Editorial Notes

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Editorial Notes 878 The American Political Science Review Vol. 76 Clarkson, K. W., Kadlec, C. W., and Laffer, A. B. Election 1 Election 2 1979. Regulating Chrysler out of business? Regula- tion 3:44-49. Dem. Rep. Dem. Rep. De Alessi, L. 1979. An economic appraisal of mobile Exiting voters 8 12 home regulation. Unpublished. Established voters 40 60 40 60 . Neumann, G. R., and Nelson, J. P. in press. Safety New voters 68 12 regulation and firm size: effects of the Coal Mine Health and Safety Act of 1969. Journal of Law and Total 48 72 108 72 Economics. Peltzman, S. 1975. The effects of automobile safety Percent (40) (60) (60) (40) regulation. Journal of Political Economy 83: 677-725. But the same result could obtain by conversion: Williamson, O. E. 1968. Wage rates as a barrier to entry: the Pennington case in perspective. Quarterly Journal of Economics 82:85-116. Election 1 Election 2 Zeckhauser, R. J. 1979. Using the wrong tool: the Dem. Rep. Dem. Rep. pursuit of redistribution through regulation. Un- https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms published. Exiting voters 8 12 Established voters 40 60 60 40 New voters 48 32 Total 48 72 108 72 Percent (40) (60) (60) (40) Erratum in John Boyle and David Jacobs, ERRATA "The Intracity Distribution of Services: A Multi- variate Analysis" (June 1982, pp. 371-379). ON ARTICLES A beta weight is missing in row 4, column 8 of Table 2. The value of the missing coefficient is We apologize for the two errors that appeared .645, significant at the .001 level. in Robert S. Erikson's and Kent L. Tedin's arti- cle, "The 1928-1936 Partisan Realignment: The ON BOOK REVIEWS , subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at Case for the Conversion Hypothesis" (December 1981). On p. 952, the first line of each table In the review of Media Power Politics by David should read: "Exiting voters" and the numbers L. Paletz and Robert M. Entman (vol. 76, no. 1, under "Election 2" in the second table should p. 148) the correct quotation from the book is read: "Dem., 60; Rep., 40." The corrected tables "the unsavory ambiance that now envelops poli- are reprinted below. ticians." 04 Oct 2021 at 20:01:47 , on 170.106.203.74 EDITORIAL NOTES This issue marks the introduction of a new criteria. In one model, prevalent in some . IP address: editorial board. The past year has provided sociology and economics journals, the editorial valuable experience and the time necessary to board consists of working associate editors who assess potential board members through the are scholars with recognized standing in their review process; it has enabled me to come to a bet- various subfields. Each associate editor is totally ter understanding of the meaning and significance responsible for assigning manuscripts to referees of an editorial board for the American Political and making publication decisions within that sub- Science Review. field, under the general supervision of the manag- Through conversations with other editors and ing editor. through an examination of other journals in the At the other extreme is the model in which the https://www.cambridge.org/core field, I have identified four different editorial editorial board is basically honorific, the model board models for selecting board members. Im- typically employed by new journals. The purpose plicit in each model are somewhat different of this type of editorial board is to give legitimacy https://doi.org/10.1017/S0003055400189713 Downloaded from 1982 Editorial Notes 879 to the new journal, to provide the journal with added encouragement for a basically thankless recognition and visibility through a "who's who" task as well as to help an individual build a pro- of scholars in the particular field. motion file, I have begun to send notes of special A third model, which has considerably wider thanks in response to truly exceptional reports. acceptance in political science, is one that might I have therefore concluded that the fourth . be termed the "they read more manuscripts there- editorial board model is the most useful for my fore they deserve to be recognized" model. The purposes in that this model brings together a small underlying assumption is that a journal needs a group of people who represent different areas of core of reliable professionals who can always be the discipline and from whom I can get general counted on to evaluate manuscripts. These in- ideas, advice on policy problems, and specific dividuals read more manuscripts than other help with problem manuscripts. The individuals referees and respond more thoroughly and whom I have selected for this advisory function promptly. Some editors will send every manu- appear collectively to meet these requirements. script to at least one board member; others expect Some are long-time professional friends whose board members to be readily available for special judgment I have learned to respect over the years; problems. others I have "met" only recently through their https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms