the dealers and buy for yourselves." 10 And while they were going to buy, the bridegroom came, and those who were ready went in with him to the marriage feast, and the door was shut. 11 Afterward the other virgins came also, saying, "Lord, lord, open to us." 12 But he answered, "Truly, I say to you, I do not know you." 13 Watch therefore, for you know neither the day nor the hour.116

This parable is further commentary on Matthew 24:42-44 concerning being watchful and ready

for Jesus’ return. Some details are most likely allegorical (i.e., virgins are Christians; the

bridegroom is Jesus). The delay in verse 5 alludes to the fact that Jesus had not returned as soon

as many had hoped, resulting in the impatient missing their opportunity. The key element of the

story is the lamp oil, which Martin Luther considered to represent faith or spiritual piety. The

"foolish virgins" represent those who are not ready for Jesus' return. This text does not provide

room for apathy: the fact that Jesus did not wait for the others to return exhibits a sense of

urgency, and further emphasizes the need to be prepared before his return.117

Praetorius used this text in three different settings; each is meant to be encouraging and to

inspire spiritual preparedness and conviction. He first set a simple four-part chorale for congregational singing in 1607 (the melody would likely be sung by the congregants); in Musae

Sioniae V (1607), no. 99, in seven parts; and in Polyhymnia Caduceatrix et Panegyrica (1619) in a polychoral and concerted style. The polyphonic setting from 1607 displays his skill as a composer of polyphonic music. One of the more notable qualities of this setting is its balance between complexity and clarity. While the imitation is close together and the chorale tune is spread throughout all parts, the text remains clear. Varying textures between polyphonic,

homophonic, and imitation are used to emphasize the text. In this way there are qualities of

116 Matthew 25:1-13 (English Standard Version). 117 Commentary from ESV, New Revised Standard Version, and Douglas R. A. Hare, Matthew: Interpretation: A Bible Commentary for Teaching and Preaching. (Westminster: John Knox Press, 1993), 284-286. 57

motet but also Italian madrigal. But it is more important to look closely at the 1619 setting,

which was composed after Praetorius published SMI (1615) and presumably embodies the style

of music described as appropriate for the Mass.

In contrast to the usual form in which chorales were composed, this 1619 setting is in a

far more complex, polyphonic style. In this case the complexity is measured by the large number

of performing forces and the technical difficulty, especially of the instrumental parts, in this

setting. The influence of the most recent Italian, epecially Monteverdian, concerted style presumably added something new to the music previously unknown to north German churches.118 Is the intelligible integrity of the chorale maintained? Or does Praetorius lose grasp

of the chorale's original intent? And while it may initially seem contradictory for a chorale,

which was first composed for its accessibility and practical usefulness, to be set in the complex,

learned, polyphonic style (1607 and 1919), a closer look at Praetorius's treatment of Wachet auf,

ruft uns die Stimme will reveal that the text is constantly the focal point of the composition, and

that despite the complex nature of polyphonic music, Praetorius was able to accentuate the text

even more so than could be done in a simple, monophonic setting; instruments play an essential

role in this achievement.

On one hand the 1619 setting is ambitious and arguably excessive in its ideal projected

performance format. The number of performing forces the arrangement calls for is beyond the

capability of most churches. And as was discussed earlier in this thesis, Praetorius was

struggling to maintain the size of the ensemble at Braunschweig-Wolfenbüttel, but, it should be

118 German violinists were widely familiar with the Italian style toward the middle of the seventeenth century. Early treatises like Syntagma musicum III (1619) were instrumental in disseminating information regarding performance practice throughout Germany. Brian P. Brooks, "The Emergence of the Violin as a Solo Instrument in Early Seventeenth-Century Germany," (Ph.D diss., Cornell University, 2002), 140. 58

noted, that Praetorius had traveled to and worked in Dresden, Magdeburg, and Leipzig around

the time of the 1619 publication, which suggests the possibility that the ambitious nature of this

arrangement may have been inspired by or even intended for a court ensemble other than his

own.

