Theodore Roosevelt

Theodore Roosevelt explores the personal and political life of the 26th President of the United States. It considers among other things his “manliness,” a gendered framework of traits for the Gilded Age and Progressive Period guiding him and other men in business, politics, and war, and shows how the development of these traits transformed Roosevelt’s personal and political decisions. The work covers a storied personal life and emphasizes mental and physical challenges from depression, asthma, partial blindness, and attempted assassination. Cogan addresses the political transformation from traditional, to “Square Deal” Republican, to “Bull Moose” Progressive. The text also reviews initiatives dismissing corrupt officials, closing saloons, and arresting pimps; busting monopolies and bettering workplaces and consumer products; and conserving wildlife and natural resources. Contrary to popular conception, Roosevelt’s manliness was not macho masculinity. Rather, it was an evolving framework of traits, including courage, service, and Christian morality. Supported by a series of intriguing primary source documents, this book is essential reading for understanding Roosevelt, his era, and his manliness. It is an accessible tool for students studying and instructors teaching courses on the Gilded Age and Progressive Period in American history.

Neil H. Cogan is Professor at Whittier College, USA, and teaches courses in history, law, and political science. As a practicing lawyer, he specializes in racial, ethnic, and gender discrimination cases, as well as free speech. Routledge Historical Americans

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Routledge Historical Americans is a series of short, vibrant biographies that illuminate the lives of Americans who have had an impact on the world. Each book includes a short overview of the person’s life and puts that person into historical context through essential primary documents, written both by the subjects and about them. A series website supports the books, containing extra images and documents, links to further research, and where possible, multi-media sources on the subjects. Perfect for including in any course on American History, the books in the Routledge Historical Americans series show the impact everyday people can have on the course of history. Sojourner Truth: Prophet of Social Justice Isabelle Kinnard Richman Andrew Jackson: Principle and Prejudice John M. Belohlavek Patrick Henry: Proclaiming a Revolution John A. Ragosta Ida B. Wells: Social Reformer and Activist Kristina DuRocher Jacques Marquette and Louis Jolliet: Exploration, Encounter, and the French New World Laura Chmielewski Harvey Milk: The Public Face of Gay Rights Politics Eric Walther Joe Louis: Sports and Race in Twentieth-Century America Marcy S. Sacks Henry Kissinger: Pragmatic Statesman in Hostile Times Abraham R. Wagner Theodore Roosevelt: A Manly President’s Gendered Personal and Political Transformations Neil H. Cogan Theodore Roosevelt A Manly President’s Gendered Personal and Political Transformations

NEIL H. COGAN First published 2020 by Routledge 52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, NY 10017 and by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, OX14 4RN

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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Cogan, Neil H. (Neil Howard), 1944– author. Title: Theodore Roosevelt : a manly president’s gendered personal and political transformations / Neil H. Cogan. Other titles: Manly president’s gendered personal and political transformations Description: New York, NY : Taylor & Francis, 2020. | Series: Routledge historical Americans | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2019051819 (print) | LCCN 2019051820 (ebook) | ISBN 9780415842839 (paperback) | ISBN 9780415842822 (hardback) | ISBN 9780203758403 (ebook) Subjects: LCSH: Roosevelt, Theodore, 1858–1919. | Roosevelt, Theodore, 1858–1919—Health. | Presidents—United States—Biography. | Roosevelt, Theodore, 1858–1919—Psychology. | Masculinity—United States— History—20th century. | Roosevelt family. Classification: LCC E757 .C64 2020 (print) | LCC E757 (ebook) | DDC 973.91/1092 [B]—dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2019051819 LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2019051820

ISBN: 978-0-415-84282-2 (hbk) ISBN: 978-0-415-84283-9 (pbk) ISBN: 978-0-203-75840-3 (ebk)

Typeset in Minion by Apex CoVantage, LLC For Mannette Antill, With Love and Respect, Always

“One of the commonest taunts directed at men like myself is that we are armchair and parlor Jingoes who wish to see others do what we only advocate doing. I care very little for such a taunt, except as it affects my usefulness, but I cannot afford to disregard the fact that my power for good, whatever it may be, would be gone if I didn’t try to live up to the doctrines I have tried to preach.”1

Note

. 1 Edmund Morris, The Rise of Theodore Roosevelt (New York: Random House, 1979), pp. 637–638.

Contents Contents

Acknowledgments xi Preface xiii

Introduction A Strenuous Life and Transformative Career; Constructs of Manliness: Through a Gender Lens and Analysis 1

PART I Theodore Roosevelt 25

Chapter 1 Acquiring Traits of Manliness: Sorting Out the Challenges of Childhood, Family, and Harvard 27

Chapter 2 Practicing Manliness: Alternating Performances as Anti-Corruption Assemblyman; Independent Rancher and Hunter; Anti-Corruption Commissioner; Anti-Corruption President of the Police Board 53

Chapter 3 Manliness Fulfilled: Ultimate Risk, Ultimate Courage, and Near-Ultimate Success; Service as Assistant Secretary of the Navy; Performance as “Rough Rider” 91