In the fourth model, the editorial board serves exceptional work as referees. As a group they as an advisory committee to the managing editor; reflect the broad substantive spectrums of the it meets regularly to consider policy questions and field as well as its geographical, institutional, and to provide specific advice where problems exist status dimensions; in addition I have tried to ap- with articles or a particular area of specialization. point members who have not served previously on This fourth model combines features of the other the editorial board. I look forward to working three but differs in that the emphasis is on the ad- with the following new editorial board members: vice and information that members can offer. After some consideration I have decided to adopt John H. Aldrich, University of Minnesota this model in selecting the current editorial board. Formal or positive theory, methodology, Although the first model may well be the trend American government and politics. of the future, given the significant degree of G. R. Boynton, University of Iowa specialization within political science, it is clearly Methodology, American government and a model that can only be adopted after careful politics, comparative politics (general). consideration by the APSA Council. The decision to decentralize the editorial office cannot be made David Cameron, Yale University , subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at by a single editor. The second model seems equal- Comparative politics, political economy, ly inappropriate for the Review; The American electoral behavior. Political Science Review is hardly a fledgling jour- nal requiring legitimation. John A. Ferejohn, California Institute of The third model has obvious merit; there is no Technology question that an editor wants and needs a core of Legislative politics, electoral behavior and 04 Oct 2021 at 20:01:47 trusted stalwarts willing to do double duty, and public opinion, public policy. , on there is also no question that such efforts should John R. Freeman, Massachusetts Institute of be rewarded. This model received careful atten- Technology tion but was rejected because (1) the potential Comparative and international politics, core of good referees is large, (2) the computeri- formal theory, methodology. zation of the journal has made it posible to ex- 170.106.203.74 pand greatly the pool of referees, and (3) it is im- Sheldon Goldman, University of Massachusetts portant that the referee process reflect as widely as Public law and judicial politics. possible the broad spectrum of research interests Russell Hanson, Indiana University . IP address: of APSA members. Thus an editorial board of American government and politics, political "core" referees is no longer feasible. Recognition thought and philosophy, formal or positive for services to the journal by referees must take theory. another form. Consequently, beginning with this Ruth S. Jones, Arizona State University issue, each December issue will list all referees American political institutions, public who have contributed during the course of the policy (campaign finance), and electoral year. Further, every referee who has provided behaviors and public opinion. more than four reports in a given year will receive an acknowledgment which thanks that person and James Kuklinski, Indiana University American government and politics, legislative https://www.cambridge.org/core lists the manuscripts that were reviewed so that the information may become part of the referee's politics, electoral behavior and public tenure and promotion files. Finally, to provide opinion. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0003055400189713 Downloaded from 880 The American Political Science Review Vol. 76 Mary Nichols, Catholic University of America Caporaso, George W. Carey, Ira Carmen, Ed- Political thought and philosophy, American ward Carmines, Berenice Carroll, Byrum E. government and politics. Carter, Jonathan D. Casper, John Chamberlin, John R. Champlin, Steve Chan, Terry Christen- Jerrold G. Rusk, University of Arizona sen, James B. Christoph, Claudio Cioffi-Revilla, . Electoral behavior and public opinion, James M. Clark, James W. Clarke, Aage R. legislative politics, methodology. Clausen, Charles F. Cnudde, Roger W. Cobb, Barbara Salert, Washington University Bernard C. Cohen, Michael P. Cohen, Youssef Methodology, comparative politics (general). Cohen, David Collier, William Connolly, Pamela J. Conover, Philip E. Converse, Margaret M. DINA ZINNES Conway, Beverly B. Cook, Kenneth Cook, Clyde Managing Editor Coombs, Joseph Cooper, Elmer E. Cornwell, Jr., Frank Costin, Richard W. Cottam, Albert D. We are grateful to the following scholars who Cover, Andrew T. Cowart, John Patrick Crecine, have served the Review as anonymous referees Matthew Crenson, William Crotty, Jose B. Cruz, Richard Cyert. https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms during the period from July 1, 1981 through June 30, 1982. Richard K. Dagger, Robert A. Dahl, Fred R. Joel Aberbach, Henry J. Abraham, Christo- Dallmayr, David J.