There are two fundamental elements that form the foundation of this setting. First, the

piece is based on the chorale text with its original simple melody, which serves the function of a

chorale (i.e., useful to the congregation). The entire piece is based on the 1598 monophonic

composition, which would have been known to congregants (both the text and the melody). The

second element—which is equally important—is the utilization of instruments to emphasize the

mystical and apocalyptic message of the text. In this sense, the music itself emphasizes the

theology and accentuates the parable taught in Matthew 25. As described by Praetorius in the

preface:

In every concerted piece there are two types of voices, the concerted ones, that is, the vocal and principal parts in which are found the essence of the entire song, and the direction and foundation of the work, which because of that importance must be purely, clearly, and intelligibly sung for others. Then there are the instrumental voices that come in simultaneously with the voices only as accompaniment in order to complete the sweet, lovely, and fully magnificent choir.119

These fundamentals, which will be explored more thoroughly below, are based on his theological

views of music elucidated in SMI, many of which were reiterated in Polyhymnia's preface.

119 Boudreaux, "Michael Praetorius's Polyhymnia," 73. Because these compositions require so many musicians and such a high level of technical skill, Praetorius provided options for alternative performing forces as a preface to each piece in the collection. The majority of the preface that follows this is a discussion of the appropriate usage of the new Italian style. In many ways this is an educational, theoretical text along the lines of Syntagma musicum III, however, in this case there is a complete volume of compositions to accompany the theory and performance practice techniques discussed rather than construed examples. 59

It is important to note that Praetorius was fully aware that most churches would not be

capable of performing this work to its fullest potential. In addition to the education instructions

in the preface, Praetorius provided several alternative performance options so that this

arrangement could be useful even to churches with limited performing forces. The following is a

scan of the original German, with a translation below by Margaret Anne Boudreaux.

FIGURE 1: Alternative performance options for Wachet auf 120

XXI. Wachet auf, ruft uns die Stimme, 8, 9, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, and 19 [parts] Voces concertatae: three cantus, two altos, two tenors, one bass

(Wachet auf, ruft uns) is to be performed as follows: 1. The eight singers can perform alone with the organ and without the instrumental voice, and the sinfonia at the beginning can be left out or the organist can play a prelude alone [in place of the sinfonia]. 2. The capella cantus (part 5) can be left out at the opening between the parentheses (), or, if no boy is available that can sing in that range, [the part] can be sung down the octave. 3. One can assign the third part[book] to an instrumentalist who is equally proficient on the cornet or violin and on the trombone and [who] can switch between them [in performance]. For the most part I have put in rests so that one

120 Michael Praetorius and Wilibald Gurlitt, Polyhymnia caduceatrix et panegyrica: 1619. (Wolfenbüttel: Möseler, 1960), 192. 60

has the time to switch one instrument for the other, except in the third section, where in two spots a few measures can be left out in the bass notes, and a violin, or, much better, a cornet can be picked up. Or one can let the bass voice sing and leave out the discant or [play the discant] on the cornet, of one is available. Or the voice can be left out altogether. 4. One should place the first and third choirs (that is the capellam) by the organ, positive, or regal; but the second choir should be placed by the fourth (instrumental) choir, near which also a couple of lutes, or a harpsichord, or regal would not sound unpleasant. 5. I have also included two special voices for violin or cornet (parts 14 and 15), which answer to each other. These can be left out in the absence of instrumentalists, and [the voices of] part[book] 3 can perform in their place. But when these two [parts 14 and 15] perform, part 3 must be left out, and part 15 should be placed apart from part 14, so that they can answer each other now softly and now loudly with cornets or violins, appropriately and sensitively in the way it is set.121

While a performance of this setting would be best in its full, unaltered arrangement, the flexibility warranted—even encouraged—by Praetorius stems from its origins: as a chorale text and tune, the most important aspect is performing, as quoted above, "purely" and with "clarity."