Chapter 4 Manly Progressive and “Square Dealer” 117 x • Contents

Chapter 5 Manly Imperialist and Nobel Prize Laureate 145

Chapter 6 Manly Hunter and Conservationist 161

Chapter 7 Roosevelt the Progressive and His Last Transformation 169

Conclusion 185

PART II Documents 187

Bibliography 233 Index 239 Acknowledgments Acknowledgments

I am grateful to Dr. Paul Finkelman, a most distinguished, insightful, and knowledgeable historian and constitutional law scholar, whose critiques immeasurably improved the manuscript. I am also grateful to Ms. Eve Mayer, editor, and Ms. Zoë Forbes, assistant editor at Routledge Press, for their patience and generous support. As always, I am so very thankful to have worked with outstanding and unstinting library staff at Whittier College – Mr. Hugh Treacy, law library director; Mr. Curtis Jones, reader services law librarian; Ms. Margot McLaren, documents librarian; and Ms. Rosalie Robles, the most excellent, tireless, and gracious faculty services assistant, bar none. As always, I am indebted to my spouse, Mannette Antill, for her ever- lasting love, partnership, and friendship, enduring through personal and family challenges. Disruptions become trivial in her presence and inconse- quential by the light of her spirit and wisdom. What manliness as an ideal or a model consistently lacked was an unalloyed respect for the other. That respect for the other we have made an enduring quality of our relationship. This biography is for her, with love and respect always and forever.

Preface Preface

Routledge Press’s invitation to write a biography for its “Historical Ameri- cans” series has been a challenge and a gift. It has been a challenge to write a unique biography of Theodore Roo- sevelt, so often the subject of biographies and so often lauded for historic achievements, transformative during his time and for more than a century thereafter. This biography is my response to that challenge. In this Preface, I make several points. First, this work is a biography of Theodore Roosevelt. And, indeed, this work tells Roosevelt’s story from his birth to his death. But at its core it is a biography framed by Roosevelt’s ideas, good ideas and bad ideas, moral ideas and immoral ideas. It is undeniable, as is so often remarked, that Roosevelt gained appointed and elective office through his personality. But he did not do so through personality alone but rather through a personality exhorting ideas. As a historian, I wrote this work to remind readers that while personality can be charismatic, as Roosevelt’s became, it was Roo- sevelt’s ideas that were core to who Roosevelt was. It was debated during Roosevelt’s life whether his ideas were beneficial for the nation, and that debate continues. This biography helps frame that debate. Second, this work is a biography of a person with personal challenges, challenges that Roosevelt faced throughout his life. From his earliest days, Roosevelt was afflicted with an asthma-like lung ailment, an ailment that never totally disappeared. He suffered depression, sad that he was not the “best man” that his father was, sad that his father died before he showed him that he was truly “manly.” In his several adventures, he contracted viruses that persisted and weakened him to his last days. Boxing, he was blinded in one eye. Campaigning, he was shot and carried a bullet in his xiv • Preface chest. Undergoing medical care, he became deaf in one ear. Yet, Roosevelt always strained, always lived a “strenuous life.” It is a biography to inspire and support persons with challenges. And third, this work is a biography of a man who transformed himself and the governments he served and whose transformations reflected a cultural/social guide and framework for his ideas and activities. In this biography, I show that “manliness” was that guide and framework, a com- posite of gendered traits and characteristics embodying the ideal man. I show that manliness has explanatory force, even while manliness was ever evolving for Roosevelt and the nation’s culture and even while the several traits of manliness were varying in their influence on behavior. While manliness was for many centuries a prevailing guide and framework, the Civil War and the succeeding Gilded Age heightened awareness of that cultural and social guide. Theodore Roosevelt was a child during, and came of age not long after, the Civil War, a war fought in his father’s and most relatives’ minds by manly men for a moral and noble cause, to eradicate chattel slavery and preserve the Union’s status. These men, who faced the risk of likely death and maiming, modeled two of manliness’ traits, the traits of facing risk and exhibiting courage. And Abraham Lin- coln, whose catafalque Theodore observed when he was six, modeled three more of manliness’ traits, the traits of self-reliance, community and public service, and Christian moral values. Within the family, Roosevelt’s father Thee modeled manliness’ trait of strength. His mother Mittie spun yarns of family heroes who also modeled manliness’ trait of courage in the face of risk. His grandfather CVS modeled manliness’ trait of Christian moral conduct, and CVS and Thee modeled manliness’ traits of community and public service.1 When Roosevelt left the confines of his family and met social peers, fellow Harvard students, and voters and politicians, ever sensitive and ever aware, he realized that persons with power had turned to self-interest and away from Christian moral values. When Roosevelt entered elective office, he found conflicts, cronyism, and corruption. An incessant reader of history and politics, he expected observance of moral values and service to the community. His expectations of responsive and responsible democracy were frustrated by the disarray he observed in government and the political parties and the relentless and uncaring self-interest of wealthy individuals and corporations. Roosevelt recognized the principal domestic challenges to the nation – within traditionally private markets, challenges resulting from manip- ulation by corporations and trusts of “unreasonable” economic power; within the expanding public sphere, challenges resulting from legitimate and not-yet-legitimate agitation for reform by workers, women, and social Preface • xv organizations; and within the nation’s natural resources, the challenges resulting from selfish and senseless destruction of wildlife, water, woods, and Native American inheritance through a boundless appetite for riches and pleasures. However, regretfully, his intelligence and sensitivity did not prevent him from binding himself to bigoted Social Darwinian beliefs in the superiority of white “Aryan” and “Teutonic” persons; his intelligence and sensitivity did not prevent him from egregious racial and ethnic bias against black Americans and Native Americans, reconsidered only in his last two years. Roosevelt also recognized challenges arising abroad from continual national competition for markets and imperialistic domination and also America’s and his own blatantly imperialistic impulses. His and like- minded men’s unconstrained hunting contributed to loss of wildlife in the Dakota Badlands. He eventually took responsibility and assumed private and public leadership that significantly conserved wildlife and natural resources in all regions of the United States, a legacy honored until recently. These circumstances and challenges alone captivate a biographer and his readers. But there is more to this biography than subject recognizes challenges and confronts them with intelligence and success, leaving a transformative legacy. There is an evocative backstory and a cultural, social epitome. Notwithstanding the wealthy Roosevelt family’s access to physicians and advisers, the young Roosevelt faced years of physical and emotional challenges from imprecisely identified illnesses. In his early years, the challenges created tension with his family’s expectations, particularly those of his father, and with the ideal of manliness that his family and his era lauded. Even with the seeming control of his youthful illnesses, the tension between body, mind, and ideals continued throughout his life, into the years following his Presidency, his last campaign for office, and his last adventures. Historians reflect upon economic, political, and social conditions that confront communities and nations, and they critique responses. This biography does so also, for conditions in the late Gilded Age and Progressive Era – the inordinate concentration of economic power, the degradation of working conditions and quality of food and drugs, and the destruction of natural resources. This work also discusses the physical and emotional challenges apparent throughout Roosevelt’s life, continuously influencing his work and work product and arguably affecting his political policies and personal relationships. And the work reviews reforms and innovations that progressive policies brought. The biography presented me with a gift that must delight every biographer fortunate to write about Theodore Roosevelt. Routledge Press enabled me to describe the significant and lasting influence that a remarkable and xvi • Preface

