POSTNEOLIBERALISMO Y PENALIDAD EN AMÉRICA DEL SUR Postneoliberalismo Y Penalidad En América Del Sur / Jorge Vicente Paladines

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POSTNEOLIBERALISMO Y PENALIDAD EN AMÉRICA DEL SUR Postneoliberalismo Y Penalidad En América Del Sur / Jorge Vicente Paladines POSTNEOLIBERALISMO Y PENALIDAD EN AMÉRICA DEL SUR Postneoliberalismo y penalidad en América del Sur / Jorge Vicente Paladines ... [et al.] ; compilado por Máximo Sozzo. - 1a ed . - Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires : CLACSO, 2016. Libro digital, PDF Archivo Digital: descarga y online ISBN 978-987-722-174-9 1. Neoliberalismo . 2. América del Sur. 3. Seguridad Pública. I. Paladines, Jorge Vicente II. Sozzo, Máximo, comp. CDD 363.1 Otros descriptores asignados por CLACSO: Postneoliberalismo / Política penal / América del Sur / Seguridad pública / Neoliberalismo / Brasil Colección Grupos de Trabajo POSTNEOLIBERALISMO Y PENALIDAD EN AMÉRICA DEL SUR Máximo Sozzo (Compilador) Rodrigo Ghiringhelli de Azevedo Ana Claudia Cifali Martha Lia Grajales Maria Lucrecia Hernandez Jorge Vicente Paladines Secretario Ejecutivo de CLACSO Pablo Gentili Directora Académica Fernanda Saforcada Colección Grupos de Trabajo Coordinador del Área de Grupos de Trabajo Pablo Vommaro Asistentes Rodolfo Gómez, Valentina Vélez y Giovanny Daza Área de Acceso Abierto al Conocimiento y Difusión Coordinador Editorial Lucas Sablich Coordinador de Arte Marcelo Giardino Primera edición Postneoliberalismo y penalidad en América del Sur (Buenos Aires: CLACSO, abril de 2016) ISBN 978-987-722-174-9 © Consejo Latinoamericano de Ciencias Sociales Queda hecho el depósito que establece la Ley 11723. CLACSO Consejo Latinoamericano de Ciencias Sociales - Conselho Latino-americano de Ciências Sociais Estados Unidos 1168 | C1023AAB Ciudad de Buenos Aires | Argentina Tel [54 11] 4304 9145 | Fax [54 11] 4305 0875 | <[email protected]> | <www.clacso.org> Patrocinado por la Agencia Sueca de Desarrollo Internacional No se permite la reproducción total o parcial de este libro, ni su almacenamiento en un sistema informático, ni su transmisión en cualquier forma o por cualquier medio electrónico, mecánico, fotocopia u otros métodos, sin el permiso previo del editor. Este libro está disponible en texto completo en la Red de Bibliotecas Virtuales de CLACSO <www.biblioteca.clacso.edu.ar> La responsabilidad por las opiniones expresadas en los libros, artículos, estudios y otras colaboraciones incumbe exclusivamente a los autores firmantes, y su publicación no necesariamente refleja los puntos de vista de la Secretaría Ejecutiva de CLACSO. ÍNDICE Máximo Sozzo Postneoliberalismo y penalidad en América del Sur. A modo de introducción | 9 Rodrigo Azevedo y Ana Claudia Cifali Seguridad Pública, Política Criminal y Penalidad en Brasil durante los Gobiernos Lula y Dilma (2003-2014). Cambios y Continuidades | 29 Martha Lia Grajales y Maria Lucrecia Hernandez Chavismo y política penal (1999-2014) | 95 Jorge Paladines La ‘mano dura’ de la Revolución Ciudadana (2007-2014) | 149 Máximo Sozzo Postneoliberalismo y penalidad en Argentina (2003-2014) | 189 POSTNEOLIBERALISMO Y PENALIDAD EN AMÉRICA DEL SUR. A MODO DE INTRODUCCIÓN Máximo Sozzo* 1. En las últimas dos décadas, se ha producido un crecimiento extraordina- rio del encarcelamiento en América del Sur, con algunas variaciones a través de los contextos nacionales pero en el marco de una misma tendencia. Hace veinte años, las tasas de encarcelamiento en la región eran en