Recommended publications
  • Arend Lijphart and the 'New Institutionalism'
    CSD Center for the Study of Democracy An Organized Research Unit University of California, Irvine www.democ.uci.edu March and Olsen (1984: 734) characterize a new institutionalist approach to politics that "emphasizes relative autonomy of political institutions, possibilities for inefficiency in history, and the importance of symbolic action to an understanding of politics." Among the other points they assert to be characteristic of this "new institutionalism" are the recognition that processes may be as important as outcomes (or even more important), and the recognition that preferences are not fixed and exogenous but may change as a function of political learning in a given institutional and historical context. However, in my view, there are three key problems with the March and Olsen synthesis. First, in looking for a common ground of belief among those who use the label "new institutionalism" for their work, March and Olsen are seeking to impose a unity of perspective on a set of figures who actually have little in common. March and Olsen (1984) lump together apples, oranges, and artichokes: neo-Marxists, symbolic interactionists, and learning theorists, all under their new institutionalist umbrella. They recognize that the ideas they ascribe to the new institutionalists are "not all mutually consistent. Indeed some of them seem mutually inconsistent" (March and Olsen, 1984: 738), but they slough over this paradox for the sake of typological neatness. Second, March and Olsen (1984) completely neglect another set of figures, those
    [Show full text]
  • PSC13 Introduction to Comparative Politics Course Description
    PSC13 Introduction to Comparative Politics Instructor: Richard S. Conley, PhD Office hours: TBA Email: [email protected] Teaching Assistant: Li Shao Course Description This course introduces students to the discipline of comparative politics, a subfield in political science. Students of comparative politics study politics in countries around the world. Our course will focus on several important themes in the subfield including the science and the art of comparative politics, ideology and culture, political development, democracy and democratization, and the political economy of development. The approach in the class will be global in three senses of the term: 1) it provides broad coverage with select cases in Europe, Asia, North and South America, the Middle East, and Africa, 2) it offers conceptual comprehensiveness, and 3) it promotes critical thinking. Learning Objectives: The general objective of this course is to increase the students knowledge of political realities all aver the world. Students will learn the many ways governments operate and the various ways people behave in political life. By the end of the term students should be able to: accurately describe political life in select countries in all of the world’s geographic regions; show a familiarity with a wide range of substantive issues in comparative politics and be able to discuss them critically; demonstrate mastery of the main theoretical and analytical approaches to the study of comparative politics. Required Text Mark Kesselmen, Joel Krieger, William Joseph (eds.). Introduction to Comparative Politics (6th Edition, 2012). Available as an Electronic Book. ISBN-10: 1111831823; ISBN-13: 978- 1111831820. Other texts will be available as electronic files Course Hours The course has 26 class sessions in total.
    [Show full text]
  • POL 224Y1: Canada in Comparative Perspective Course Outline Fall 2015 & Winter 2016 (Section L5101)
    Department of Political Science University of Toronto POL 224Y1: Canada in Comparative Perspective Course Outline Fall 2015 & Winter 2016 (Section L5101) Class Time: Tuesdays, 6{8 PM Class Location: MS 3153 (Medical Sciences Building 3153) Instructor: Prof. Ludovic Rheault Email: [email protected] Office Hours: Wednesdays, 3{5 PM Office Location: Sidney Smith 3005 Course Description This course introduces students to Canadian politics using a comparative approach. It pro- vides essential knowledge about the variety of political regimes around the world, with con- crete examples emphasizing the comparison of Canada with other countries. Topics covered include the evolution of democracies, political institutions, electoral systems, voting, ideology, the role of the state in the economy, as well as contemporary issues such as social policies, representation and inequalities. The objective of the course is twofold. First, the aim is for students to acquire practi- cal knowledge about the functioning of democracies and their implications for society, the Canadian society in particular. Second, the goal is to get acquainted with the core theories of political science. By extension, this implies becoming familiar with the scientific method, from the conception of theoretical arguments to data analysis and empirical testing. By the end of this course, students should have gained considerable expertise about politics and be more confident about their scientific skills. Course Format The course comprises lectures given in class on Tuesdays, combined with tutorials chaired by teaching assistants (TAs) roughly every two weeks. The precise schedule for tutorials will be determined at the beginning of the course. Tutorials provide students with opportunities to participate actively in the discussions undertaken during the lectures, and to prepare for evaluations.