“historical” American had upon the Progressive Era’s domestic politics and America’s pre–World War I foreign affairs. There are few “Histori- cal Americans” whose intelligence and skills enabled them to have similar influence. The invitation to write about Theodore Roosevelt provided an opportunity to continue research into economic, political, and social conditions that animated the Progressive Movement and, particularly, the cultural and social construct of manliness that guided and misguided their leaders and most prominent spokesperson, Theodore Roosevelt. In my view, social constructs of manliness have in a variety of forms endured for centuries, millennia likely. Such constructs have reflected and ostensibly justified powerful gendered perceptions and motivations and unethically supported dominant and subservient relationships. In their narratives and biographies, historians are obliged to identify perceptions and relationships that deny personal dignity and worth. The invitation for this work came at an opportune time in our nation’s history. It provided an opportunity to narrate the story of an intelligent political actor adept at using the “bully pulpit” and confident in acknowl- edging from that pulpit his continually evolving views. Roosevelt was suf- ficiently prescient to recognize dangers from inordinate concentration of economic power, just demands of workers and women, and irreversibil- ity of natural resource destruction; and he was flexible and self-confident enough to adapt and reconceive his policies and those of the nation, political consequences notwithstanding. Leaders with such acumen and inner security are seldom in power, and we continue to search for them. Moreover, while Roosevelt had opportunities, he was keen never to use his pulpit for selfish gain for family, friends, and himself. That would indeed have been unmanly, as manliness was then understood. Leaders with such unselfishness are rare and precious. Finally, the invitation to write about Roosevelt provided an opportunity to narrate the story of a politician who spoke convincingly and, as best he could, truthfully. While he was sometimes sadly misinformed and egregiously biased, as he was about reputedly “scientific” racial and ethnic inequalities, Roosevelt never carried nor encouraged tales that were untrue and “fake.” He loved to read about history, and he loved to write about history. And while he sometimes boasted about his biographical details, he did not lie and did not condone lies. That would have been dishonorable, disgraceful, and of course, truly unmanly.

Note

. 1 Notwithstanding the fact that Thee Roosevelt, Theodore’s father, did not serve in the Union army. He did, however, provide significant nonmilitary service, often on the battlefield, of which Theodore was aware. Introduction Introduction A Strenuous Life and Transformative Career; Constructs of Manliness: Through a Gender Lens and Analysis

This biography of Theodore Roosevelt presents a “Historical American” who, in 60 compact years, lived a strenuous and complex life, holding before he became 43 seven city, state, and federal governmental offices, including the Presidency; commanding a cavalry unit in close combat in Cuba; operating two working ranches in the Dakota Badlands; and writing 38 books about history, ranching, and hunting, including several for children. Nearly always in his 60 years, he was in constant motion, transforming himself and others; enhancing and reforming the role and power of government, national, state, and local; forging the military strength of the United States; belatedly conserving wildlife and natural resources; and reshaping the manly culture and politics of America during the long fin de siècle and into the century after his death.

A Strenuous and Complex Life, Self-Transformation, and Transformative Actions Roosevelt was the 26th and youngest President of the United States, taking the oath of office on September 14, 1901, succeeding the assassinated William McKinley. In the 19 years before becoming President, Roosevelt was also the youngest person to hold each of his prior positions, New York Assemblyman, US Civil Service Commissioner, New York City Police Commissioner, Assistant Secretary of the Navy, Governor of New York, and Vice President of the United States. And during the Spanish American 2 • Introduction