It would be inappropriate to perform the printed version poorly and compromise the clarity.

Direction 3, especially, conveys this concern in offering at least three alternative performance options for a single voice (instrumental part), including the option of changing instruments, leaving out certain passages, or omitting the entire part. It is also clear that Praetorius composed this setting with these alternatives in mind; from direction 3: "For the most part I have put in rests so that one has the time to switch one instrument for the other." His directions place an emphasis on making the work more accessible so it can be performed with fewer musicians and preserving the intelligibility of the text, while also maintaining the quality of the instrumental parts.

Texture and the use of imitation play a fundamental role in conveying the meaning of the text in the music itself. The setting begins with a rather thin, imitative passage of instruments, a

121 Boudreaux, "Michael Praetorius's Polyhymnia," 177-179. "Cornet" means "Cornetto" here. 61

"symphonia"—voices first enter, also in imitation, in measure 5. It is significant that the first

line of text is introduced by a single voice amidst a very thin instrumental accompaniment, given

the meaning of the text described above (see Appendix A, Excerpt 1). The rising, triadic

melody, first sung by a single voice—which had already been anticipated by the instruments in

the symphonia—and then in imitation with several voices, is an instance of text depiction

emphasizing the calls to be awake and prepared spiritually. At first one voice calls "wake," and

then others hear the call and join in spreading the message for Jesus' return. The congregation

would not only process the meaning of the text and its references to Matthew 25, but also hear its

meaning conveyed in the music.

The texture in the second part (verse two) thickens somewhat and at times is block-like and sectional. Rather than making use of imitation as in the opening, Praetorius grouped choirs and instruments separately and, as musical equals, they perform in dialogue with one another

(see Appendix A, Excerpt 2). As the texture thickens in measures 57-61, the instruments again accentuate the text: "heaven gloriously." The top cornetto enters on the word "heaven" and both

cornetti elaborately embellish throughout the word "gloriously." This, like the accounts

provided in SMI of music's spiritual power (i.e., I Chronicales 25:1, where instruments facilitated

prophesy), is Praetorius's method of emphasizing the mystical element of the text. A sense of

wonder (the holy mystery) is instigated by the exuberantly virtuosic instrumental parts, which is paired with the clarity of the text to combine the intellectual aspect of the parable with the spirituality of the apocalyptic subject.

Texture in the final section grows thicker until it climaxes at a completely homophonic passage utilizing all voices and instruments (see Appendix A, Excerpt 3). The change in texture again accentuates the theology of the text and its origins in Matthew 25. While this setting began 62 with the entrance of a single voice in an imitative passage, it ends in homorhythm. The parable signifies an apocalyptic but joyful end of life as we know it through the coming together of

Heaven and Earth. Musically this is conveyed in the texture, which gradually shifts from the thin imitative style to the unified homorhythmic chorale style.

Clarity of text and a sense of urgency is achieved through repetition of short phrases.

Motives that exist within the chorale melody are introduced and reiterated to accentuate meaning. For example, measures 32-33, "make yourselves ready for the wedding," are embellished with sweeping upward gestures in the cornetti that are paired with the text, which is also repeated several times. With each iteration, the cornetti rise in pitch, outlining a stepwise scalar motion (A – E). The pitch rises over time, and as time passes Jesus' return approaches, therefore tension builds with each statement. Tension is the emotional response to this apprehensive text, and it is most clearly expressed in the instrumental parts.