    [Show full text]
  • Nationwide Threshold of Representation Rein Taagepera *
    Electoral Studies 21 (2002) 383–401 www.elsevier.com/locate/electstud Nationwide threshold of representation Rein Taagepera * School of Social Sciences, University of California, Irvine, CA 92697, USA Abstract How large must parties be to achieve minimal representation in a national assembly? The degree of institutional constraints is reflected indirectly by the number of seat-winning parties (n) and more directly by the threshold of representation (T), defined as the vote level at which parties have a 50–50 chance to win their first seat. The existing theoretical threshold formulas use district-level reasoning and therefore overestimate the nationwide threshold. This study extends the theory to the nationwide level. In addition to district magnitude (M), the number of electoral districts and hence assembly size (S) emerge as important variables. When all seats are allocated in M-seat districts, T=75%/[(M+1)(S/M)0.5] and n=(MS)0.25. T and n are connected by T=75%/[n2+(S/n2)]. These theoretical expectation values are tested with 46 dur- able electoral systems. 2002 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved. Keywords: Effective thresholds; Number of parties; District and national levels; Small party representation 1. The problem As shown by Duverger (1954), electoral systems affect party systems. In Sartori’s (1976) terminology, electoral systems can be “feeble” or “strong”, meaning that they can be permissive or inhospitable to small parties. How large should parties be, to be entitled to representation in a national assembly? Should 1% of the nationwide votes suffice, or 3 or 5%? And if a certain cutoff level is felt desirable, then how can it be approached through institutional design? One obvious means is to stipulate a nationwide legal threshold, but this has been used relatively rarely.
    [Show full text]
  • The Johan Skytte Prize in Political Science
    International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Invention ISSN (Online): 2319 – 7722, ISSN (Print): 2319 – 7714 www.ijhssi.org ||Volume 4 Issue 9 || September. 2015 || PP.30-32 The Johan Skytte Prize in Political Science Nils-Axel Mörner Patron of the Skytte Foundation, Uppsala, Sweden Abstract:Johan Skytte was a true scholar of the 17th century in Sweden. In 1622 he instituted a new professorship in Eloquence and Politics financed by a separate patronage donation. It has survived all through the years and will soon celebrate its 400 years’ anniversary. In 1994, the foundation running the practical/economical parts of the donation founded an international prize: The Johan Skytte Prize in Political Science. This year, the 21st prize goes to Francis Fukuyama. Keywords:Political Science, Johan Skytte, the Johan Skytte Prize in Political Science, Skytte Foundation, Uppsala University. I. JOHAN SKYTTE AND HIS DONATION IN 1622 Johan Skytte (Figure 1) was born in 1577, son of a merchant. Duke Karl, later to become King Karl IX, understood that the young boy was unusually gifted and intelligent, and he paid for his education abroad[1].He staid abroad for 9 years, visiting different universities in Germany, and travelling to France, England and Scotland. In 1598 he took his thesis in Marburg. He was deeply taken by ramism, the philosophy by Petrus Ramus [1, 2]. According to Ramus all sciences were based on the depth and sharpness in intellectual thinking as expressed by eloquence. Eloquence was the base for everything. It could turn and twist the human heart in whatever direction wanted.
    [Show full text]
  • Computational International Relations
    Computational International Relations What Can Programming, Coding and Internet Research Do for the Discipline? Author: H. Akin Unver, assistant professor of international relations, Kadir Has University, and a dual non-resident research fellow at the Center for Technology and Global Affairs, Oxford University and the Alan Turing Institute in London. [email protected] Abstract: Computational Social Science emerged as a highly technical and popular discipline in the last few years, owing to the substantial advances in communication technology and daily production of vast quantities of personal data. As per capita data production significantly increased in the last decade, both in terms of its size (bytes) as well as its detail (heartrate monitors, internet-connected appliances, smartphones), social scientists’ ability to extract meaningful social, political and demographic information from digital data also increased. A vast methodological gap exists in ‘computational international relations’, which refers to the use of one or a combination of tools such as data mining, natural language processing, automated text analysis, web scraping, geospatial analysis and machine learning to provide larger and better organized data to test more advanced theories of IR. After providing an overview of the potentials of computational IR and how an IR scholar can establish technical proficiency in computer science (such as starting with Python, R, QGis, ArcGis or Github), this paper will focus on some of the author’s works in providing an idea for IR students on how to think about computational IR. The paper argues that computational methods transcend the methodological schism between qualitative and quantitative approaches and form a solid foundation in building truly multi-method research design.