War, as Lieutenant Colonel and Colonel, mounted on horseback and in the clear line of rapid rifle fire, he led the First United States Volunteer Cavalry, popularly known as the “Rough Riders,” in combat at Kettle and San Juan Hills, outside Santiago, Cuba.1 During the 19 years before his Presidency, Roosevelt bought and operated two ranches in the Dakota Badlands and wrote ten books, including the still well-regarded, two-volume The Naval War of 1812; evocative books about adventure and sport, Hunting Trips of a Ranchman: Sketches of Sport on the Northern Cattle Plains; Ranch Life and the Hunting-Trail; Stories of the Great West; and two forgettable biographies, Thomas Hart Benton and Gouverneur Morris. Even before the Presidency, he was among the most well-known political figures in the country, his speeches reported in The New York Times, The New York Herald, and the New-York Tribune, as well as newspapers in Chicago and other Midwestern cities.2 Theodore Roosevelt served seven and a half years as President and then ten years as public citizen and former President. When in office, he enlarged the role of the Executive in domestic policy through support- ing consumer, health, and labor reforms and wildlife and natural resource conservation, validating political and social causes of progressives and the Progressive Party, and endorsing antitrust and anticorporate litiga- tion. In foreign affairs, he expanded the influence of the United States by threatening and sometimes using force in Cuba, Nicaragua, and Venezu- ela, influencing political actors and military forces in Panama’s revolution, and contracting to complete and acquire imperialist control of the future Panama Canal. He expanded the combat capability of the US Navy and directed battleships of the “Great White Fleet” to circumnavigate and overawe the world. He zealously advocated arbitration of international disputes and received the Nobel Peace Prize for his role in crafting the Treaty of Portsmouth, settling the war between Russia and Japan.3 After his Presidency, in March 1909, Theodore Roosevelt led a year-long Smithsonian-Roosevelt African Expedition to East Africa, during which his group killed over 11,000 animals and collected over 12,000 additional “specimens.” After the safari, Theodore, joined by his spouse, Edith, toured Europe, stopping on April 23, 1910, in Paris at the Sorbonne, for the former President to deliver a lecture entitled “Citizenship in a Republic.” Edith and Theodore then traveled to Norway and stopped on May 5, 1910, in Oslo at the National Theater, where the former President delivered his long-delayed Nobel Peace Prize Lecture. Welcomed home in June 1910 by crowds of reportedly a million and a half lining streets from the New York harbor and up Broadway, Roosevelt soon reentered politics. In February 1912, he announced he would run for a third term as President and sought the nomination by the Republican Introduction • 3

Party. Denied the nomination, he joined in forming and becoming the presidential nominee of the Progressive Party. He failed to win the general election in November 1912, coming in second in a three-way contest.4 After the election campaign, Roosevelt remained among the most famous persons in the United States and beyond. His views about national and international political issues were sought out and published. Although he no longer made hunting trips to the Dakota Badlands, newspapers reported about his physical activities and exploited the public’s curiosity about his risky, near-death exploration of the Amazon River. Until two years before his death in 1919 at the age of 60, his complexion was ruddy and his outward manner seemingly vigorous, so much so that influential Republicans were considering him for nomination in 1920 as Governor of New York and even President.5 But in fact, by 1918, Roosevelt’s health had substantially deteriorated. He likely suffered from the cumulative effects of persistent viruses that infected him during adventures in Cuba, East Africa, and the Amazon. Likely, too, he suffered from serious depression compounded by the loss of his son, Quentin, an air pilot shot down in France, while in combat over the Marne River on Bastille Day, July 14, 1918. But, most likely, he died due to the cumulative effect of all the foregoing mental and physical assaults to his mind and body. And he finally succumbed to the accumulated strain of his “strenuous life,” the life he advocated for men who would be manly, the life he pursued for himself with incessant and insistent effort.6

For more than a century, Roosevelt’s personal, political, and social life has attracted the keen interest of persons in the United States and beyond. His life was complex. He was a politician, a writer, and a hunter. As a politician, he was a Republican and Progressive at home and an imperialist and chau- vinist abroad. As a writer, he wrote several careful, engaging, and even evocative books with close attention to detail and accuracy, and also – to support his family and immodest needs – more than a few preachy, pedes- trian books with little pretense of scholarship. As a hunter, he and his com- panions killed thousands of animals, zealously, remorselessly, and happily. Yet he was also a conservationist, not a preservationist, an avid hunter who in time feared the decimation of some species he slaughtered. He was the youngest President, and among the most articulate, athletic, and engaged of Presidents. He was complex; and while other Presidents have been complex, with a goodly number failing, Roosevelt succeeded during his term and thereafter. Few would disagree that he left a standard against which future Presidents would be critically judged and remains worthy of com- parison to Washington, Jefferson, and Lincoln on Mt. Rushmore.7 4 • Introduction