EXAMPLE 1: Praetorius's Wachet auf from Polyhymnia (1619), mm 32-34122

122 Praetorius and Gurlitt, Polyhymnia (1619), 201. 63

The opportunity to emphasize Praetorius's theology of music regarding instruments is not

missed: measures 90-99 contains approximately 36 complete and separate iterations of the word

"cymbals," and 34 iteration of the word "harps." This is an embellished musical method of

stressing the importance of praising God with instruments:

Glory be to you sung with human and angelic tongues, with harps and with cymbals already Brian Brooks referenced a 1630's compilation of performance practice instructions in which performers are warned to avoid making themselves "laughable" in executing coloraturas. The virtuosic nature of Praetorius's violin parts makes use of the coloratura concept but rather than being used to feature the talent of the violin (or cornetti) players, it is used to evoke spirituality that enhances the text.123

Praetorius's theology of music as it is presented in the 1619 setting of Wachet auf can be

seen in yet another form on the title page to Polyhymnia.124 Christ's return would likely be a

chaotic time, as Christians struggle to convey proof of their faith. The cover page is a disorderly

amalgamation of many of the instruments known to Praetorius, and it is the music that connects to two realms—the celestial with the worldly space is bridged by those wielding instruments in praise. The numerous instruments surrounding Praetorius and the lamb are a visual representation of what Praetorius presents musically in measures 90-99 of Wachet auf. The chaos is paramount in expressing exuberance and mystical ecstasy. The only sense of clarity in this situation would be Christ's presence, which is depicted by the lamb on the top of the cover page, and an internal awareness of one's own spiritual condition—Praetorius appears to reveal

123 Brooks, "The Emergence of the Violin," 139-40. 124 Ulf Wellner, "Die Titelholzschnitte der Praetorianischen Drucke: Ein unbekannter Teil im Schaffen des MPC," in Michael Praetorius: Vermittler europäischer Musiktraditionen um 1600, eds. Susanne Rode-Breymann and Arne Spohr (Hildesheim: Olms, 2011), 51-66. 64 his spiritual condition at the bottom of the image near the foot of the cross. His body is within a chamber created by the pillars to each side and the title above him; only Jesus and the cross are within the chamber. Amidst the commotion of the various instruments that surround him,

Praetorius is peacefully awaiting Christ's return.

This is in stark comparison to an earlier rendition of a similar image. The title page to

Musae Sioniae I (1605) displays Praetorius and a group of musicians in an orderly church setting, worshiping the lamb once again pictured toward the top. In this, however, clouds serve as a division between the heavenly and earthly realms. While the angels appear to worship in collaboration with the musicians in the church, they have not yet been reunited (see Appendix

B).

65

CONCLUSION

"Speech" ("contio") and "song" ("cantio")125 form the pillars of the Christian liturgy, and

from Praetorius's perspective, music is a foundational ministry—an absolute necessity—in the

church. This, in turn, means musicians such as Praetorius and those under him employed as

court musicians are ministers, and should be treated with the respect and dignity offered to

priests and other church leaders. A patron who neglects the liturgy and the musicians who

enhance it, neglects the sanctity of the church and the prince's (and prince-bishop's) role as a

spiritual and worldly leader.126 As stated earlier, Praetorius considered this sort of neglect not

only as a damage to their earthly reputation, but also as a risk to one's salvation. According to

early theologians, the power structure on earth represented the heavenly order. Princes were

necessary to maintain political balance and to represent and maintain God's order on earth. The

liturgy, especially music in the liturgy, was seen as a representation of that order.127 The

instrumentalists in particular, who were under the employment of the princes, enforced their

employers' role of power by serving to glorify both God and God's earthly rulers. Praetorius's

ambitions for writing this treatise were largely confessional, but simultaneously inseparable from

seventeenth-century politics and their theological interpretation.