la mayor parte de los países relativamente bajas. Ciertamente no resulta fácil reconstruir los datos oficiales para dicho período.1 En 1992, dejando de lado los pequeños países del norte de América del Sur que tenían menos de un millón de habi- tantes como Guyana, Guayana Francesa y Surinam, sólo tres países tenían 100 presos o más cada 100000 habitantes: Uruguay (100)2, Venezuela (133)3 * Máximo Sozzo. Abogado. Doctor en Derecho. Profesor Titular Ordinario de Sociología y Criminología y Director de la Maestría en Criminología de la Universidad Nacional del Litoral. Ha sido profesor e investigador visitante, entre otras, de las Universidades de Nue- va York (Italia), Toronto (Canadá), Bolonia (Italia), Hamburgo (Alemania) y Queensland de Tecnología (Australia). 1 Hemos utilizado, cuando se encontraban disponibles, los datos oficiales que las diversas autoridades gubernamentales reportan al International Center for Prison Studies para la elaboración del World Prison Brief. Sin embargo, es preciso advertir que en algunos casos esos datos no coinciden con los que las mismas autoridades gubernamentales informan en otras ocasiones para los mismos años y que han sido rescatados en otros trabajos. Haremos mención específicamente a estas divergencias en notas a pie de página. Esto sucede frecuente- mente para la década de 1990. Cuando esta fuente no ha estado disponible hemos recurrido a otras disponibles, tanto a nivel regional como nacional que serán indicadas específicamente. 2 Para este año otras fuentes refieren la existencia de una tasa de 96 presos cada 100000 habitantes (Carranza, 2012, 36; Dammert y Zuñiga, 2008, 64). 3 Hemos utilizado aquí los datos de fuente oficial -Dirección Nacional de Servicios Peniten- ciarios- reportados por Hernández y Lia Grijales en el capítulo respectivo del presente libro. 9 POSTNEOLIBERALISMO Y PENALIDAD EN AMÉRICA DEL SUR y Chile (154)4. Y existían varios contextos que tenían tasas “escandinavas”5 como Argentina (62), Perú (69)6, Ecuador (75)7 y Brazil (74)8. Por supuesto, cómo ha sido señalado recurrentemente, la tasa de encarcelamiento es un indicador incompleto para medir los niveles de punitividad, entendida en términos amplios como los niveles de dolor o sufrimiento producidos por el sistema penal, pero al mismo tiempo resulta un buen punto de partida al referirse a la dimensión crucial de su extensión (Sozzo, 2011, 43-46; 2013, 216-219; capitulo en este libro). Las condiciones de vida en prisión en Argentina o Perú eran muy di- ferentes a aquellas de Dinamarca o Finlandia en 1992. Y las razones que explican estos niveles relativamente bajos de encarcelamiento en ese momento en estas dos regiones son probablemente muy diferentes entre sí. En general, debemos hacer nuestras aproximaciones empíricas a los niveles de punitividad –tanto en el plano de la extensión como de la intensidad- más complejas, empleando elementos tanto cuantitativos como cualitativos (Pease, 1994, 117; Kommer, 2004, 9; Nelken, 2005, 220-221; 2010a, 36; 2010b, 332; Hynds, 2005, 48-50; Tonry, 2007, 7-9; Brodeur, 2007, 61-63; Frost, 2008, 280-283; Hamilton, 2014, 5-8). Utili- zamos aquí este indicador imperfecto pues es el único que se encuentra disponible y resulta una manera de acercarnos al menos inicialmente a este fenómeno complejo.9 En todo caso, es un indicador que revela un 4 En otras fuentes, siempre citando información oficial se refiere para ese año una tasa de 148 presos cada 100000 habitantes (Dammert y Zuñiga, 2008, 64). 