Theodore Roosevelt grew up sickly and weak as a child and young man. Advantaged by family wealth that gave him access to athletic instruction and equipment, he devoted himself to strengthening his body and transforming himself from sickly to robust, from weak to strong. In this first transformation of himself, he developed boxing, riding, shooting, and wrestling capabilities that were more than proficient but not, in his opinion, “the best.” He marked the transformation in a photograph, in which he appeared shirtless and in shorts, with a pronounced scowl. In succeeding years, he marked transformations of himself by changing clothes, often strategically, from formal and business attire to sports, hunting, western, and even sheriff’s outfits, and changing his bed, strategically too, from mattress to bunk, to bedroll, and back to mattress.8 Like Abraham Lincoln, his political hero, Roosevelt changed the con- versation about who he was, what politics was about, and what the nation’s needs were. Roosevelt grew up living and associating with the wealthy class and deporting himself as its members did, limiting those with whom he associated, confining his activities to private tutors, proper schools, and approved engagements, clubs, and sports, But by his early 20s, if not while yet in college, in another transformation he was ready to abandon attitudes of entitlement and, instead, think critically about normative arrangements and risk attacks on his reputation.9 He was transforming not just his body but his public persona and the views and attitudes he was willing to express openly. Roosevelt was ready for a public career and willing to risk that career and his emerging reputation. In his public service as a state assemblyman, federal civil service commissioner, and New York City Police Commissioner, he was adamant, even strident, in his intense focus upon honest and competent government service. When he campaigned for Republican Party candidates outside of New York, and when he was appointed Assistant Secretary of the Navy, his ambit of concerns and the reach of his rhetoric broadened considerably. His focus then included national economic topics such as regulating currency, freight rates, and tariffs, and foreign affairs topics such as main- taining economic and military dominance of the Americas. But whether he was seeking to persuade or threaten force, Roosevelt’s rhetoric typically proffered that the goal of the United States was fairness, a fair process or fair results for communities engaged in conflicts at home and abroad. In his brief tenure as Governor of New York, he was an early progressive who pursued fair results in civil service employment and fair conditions for sweatshop workers and maximum hours for women and children. In his first term as President, he primarily promoted fair processes to resolve economic conflicts between contending interests, such as those between producers and merchants, railroads and shippers, and banks and Introduction • 5 borrowers. He also sought implied recognition of labor representatives in the bargaining process. But when he was elected a second-term President, Roosevelt moved from largely instrumental proposals to support of reform or progressive solutions to economic disputes.10 By the end of his Presidency, Roosevelt had encouraged a shift in the balance of power between labor and capital, consumer and producer, and conservationist and private developer. In doing so, he accelerated a movement of policymaking from Capitol Hill toward the White House. He rejected a belief that wealth was necessarily associated with goodness and that public policy should focus upon business success. He also elevated the President’s role as the nation’s foreign affairs leader and secured the President’s status as Commander in Chief. He moved the perception, and often the reality, of leadership. He transformed national policy and his legacy.11 When Roosevelt first participated in national political debate, Con- gressional, military, and industrial leaders attracted more attention than presidents, except during the relatively limited period of national election campaigns. But when he campaigned for presidents and for himself, he sought and succeeded in attracting considerable attention. He put presidential rhetoric on trains and platforms; he traveled across state lines and over water; and he commanded the notice of newspapers and magazines and throngs of onlookers. It is with Roosevelt that the presidential “bully pulpit” became associated.12 In reviewing Roosevelt’s self-transformations and policy transformations, this biography does not neglect the absence of his transformation regarding race and ethnicity. Until his last two years, when he no longer had political power, he adhered to belief in the racial superiority of whites. He believed that black Americans were not as “advanced” as white Amer- icans and belittled their capacities and skills. He diminished the contri- bution of black “Buffalo” soldiers who courageously fought alongside him in Cuba, and he obstinately punished innocent black American soldiers who were subjected to racially biased charges in Texas. In the Philippines, he did not act decisively to bring the horrific slaughter to closure. These actions, I proffer, were grave defects in his and others’ manliness.13 This biography does not neglect conventional narratives about Roo- sevelt, oft recounted, without which a reader would be deprived of the lore of “Teddy” Roosevelt, including those narratives that strike readers as somewhat exaggerated. In presenting these narratives, I opt for allowing Roosevelt and others to speak in their own words and voices, however skewed some recollections may be. Whatever recent historiographic methods – including those used in this biography – reveal about Roosevelt, nonetheless it remains informative to listen respectfully to 6 • Introduction the historical actors’ own written and spoken words and not assume that only contemporary historiography provides insightful and useful accounts.14 At the same time, recent historiographic methods do provide insight, and regarding Theodore Roosevelt remarkable insight. This work differs from most past biographies by using a gender lens and analysis to parse narratives and recollections by and about Roosevelt. The biography uses a gender lens in its descriptions of Roosevelt’s life, exploits, and career, and a gender analysis in its explanations of his self-transformations and his transformative politics and career. Gender analysis is powerful and, as this biography posits, powerfully revealing about Roosevelt. It deserves a force- ful presentation and respectful attentiveness, alongside other methods of reading texts and events, historical and other.15

Seeing and Reading Roosevelt Through a Lens of Manliness Roosevelt, with emphasis and pride, spoke and wrote about the cultural and social construct of manliness. Manliness provided an ideal guide and framework for him and, in his opinion, for others who sought to be manly. Unless otherwise stated, this biography employs the personal guide as he described and promoted. I employ the guide for an analytical purpose not intended by him but, for the intellectually curious Roosevelt, for a purpose that would not have offended him. Not thin-skinned, as later and contemporary politicians have become, Roosevelt would, at the very least, have been intrigued by the concept of a cultural and social construct.16 An analysis of Roosevelt’s using and conforming to a guide of manliness provides insight into his life, career, and exploits that otherwise would be lost amid the crowd of his remarkable activities and provocative speeches and writings. Gender analysis points to a group of traits and characteristics that formed Roosevelt’s manliness construct over the 60 years of his life. The construct was not rigidly fixed for Roosevelt, just as it is not rigidly fixed for most persons and groups. But within neutrally bounded periods and times, it is a relatively stable construct of traits and characteristics sus- ceptible to analysis, but subject to a caution and warning that a trait and characteristic may vary in emphasis and strength at a particular period and time. As with other historiographical analyses, biographers and historians need give constant and careful attention to verbal and visual messages within the compass of their inquiry, so as not to overemphasize or, to the contrary, obscure salient factors that can support or diminish the bona fides of their analyses. In this inquiry, therefore, biographers must remain cognizant of messages, and the factors they support or diminish, within Introduction • 7