SMI's argument is congruent with this understanding. Praetorius directed his discussion to the prince-bishops and other leaders at the top of the political hierarchy in an attempt to improve the quality of worship and maintain liturgical practices—it was even presented in Latin, which eliminated the possibility of a large part of middle-class Germans reading and

125 Praetorius used these Latin terms in SMI. 126 For the connection between heavenly and worldly order and its impact to the princely utilization of music (and sound in general), see Berns, "Instrumental Sound and Ruling Spaces of Resonance in the Early Modern Period," 479-502. 127 Ibid. 66

participating in the argument. Latin is also the language used by theologians of the early church, which renders SMI a descendent in the tradition of early theological discourse—yet another connection made by Lutherans to the early church. An important aspect of defending the liturgy is defending those who participate in it, especially the musicians. By elevating their role politically, as defended in SMI through various references to pre-Christian times (i.e., as in the

courts of David and Solomon discussed above, in which music and musicians were held in high

esteem), the future of the liturgy could be solidified. SMI's political motivation may go beyond

this scope, however. In the years leading up to the Thirty Years' War, tension was building

between territories and churches. The roles of church and state leadership were gradually

growing amorphous, and skirmishes between regions throughout Germany and the rest of Europe

began to break out (i.e., as in Wolfenbüttel). In this context, SMI can be viewed as a diplomatic

attempt to solve various conflicts that, if adopted by all parties in question, could have dispelled

apprehension and contributed to preventing the War.

While "speech" represents the intellectual aspect of Christianity, "song" (or music) is the

spiritual or mystical element. Praetorius's use of Lutheran chorales included both: the chorale

itself is simple and based on a scriptural text, making it an educational tool for congregants; the

extravagant instrumental music that is used to convey the message in the music itself is the

mystical power that moves congregants to a higher plane of worship. Praetorius's understanding

of this theological concept can be observed musically in his liturgical compositions and visually

on the title pages of those publications, especially in Polyhymnia (1619).

Finally, considering all that has been discussed, it is worth reassessing our understanding

of Praetorius, Syntagma musicum, and their place in the western musical narrative. At the very

least, the importance of volume I should be recognized as equal to volumes II and III. The 67

seventeenth century debate concerning instruments was in the context of musical-theological

discussions that began in the early church, making volume I vital, especially in the midst of a politically and confessionally unstable Europe. In fact, if there had not been a solid theological

foundation supporting the use of those instruments and practices documented in volumes II and

III, they would be irrelevant. Volume I provides valuable insight into the religious and political

climate of the Reformation in the years leading up to Thirty Years' War, notably in that it

highlights the interconnectedness between political and theological issues that have been

recognized in fields outside music history (i.e., as demonstrated by Bodo Nischan and others).

There was a fear, made apparent by Praetorius in the dedication alone, that the reforms made by

Luther would be short-lived, and that Lutheran sacrality was at risk of abandonment. And

although he is known primarily as a music theorist, Praetorius raised the Lutheran banner as a

theologian, defended the use of instruments in the liturgy in the style of discourse produced in

the early church, and composed works that fulfilled the ideal function of music as a spiritual

ministry in the Lutheran church.

68

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Agricola, Martin, and William E. Hettrick. The 'Musica instrumentalis deudsch' of Martin

Agricola: A Treatise on Musical Instruments, 1529 and 1545. Cambridge: Cambridge

University Press, 1994.

Avis, Paul D. L. The Church in the Theology of the Reformers. London: Marshall Morgan and

Scott, 1981.

Bepler, Jill. "Practical Perspectives on the Court and Role of Princes: Georg Engelhard von

Loehneyss' Aulico Politica 1622-24 and Christian IV of Denmark's Königlicher Wecker

1620." In Pomp, Power, and Politics, edited by Mara Wade, 137-63. Amsterdam:

Rodopi, 2004.

Berns, Jörg Jochen. "Instrumental Sound and Ruling Spaces of Resonance in the Early Modern

Period: On the Acoustic Setting of the Princely potestas Claims within a Ceremonial

Frame." In Instruments in Art and Science: On the Architectonics of Cultural Boundaries

in the 17th Century, edited by Helmar Schramm, Ludger Schwarte, and Jan Lazardzig,

479-503. Berlin: Hubert & Göttingen, 2008.