    [Show full text]
  • POL 224Y1: Canada in Comparative Perspective Course Outline Fall 2016 & Winter 2017 (Section L5101)
    Department of Political Science University of Toronto POL 224Y1: Canada in Comparative Perspective Course Outline Fall 2016 & Winter 2017 (Section L5101) Class Time: Mondays, 6{8 PM Class Location: MS 3153 (Medical Sciences Building 3153) Instructor: Prof. Ludovic Rheault Email: [email protected] Office Hours: Thursdays, 1{3 PM Office Location: Sidney Smith 3005 Course Description This course introduces students to Canadian politics using a comparative approach. It pro- vides essential knowledge about the variety of political regimes around the world, with con- crete examples emphasizing the comparison of Canada with other countries. Topics covered include the evolution of democracies, political institutions, electoral systems, voting, ideology, the role of the state in the economy, as well as contemporary issues such as social policies, representation and inequalities. The objective of the course is twofold. First, the aim is for students to acquire practi- cal knowledge about the functioning of democracies and their implications for society, the Canadian society in particular. Second, the goal is to get acquainted with the core theories of political science. By extension, this implies becoming familiar with the scientific method, from the conception of theoretical arguments to data analysis and empirical testing. By the end of this course, students should have gained considerable expertise about politics and be more confident about their scientific skills. Course Format The course comprises lectures given in class on Tuesdays, combined with tutorials chaired by teaching assistants (TAs) roughly every two weeks. The schedule for tutorials along with room locations will be confirmed at the beginning of the course. Tutorials provide students with opportunities to participate actively in the discussions undertaken during the lectures, and to prepare for evaluations.
    [Show full text]
  • The Impact of Using Proportional Representation System on The
    The current issue and full text archive of this journal is available on Emerald Insight at: https://www.emerald.com/insight/2631-3561.htm Party system The impact of using proportional in Algeria representation system on the fragmentation of the party system in Algeria. Applied to the ’ Received 18 January 2020 elections of the National People s Revised 9 July 2020 Assembly (1997–2017) Accepted 10 August 2020 Ali Mahmoud Mahgoub Foreign Information Sector, Egypt State Information Service, Cairo, Egypt Abstract Purpose – The purpose of this study is to examine the impact of using proportional representation system on the fragmentation of the party system in the Algerian political system within the period from 1997 to 2017, in which Algeria has experienced five legislative elections regularly every five years by testing a hypothesis about adopting the proportional representation system on the basis of the closed list during the foregoing legislative elections has obviously influenced the exacerbation of the Algerian party system’s fragmentation, compared to other factors. Design/methodology/approach – The essence of the theoretical framework of this study is to address the effect of the electoral system as an independent variable on the party system as a dependent variable. The starting point for that framework is to reassess the “Duverger’s law,” which appeared since the early 1950s and has influenced the foregoing relationship, and then to review the literature on a new phase that tried to provide a more accurate mechanism for determining the number of parties and their relative weight, whether in terms of electoral votes or parliamentary seats.
    [Show full text]
  • Rein Taagepera
    Journal of Baltic Studies Vol. 40, No. 4, December 2009, pp. 451–464 THE STRUGGLE FOR BALTIC HISTORY Rein Taagepera The attitudes of Western powers toward the Baltic states were in 1945–1990 steadily affected by how they perceived Baltic history: whether it even existed and if so, what did its most recent phase represent – occupation or voluntary union? The Baltic refugees were initially poorly prepared for the struggle about history, because they lacked not only English language skills but also understanding of democratic societies. Their books were printed by little- known publishers, and studies in scholarly journals were almost completely absent. A breakthrough took place in the 1960s. Major figures were Vytas Stanley Vardys, who was first to publish articles in top journals and books with major publishers, and Ja¯nis Gaigulis, who initiated and kept going the Association for the Advancement of Baltic Studies (AABS) and its Journal of Baltic Studies. Support for scholars was strong in the Latvian exile community, while hesitant in the Estonian and Lithuanian ones. By the time of the ‘Singing Revolution’ the struggle for Baltic history had been won in the Western world. It had become widely accepted that the Baltic peoples and their histories existed, and Moscow’s attempts to rewrite Baltic history could not take root in the West. Winning the struggle for the past helped in the struggle for the future of the Baltic peoples. Keywords: AABS; Baltic post-WWII exiles; Ja¯nis Gaigulis; Vytas Stanley Vardys; Western perception of Baltic history estern attitudes toward the Baltic states in 1945–1990 were steadily affected by Wtheir perception of Baltic history: whether it even existed and if so, then which one? Hence the struggle carried out in the West for a Baltic future was continuously intertwined with a struggle for the past.