Roosevelt’s construct of ideal manliness, as these messages are revealed in his texts and those of others.17 But keenly aware of this caution and warning, I proffer that Roosevelt’s manly traits and characteristics embedded in his verbal and visual texts allow us to read deeply into his words and activities as he grew in age, ambition, experience, and reflection. This biography is an attempt at such a cautious reading. In studies of Roosevelt’s political and military activities, Drs. Sarah Watts and Kristin Hoganson superbly use gender analyses. But in this biographic study, I follow and emphasize Roosevelt’s manliness differently. This biography begins its analysis with Roosevelt’s parents and grandparents and follows his constructs of manliness from his childhood through his youth, education, marriages, political career, adventures, and death.18 Moreover, while gender can be a critical lens for a historian and biographer and while the traits and characteristics it uncovers can be analyzed as cognizable cultural and social constructs, it is nonetheless important to reemphasize that manliness was in Roosevelt’s reality not a construct at all, and he never employed the term as it is used in this biography. Roo- sevelt used “manly” often, likely with daily or weekly frequency. Manli- ness was a regular and comprehensive guide and framework for him to follow. He followed manliness’s guide while a teen still living in his parents’ mansion, and he followed the guide more closely when as a wealthy, young man he was able to assume deliberate, indeed compulsive, control of much of his everyday life. And throughout his life – as a student, official, colonel, husband, father, hunter – he saw what he did through the guide and framework of manliness and manliness’ traits and characteristics. He knew manliness well, so very well, but not as a cultural and social construct. While it was a natural, true, and even “scientific” guide and framework for Roosevelt, manliness for this biography is a cultural and social construct that serves as a means by which to observe substantial coherence in Roosevelt’s disparate actions, decisions, and biases. While Roosevelt and his contemporaries used the term with pride to judge themselves, or its antonym, unmanliness, to condemn or dismiss those who lacked manliness, this biography parses the term and its component parts and pursues a modest deconstruction. At no time, however, does this book argue that manliness was a cause of Roosevelt’s actions, decisions, and biases. Manliness captured the traits and characteristics, qualities, and virtues – an aspirational model – of the ideal man. American men long visualized themselves as the primary actors in the American public square, while women’s increasing participation in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries – in education, labor, politics, and varieties of social activism – was 8 • Introduction pushing cultural and social views toward a revision of manliness. In the fin de siècle, manliness became a construct that cabined men (and many women) as manly when they pursued their everyday work and play with strenuousness and vigor; subjected themselves to physical, financial, and reputational risks; displayed courage and perseverance; enacted self-reliance and independence of mind and spirit; contributed to community and public interests above self-interest; exercised self-control over base and immoral instincts; and always guided themselves through a prism of moral values, such as, cleanliness, honesty, righteousness, and virtue. Manliness was not male or macho chauvinism – and it should not be loosely be mistaken for such – but, rather, manliness was an ideal multi-trait, behavioral guide and framework.19 “Manly” was frequently used in discourse in the United States throughout the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Leaders of government, the military, and the church encouraged manly behavior; writers and poets praised it. Roosevelt himself lauded and propagated his particular construct of manliness. In three noteworthy essays, given in whole or part as speeches, Roosevelt elaborated on several of the traits and characteristics, qualities, and virtues of manly behavior. Reprinted in the Documentary Appendix, these essays were “The Manly Virtues and Practical Politics” (Appendix, Document No. 1), “The Strenuous Life” (Appendix, Document No. 2), and “Citizenship in a Republic [The Man in the Arena]” (Appendix, Document No. 5). Although the essays were initially written for delivery to specific audiences, Roosevelt often reiterated the messages and views in other settings and books.20 Roosevelt believed that his views about manliness – the traits and characteristics he identified and the values he placed upon them – were applicable to men’s behavior generally, whether they acted as individuals in private transactions, participants in family and social activities, adventurers on safari or soldiers in military campaigns, or political representatives within a community. As highlighted in the essays, manliness characterized and structured the choices that he made for himself and advocated for others, as well as the choices he advocated to guide the nation. I discern sources for Roosevelt’s constructs of manliness within his culturally and socially cabined reading, education, and experience. But in keeping with the Progressive Era’s faith in scientific explanation, Roosevelt would argue to the contrary that his manliness was “scientif- ically” based. Before reviewing Roosevelt’s life and career, I pause here to note how the traits and characteristics of manliness appear in these much-noted essays. And I note how the traits and characteristics he lauded vary in scope and influence over the 15 years of the essays. Introduction • 9

Roosevelt’s Essay About Manliness in Public Life In the earliest of the three selected essays, “The Manly Virtues and Practi- cal Politics,” published in 1894, Roosevelt addressed the manliness of men who participate in political affairs. In other published work, he had written laudatory stories about men who warred, hunted, and ranched. So, it is no surprise that he linked the manliness of men in such circumstances with men in political affairs.21 As a threshold matter, Roosevelt wrote, a political man must act honestly and may not act selfishly. He may never gain any personal benefit from his office, because that would be dishonest, in violation of moral values.22 And he must always serve community interests ahead of his own. These characteristics are essential traits of manliness. Roosevelt elaborated, “it is hardly necessary to preach the doctrine of morality as applied to the affairs of public life.” A man who acts corruptly in office, he explained further, is the enemy of the nation.

The man who debauches our public life, whether by malversation [breach of trust] of funds in office, by the actual bribery of voters or of legislators, or by the corrupt use of the offices as spoils wherewith to reward the unworthy and the vicious for their noxious and interested activity in the baser walks of political life, this man is a greater foe to our well-being as a nation than is even the defaulting cashier of a bank, or the betrayer of a private trust.

Writing as if he were tracking John Adams on political virtue, Roosevelt reiterated the second trait:

[T]he citizen who wishes to share the work of our public life, whether he wishes himself to hold office or merely to do his plain duty as an American by taking part in the management of our political machinery, is that he shall act disinterestedly and with a sincere purpose to serve the whole commonwealth.