Blankenburg, Walter and Clytus Gottwald. "Praetorius, Michael." Grove Music Online.

(Accessed 9 November 2013).

Blankenburg, Walter. "Church Music in Reformed Europe." In Protestant Church Music, edited

by Friedrich Blume, 507-47. London: Victor Gollancz, 1975.

Blume, Friedrich. Syntagma Musicologicum: gesammelte Reden und Schriften. Kassel:

Bärenreiter, 1963.

Boudreaux, Margaret Anne. "Michael Praetorius's Polyhymnia Caduceatrix et Panegyrica

(1619): An Annotated Translation." Ph.D diss., University of Colorado, Boulder, 1989. 69

Brady, Thomas A. Jr. Communities, Politics and Reformation in Early Modern Europe. Leiden:

Brill, 1998.

———. Protestant Politics. Jacob Sturm (1489-1553) and the German Reformation. Leiden:

Brill, 1995.

Brauer, James Leonard. "Instruments in Sacred Vocal Music at Braunschweig-Wolfenbüttel: A

Study of Changing Tastes in the Seventeenth Century." Ph.D diss., City University of

New York, 1983.

Braun, Werner. "Walter, Johann." Grove Music Online. (Accessed 24

January 2014).

Brooks, Brian P. "The Emergence of the Violin as a Solo Instrument in Early Seventeenth-

Century Germany." Ph.D diss., Cornell University, 2002.

Buszin, Walter E. "Luther on Music." The Musical Quarterly 32 (1946): 80-97.

Calvin, John. Commentary on the Book of Psalms. Translated by James Anderson. Grand

Rapids: William B. Eerdmans Publishing, 1948.

Calvin, John. Institutes of the Christian Religion, 1536 Edition. Translated and edited by Ford

Lewis Battles. Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans, 1995.

Christensen, Carl C. Princes and Propaganda: Electoral Saxon Art of the Reformation.

Kirksville, MO: Sixteenth Century Journal Publishers, 1992.

Crew, Phyllis Mack. Calvinist Preaching and Iconoclasm in the Netherlands 1544 -1569.

Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978.

Deters, Walter. "Alte und neue Aktenfunde über Michael Praetorius." Braunschweigisches

Jahrbuch 52 (1971): 102-120. 70

Dixon, C. Scott. "Political Culture and the Reformation in the Holy Roman Empire." German

History 14 (1996), 354-79.

———. "The Princely Reformation in Germany." In The Reformation World, edited by Andrew

Pettegree. London: Routledge, 2000.

———. The Reformation and Rural Society: The Parishes of Brandenburg-Ansbach-Kulmbach

1528-1603. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996.

Fleming, Michael David. Michael Praetorius, Music Historian: An Annotated Translation of

Syntagma Musicum I, Part I. Ph.D. diss., Washington University, 1979.

Forchert, Arno. Das Spätwerk des Michael Praetorius. Italienische und deutsche Stilbegegnung.

Berlin: Merseburger, 1959.

Forchert, Arno. "Musik zwischen Religion und Politik. Bemerkungen zur Biographie des

Michael Praetorius." In Festschrift Martin Ruhnke zum 65. Geburtstag.

Neuhausen/Stuttgart: Hänssler, 1986, 106-125.

Forchert, Arno. "Musik als Auftragskunst. Bemerkungen zum Schaffen des Michael Praetorius."

Schütz-Jahrbuch 27 (2005): 37-51.

Forney, Kristine K. "The Netherlands, 1520-1640," in European Music 1520-1640, edited by

James Haar. Rochester, NY: Boydel and Brewer, 2006.

Frandsen, Mary E. Crossing Confessional Boundaries: The Patronage of Italian Sacred Music in

Seventeenth-Century Dresden. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006.

Glover, Raymond, ed. Vol. 1 of The Hymnal 1982 Companion. New York: Church Publishing,

1990.