    [Show full text]
  • How the Tailor of Marrakesh Suit Has Been Altered: Advantage Ratio As a Tool in Post-Communist Electoral Reforms Research Chytilek, Roman; Šedo, Jakub
    www.ssoar.info How the Tailor of Marrakesh Suit Has Been Altered: Advantage Ratio as a Tool in Post-Communist Electoral Reforms Research Chytilek, Roman; Šedo, Jakub Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Chytilek, R., & Šedo, J. (2007). How the Tailor of Marrakesh Suit Has Been Altered: Advantage Ratio as a Tool in Post-Communist Electoral Reforms Research. European Electoral Studies, 2(1), 30-62. https://nbn-resolving.org/ urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-59234 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer Deposit-Lizenz (Keine This document is made available under Deposit Licence (No Weiterverbreitung - keine Bearbeitung) zur Verfügung gestellt. Redistribution - no modifications). We grant a non-exclusive, non- Gewährt wird ein nicht exklusives, nicht übertragbares, transferable, individual and limited right to using this document. persönliches und beschränktes Recht auf Nutzung dieses This document is solely intended for your personal, non- Dokuments. Dieses Dokument ist ausschließlich für commercial use. All of the copies of this documents must retain den persönlichen, nicht-kommerziellen Gebrauch bestimmt. all copyright information and other information regarding legal Auf sämtlichen Kopien dieses Dokuments müssen alle protection. You are not allowed to alter this document in any Urheberrechtshinweise und sonstigen Hinweise auf gesetzlichen way, to copy it for public or commercial purposes, to exhibit the Schutz beibehalten werden. Sie dürfen dieses Dokument document in public, to perform, distribute or otherwise use the nicht in irgendeiner Weise abändern, noch dürfen Sie document in public. dieses Dokument für öffentliche oder kommerzielle Zwecke By using this particular document, you accept the above-stated vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, aufführen, vertreiben oder conditions of use.
    [Show full text]
  • Constitutional Frameworks and Democratic Consolidation: Parliamentarianism Versus Presidentialism Author(S): Alfred Stepan and Cindy Skach Source: World Politics, Vol
    Constitutional Frameworks and Democratic Consolidation: Parliamentarianism versus Presidentialism Author(s): Alfred Stepan and Cindy Skach Source: World Politics, Vol. 46, No. 1 (Oct., 1993), pp. 1-22 Published by: Cambridge University Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2950664 Accessed: 12/08/2010 11:50 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Cambridge University Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to World Politics. http://www.jstor.org CONSTITUTIONAL FRAMEWORKS AND DEMOCRATIC CONSOLIDATION Parliamentarianismversus Presidentialism By ALFRED STEPAN and CINDY SKACH* INTRODUCTION T HE struggle to consolidate the new democracies-especially those in Eastern Europe, Latin America, and Asia-has given rise to a wide-ranging debate about the hard choices concerning economic re- structuring, economic institutions, and economic markets.' A similar de- bate has focused on democratic political institutions and political markets.
    [Show full text]
  • Rein Taagepera
    Journal of Baltic Studies Vol. 44, No. 1, March 2013, pp. 19–47 BALTIC QUEST FOR A HUNGARIAN PATH, 1965 Rein Taagepera The Soviet Union annexed the Baltic states in August 1940, an act Western democracies refused to recognize. Under somewhat different circumstances, the Baltic states could have turned, instead, into satellite ‘People’s Democracies’ like Hungary – Communist-ruled but outside the Soviet Union. The annexed Baltic states played a major disruptive role during the demise of the Soviet Union. Might the Soviet Union have survived, had it disgorged the Baltic ferment in good time? The satellite option received mention repeatedly, from as early as June 1940 to as late as 1989. Here the focus is on 1965, when three Estonian refugees proposed a compromise: Washington might encourage Moscow to turn the Baltic states into satellites, the governments of which the USA could then recognize. For the Baltic nations, the main change would have been to curtail the influx of Russians. The reactions to this proposal are reviewed, ending with the question: what do alternate histories tell us about the actual one? Keywords: Satellite regimes; People’s Democracies; annexation; demise of the Soviet Union It is risky to swallow something one cannot digest. Soviet annexation of the Baltic states hurt both the Baltic peoples and the Moscow-centered empire. It could have become fatal for the Balts but, instead, arguably turned lethal for the empire. Indeed, the annexed Baltic states played such a major and disruptive role during the demise of the Soviet Union that it may be asked whether the Soviet Union might have survived, had it disgorged its Baltic prey in good time.
    [Show full text]