This concept of virtue – acting without self-interest – is found in the texts of eighteenth-century political writers.23 But although a man participating in politics must act honestly and vir- tuously, adhering to these traits is not sufficient in itself to make a political man into a manly man, in Roosevelt’s estimation. Participation in political life is “a contest, even a battle,” he wrote. Therefore, a man who would qualify as manly must prepare himself for the battles in politics just as he prepares himself for “the struggle in any other branch of our life.” A man must not be passive; rather, he must act with vigor, involving himself in the fray. Roosevelt wrote:

It is not the man who sits by his fireside reading his evening paper, and saying how bad our politics and politicians are, who will ever do anything to save us; 10 • Introduction

it is the man who goes out into the rough hurly, burly of the caucus, the primary, and the political meeting, and there faces his fellows on equal terms.24

As Churchill orated 45 years later in pledging, “I have nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears, and sweat,” so too Roosevelt orated that a manly man must be ready to enter the hurly, burly of politics “undeterred by the blood and the sweat” of what he will face. Returning to the metaphor of battle, he wrote, “A politician who really serves his country well, and deserves his country’s gratitude, must usually possess some of the hardy virtues which we admire in the soldier who serves his country well in the field.” He said,

It is sheer unmanliness and cowardice to shrink from the contest because at first there is failure, or because the work is difficult or repulsive. No man who is worth his salt has any right to abandon the effort to better our politics merely because he does not find it pleasant, merely because it entails associa- tions which to him happen to be disagreeable. Let him keep right on, taking the buffets he gets good-humoredly, and repaying them with heartiness when the chance arises.

To “shrink from the contest” is “unmanliness and cowardice.”25 In sum, Roosevelt said that, in addition to traits of honesty and virtue, a manly man in politics must face risk and act with courage, just as if he were readying himself for physical battle in the midst of war. Likely, in the political battle that he referenced, Roosevelt was describing much of what he done in 15 years of politicking – the many hours, sometimes anxious and often tedious, of campaigning, preparing speeches, traveling to venues, chatting with voters and officials, advocating with workers and aides, facing pushback and anger, and dealing with the frustrated, annoyed, and bored. And likely he was describing the ever-present risk of losing a political argument and being defeated in the electoral polls, damaging his reputation and self-perception. “No man is worth much anywhere if he does not possess both moral and physical courage.” Taking risks and acting with courage were two addition- ally critical traits and characteristics of the manly man in politics.26

Roosevelt’s Essay About “The Strenuous Life” In “The Strenuous Life,” an essay delivered as a speech in 1899 in Chi- cago and later included in a popular book of the same name, Roosevelt expanded on the “manly virtues” and applied them to the activities of every man and not just those of the political man.27 In introducing his topic, he began with these much-quoted words,

I wish to preach, not the doctrine of ignoble ease, but the doctrine of the strenuous life, the life of toil and effort, of labor and strife; to preach that highest form of success which comes, not to the man who desires mere easy peace, but Introduction • 11

to the man who does not shrink from danger, from hardship, or from bitter toil, and who out of these wins the splendid ultimate triumph.

Roosevelt was arguing that every man, of whatever class or station he might be, must be a man of action and not of rest or leisure, a man com- mitted to hard, strenuous work.28 Why? It is only through a life of hard, strenuous work that a man begins to achieve true manliness and, ultimately, success. But, he continued, even a man’s hard, strenuous work is not enough. A man must not only strain, but he must encounter and overcome risk and its dangers. “We do not admire the man of timid peace,” he said.

Certainly, we admire the moral man, the man who never wrongs his neighbor and who is prompt to help a friend. But we admire more the man who embod- ies victorious effort, the man who faces risk, who strains, and who succeeds.

Roosevelt lauded the manliness of a man who has the virile qualities necessary to win in the stern strife of actual life and who makes the effort with, at least, some expectation of victory. This is again a reference to risk and battle, a continual metaphor for Roosevelt, which I described in the prior essay, “The Manly Virtues and Practical Politics.” The object of Roo- sevelt’s bold and blunt preaching was that every man must lead a life that is more than quietly proper and virtuous. Roosevelt carried the argument beyond valorization of the work ethic and beyond the rewards of material success. He argued that a trait and characteristic of manliness is engagement in risky as well as strenuous and fulfilling work, whether or not productive of material success. An imper- ative of manly activity is the presence of risk. Like honesty, strain, and virtue, engagement with risk was a coveted manly trait to which Roosevelt was drawn and which he touted.29 The essay, and the argument, did not come to closure with the traits and characteristics of a manly man only. Rather, Roosevelt moved from the manly politician to the manly individual, and then he extrapolated his argument to the nation itself. He argued that how a man must behave in order to be manly, so a nation must behave for it to be manly, whether the conflicts that a nation faces are at home or abroad. So, reflecting on the Civil War, Roosevelt opined that the Union might have chosen to avoid war with the South; it might have chosen to avoid the confrontations and responses that led to war between the North and South. Had the Union, for example, not responded to the bombardment of Fort Sumter and other Confederate provocations, the Union might have avoided loss of life and treasure. But, Roosevelt argued, had the Union not responded, “we would have shown that we were weaklings, and that we were unfit to stand among the great nations of the earth.”30 12 • Introduction