Gotsch, Herbert. "The Organ in the Lutheran Service of the 16th Century." Church Music 67,

vol. 1 (1967): 7-12. 71

Grimm Harold J. The Reformation Era 1500-1650. New York: Macmillan, 1973.

Grout, Donald Jay, J. Peter Burkholder, and Claude V. Palisca. A History of Western Music. 8th

ed. New York: W.W. Norton, 2006.

Gurlitt, Wilibald. Michael Praetorius (Creuzbergenis): sein Leben und seine Werke (Leipzig:

Breitkopf & Härtel, 1915). Edited by Josef Floßdorf and Hans-Jürgen Habelt,

Wolfenbüttel: Floßdorf, 2008.

Hare, Douglas R. A. Matthew: Interpretation: A Bible Commentary for Teaching and Preaching.

Westminster: John Knox Press, 1993.

Holman, Peter and Paul O'Dette. "Dowland, John." Grove Music Online.

(Accessed 25 May 2014).

Honemeyer, Karl, "Luther's Musikanschauung: Studien zur Fragen ihrer geschichtlichen

Grundlagen." Ph.D diss., University of Münster, 1941.

Joby, Christopher Richard. Calvinism and the Arts: A Re-assessment. Leuven: Peeters, 2007.

Karant-Nunn, Susan C. The Reformation of Ritual: An Interpretation of Early Modern Germany.

London: Routledge, 1997.

Korrick, Leslie. "Instrumental Music in the Early 16th-century Mass: New Evidence." Early

Music 18 (1990): 359-370.

Leaver, Robin. "The Chorale: 'Transcending Time and Culture'" Concordia Theological

Quaterly 56, nos. 2-3 (1992): 123-44.

———. Luther's Liturgical Music: Principles and Implications. Grand Rapids, MI: William B.

Eerdman's Publishing, 2007.

———. "The Lutheran Reformation." In The Renaissance from the 1470s to the End of the 16th

Century, edited by Ian Fenlon, 263-85. Englewood Cliffs: Prentice Hall, 1989. 72

Lietzmann, Hilda. Herzog Heinrich Julius zu Braunschweig und Lüneburg (1564-1613).

Persönlichkeit und Wirken für Kaiser und Reich. Braunschweig: Braunschweigischer

Geschichtsverein, 1993.

MacCulloch, Diarmaid. The Reformation: A History. New York: Penguin Books, 2004.

———. Reformation: Europe's House Divided 1490-1700. London and New York, 2003.

Marshall, Robert L. and Robin A. Leaver. "Chorale." Grove Music Online.

(Accessed 23 February 2014).

McKinnon, James W. "The Meaning of the Patristic Polemic Against Musical Instruments."

Current Musicology I (1965), 69-82.

Möller-Weiser, Dietlind. Untersuchungen zum I. Band des Syntagma Musicum von Michael

Praetorius. Kassel: Bärenreiter, 1993.

Music, David W. Instruments in Church: A Collection of Source Documents. Lanham, MD:

Scarecrow Press, 1998.

Nagel, Norman. "Luther and the Priesthood of All Believers." Concordia Theological Quarterly

61 (1997): 277-98.

Nischan, Bodo. "Germany after 1550." In The Reformation World, edited by Andrew Pettegree,

387-409. London: Routledge, 2000.

———. Prince, People and Confession: The Second Reformation in Brandenburg. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania, 1994.

Olson, Oliver K. Matthias Flacius and the Survival of Luther's Reform. Wiesbanden:

Harrassowitz Verlag, 2002.

Praetorius, Michael. Gesamtausgabe der musikalischen Werke. Edited by Friedrich Blume,

Arnold Mendelssohn und Wilibald Gurlitt, Wolfenbüttel: Kallmeyer/Möseler, 1928-1960. 73

———. Musae Sioniae, Teil I (1605). Edited by Rudolf Gerber Wolfenbüttel: Möseler Verlag,

1960.