5 En ese año, la tasa de encarcelamiento -de acuerdo al ICPS- era en Noruega de 58/100000, en Suecia de 60/100000, en Finlandia de 70/100000 y en Dinamarca de 70/100000. 6 En otras fuentes, siempre citando información oficial se refiere para ese año una tasa de 77 presos cada 100000 habitantes (Carranza, 2012, 36; Dammert y Zuñiga, 2008, 64). 7 Hemos utilizado aquí los datos oficiales –Dirección Nacional Rehabilitación Social- reportados por Paladines en el capítulo respectivo de este libro. 8 Hemos utilizado aquí los datos oficiales reportados por Carranza (2012, 36) y Dammert y Zuñiga (2008, 64). 9 Al mismo tiempo es preciso reconocer las dificultades que las comparaciones en torno a este indicador portan consigo en la región. En primer lugar, las agencias estatales que generan la información suelen ser las mismas encargadas de la gestión de las instituciones penales y no suele existir un mecanismo de monitoreo acerca de su confiabilidad. En segun- do lugar, los criterios en cada país para definir la población penitenciaria en torno a la que se calcula la tasa de encarcelamiento no son idénticos. De este modo en algunos casos se contabilizan las personas que están gozando de beneficios penitenciarios como las salidas transitorias, la prisión diurna o la prisión nocturna y en otros casos no -o se incluyen algu- nas situaciones y otras no. Además en algunos países de la región existen muchas personas privadas de su libertad en sedes administradas no por las agencias penales o penitenciarias sino por las fuerzas policiales -aun cuando en calidad de procesados o condenados-, como en Brasil o en Argentina. En algunos casos estos volúmenes se incluyen en el cálculo oficial de la tasa de encarcelamiento y en otros casos no. (Dammert et al., 2010, 78-101). 10 Máximo Sozzo uso relativamente contenido de la prisión –como pena pero también como medida cautelar- en ese momento en la región. Mapa 1. Tasas de Encarcelamiento – América del Sur - 199210 Este panorama ha cambiado radicalmente en poco más de dos dé- cadas. Actualmente (con datos referidos a 2013, 2014 y 2015), todos los países sudamericanos tienen tasas de encarcelamiento superiores a los 150 presos cada 100000 habitantes, con la excepción de Bolivia (134/100000). Hay otros cuatro países con menos de 200 presos cada 10 Los datos de Guyana Francesa son de 1998 (ICPS). Los datos de Paraguay son de 1997 (ICPS). Para ese mismo año otros trabajos reportan una tasa de 70 presos casa 100000 habitantes en este país, citando también fuentes oficiales (Dammert y Zuñiga, 2008, 64; Carranza, 2012, 36). Para 1992 otras fuentes reportan diferentes datos oficiales en Co- lombia: 92 presos cada 100000 habitantes (Carranza, 2012, 36) y 74 presos cada 100000 habitantes (Dammert y Zuñiga, 2008, 64). 11 POSTNEOLIBERALISMO Y PENALIDAD EN AMÉRICA DEL SUR 100000 habitantes: Argentina (152)11 Paraguay (158), Ecuador (165)12, y Venezuela (172)13. Pero todos los otros han superado dicho umbral: Perú (236), Chile (240), Colombia (244), Uruguay (282) y Brasil (300)14. Toda América del Sur se encuentra ahora muy lejos de los niveles de encarcelamiento de los países escandinavos que se han mantenido en gran medida en los niveles de hace veinte años. 15 Mapa 2. Tasas de Encarcelamiento – América del Sur – Último año disponible (2013/2014/2015)16 11 En este caso, incluimos la tasa oficial producida por el Ministerio de Justicia y Derechos Humanos de la Nación para ese año que es reportada por Sozzo en el capítulo respectivo.
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