———. Polyhymnia caduceatrix et panegyrica: 1619. Edited by Wilibald Gurlitt. Wolfenbüttel:

Möseler, 1960.

———. Syntagma musicum I-III. Wittenberg and Wolfenbüttel: Richter/Holwein, 1615-1619.

(Kassel: Bärenreiter, 1959).

———. Syntagma musicum III. Translated and edited by Jeffery Kite-Powell, Oxford, New

York: Oxford University Press, 2004.

Reimer, Erich. Hofmusik in Deutschland. Wilhelmshaven: Heinrichshofen, 1991.

Rode-Breymann, Susanne, and Arne Spohr, eds. Michael Praetorius: Vermittler europäischer

Musiktraditionen um 1600. Hildesheim: Olms, 2011.

Ruhnke, Martin. Beiträge zu einer Geschichte der deutschen Hofmusikkollegien im 16.

Jahrhundert. Berlin: Merseburger, 1963.

Schalk, Carl. Music in Early Lutheranism: Shaping the Tradition (1524-1672). Saint Louis,

Missouri: Concordia Academic Press, 2001.

Senn, Frank C. Christian Liturgy: Catholic and Evangelical. Minneapolis: Augsburg Fortress,

1997.

Sharp, G. B. "The Fathers of Lutheran Music 1: Johann Walter." The Musical Times 112, no.

1545 (1971): 1060-63.

Varwig, Bettina. Histories of Heinrich Schütz. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011.

VanderWilt, Jeffrey. "John Calvin’s Theology of Liturgical Song." Christian Scholar’s Review

25 (1995): 63-82. 74

Vogelsänger, Siegfried. Michael Praetorius. Diener vieler Herren. Daten und Deutungen.

Aachen: Alano, Ed. Herodot, 1991.

———. "'Capellmeister von Haus aus und Director der Music' am kurfürstlichen Hof zu

Dresden." Schütz-Jahrbuch (22) 2000, 101-128.

———. Michael Praetorius, 1572-1621. Hofkapellmeister zwischen Renaissance and Barock.

Wolfenbüttel: Möseler, 2008.

Wade, Mara R. "The Politics of Splendor. Christian IV of Denmark's Hamburg Pageant (1603)."

In Brückenschläge. Eine barocke Festgabe für Ferdinand van Ingen, edited by Martin

Bircher and Guillaume van Gemert, 25-39. Amsterdam and Atlanta, GA: Rodopi, 1995.

Weeda, Robert. Le psautier de Calvin: l'histoire d'un livre populaire au XVIe siècle (1551-1598).

Turnhout, Belguim: Brepols, 2002.

Weiss, Piero and Richard Taruskin, editors. Music in the Western World: A History in

Documents, Part II The Middle Ages. Belmont, CA: Schirmer Books, 1984.

Wiermann, Barbara. Die Entwicklung vokal-instrumentalen Komponierens im protestantischen

Deutschland bis zur Mitte des 17. Jahrhunderts. Göttingen: Vanderhoek & Ruprecht,

2005.

75

APPENDIX A. WACHET AUF SCORE EXCERPTS128

EXCERPT 1: Measures 5-8

128 Michael Praetorius, Polyhymnia caduceatrix et panegyrica: 1619, ed. Wilibald Gurlitt (Wolfenbüttel: Möseler, 1960), 192-228. 76

EXCERPT 2: Measures 50-62 77

78

79

80

EXCERPT 3: Measures 99-102

81

APPENDIX B. TITLE PAGES

Title page to Polyhymnia Caduceatrix et Panegyrica (1619)129

129 Praetorius, Polyhymnia caduceatrix et panegyrica: 1619, title page. 82

Title page to Musae Sioniae I (1605)130

130 Michael Praetorius, Musae Sioniae, Teil I (1605), ed. Rudolf Gerber (Wolfenbüttel: Möseler Verlag, 1960), title page.