So, Roosevelt opined in “The Strenuous Life,” just as the Union had been manly, the foreign policy of the United States also must continually be responsive and manly. Accordingly, he argued, after the United States achieved victory in the Spanish American War, the nation could not sit back and rest. Following wars, there are inevitably “foreign” problems, economic and political conditions arising outside the United States that affect the nation, some conditions arising from wars, and some from other world events. Following war, disengagement from the world, a withdrawal from its problems, is not what manly men and manly nations do.31 Manly men and their nations cannot rest contentedly with victory and do nothing more. He said,

We have a given problem to solve. If we undertake the solution, there is, of course, always danger that we may not solve it aright; but to refuse to undertake the solution simply renders it certain that we cannot possibly solve it aright. The timid man, the lazy man, the man who distrusts his country, the over-civilized man, who has lost the great fighting, masterful virtues, the ignorant man, and the man of dull mind, whose soul is incapable of feeling the mighty lift that thrills stern men with empires in their brains – all these, of course, shrink from seeing the nation undertake its new duties.32

In sum, Roosevelt lauded the honest and virtuous and the vigorous, risk-taking, and courageous man. And conflating the duties of an individual man with the duties of a nation, Roosevelt argued that a manly nation, like a manly man, must continue its engagement with the problems and conflicts of the world, confront the problems from whatever source they arise, and participate in their solution. He argued for an activist foreign policy. Just as a man should not sit on his couch and bemoan the nation’s and world’s problems, so the nation must not do so.

Roosevelt’s Essay About “Citizenship in a Republic” More than ten years later, on April 23, 1910, at the Sorbonne in Paris, Roo- sevelt gave a lecture entitled “Citizenship in a Republic” (Document No. 5). At the time, Roosevelt was no longer President and had not publicly intimated an intention to campaign for a third term as President. In the lecture, Roosevelt reiterated the traits and characteristics of manliness described in his speeches a decade earlier – a strenuous and vigorous life, physical and personal courage in the face of risk, and honest conduct. But, as he often did, Roosevelt added yet another trait to his construct of a “manly” man. He spoke about the necessity that a manly man enter the public square to advocate for reform and progressive values. This section of his essay gave it an alternative name, “The Man in the Arena.” Introduction • 13

As I will explain subsequently, in the first decades of his political career, Roosevelt had advocated for instrumental values, values associated with competition conducted according to fair rules. Thus, for example, he supported neutral rules that guaranteed to competitors, labor and business for example, that their contests would be played on a level field. But, in 1910, he had moved from that position to advocacy of contests decided by fair results and, subsequently, contests decided by progressive values.33 In a rhetorical riff that he oft repeated and others copied, Roosevelt wrote how a manly man engages in civic struggle:

It is not the critic who counts; not the man who points out how the strong man stumbles, or where the doer of deeds could have done them better. The credit belongs to the man who is actually in the arena, whose face is marred by dust and sweat and blood; who strives valiantly; who errs, who comes short again and again, because there is no effort without error and shortcoming; but who does actually strive to do the deeds; who knows great enthusiasms, the great devotions.

Until this point, Roosevelt repeated traits he emphasized before, on many occasions. He emphasized strenuousness, risk, and courage. Strenuous- ness included perseverance as well. But what Roosevelt added, unobserved by most listeners, was next:

[The man] who spends himself in a worthy cause; who at the best knows in the end the triumph of high achievement, and who at the worst, if he fails, at least fails while daring greatly, so that his place shall never be with those cold and timid souls who neither know victory nor defeat.

Roosevelt said that a manly man must advocate for “worthy” causes.34 Roosevelt’s encomium to the man who strives was seemingly an ampli- fication of “The Strenuous Life” essay, in which Roosevelt marked the traits and characteristics of strenuous, risky, and courageous engagement. And, in emphasizing these traits in the Sorbonne lecture, Roosevelt seemingly looked back at his own governmental service, local, state, and federal, and was evaluating his own career. He was saying in effect that, in every governmental post in which he served, he dared greatly, mightily, and courageously. If he had failed, he was saying, he had surely striven hard, and he had never been timid. He had acted as a citizen of a republic should act. He had been “the man in the arena.”35 While reiterating the traits and characteristics of manliness he previously described, he now emphasized a trait he did not emphasize so expressly in the two essays already discussed, given as speeches five and ten years before his Presidency. At the Sorbonne, he emphasized that a manly man works for causes that are worthy, morally and socially worthy. This trait of 14 • Introduction manliness – namely, the pursuit of morally and socially worthy causes – reflected, as I explain in Chapters 4–7 of this biography, a critical shift in political positions that began in his second term as President and were developed during his campaign for a third term. Roosevelt was emphasizing a trait and characteristic of manliness – support for morally and socially worthy causes – that was nascent within constructs of manliness. I explain that during his second term as President and as candidate for the Progres- sive Party, Roosevelt moved from a politics of promoting rules of fair play to a reform politics of promoting fair results, and thereafter to a politics of progressive values, incorporated in the Progressive Party platform. This movement in Roosevelt’s politics was reflected in the evolution of the traits of manliness. In “The Man in the Arena,” Roosevelt first argued that a man prepared the foundation for his manly character by strengthening his body, mind, and character.

Let those who have, keep, let those who have not, strive to attain, a high standard of cultivation and scholarship. Yet let us remember that these stand second to certain other things. There is need of a sound body, and even more of a sound mind.

But as explained earlier, there is more.

But above mind and above body stands character – the sum of those qualities which we mean when we speak of a man’s force and courage, of his good faith and sense of honor. I believe in exercise for the body, always provided that we keep in mind that physical development is a means and not an end. I believe, of course, in giving to all the people a good education. But the education must contain much besides book-learning in order to be really good.36

In addition to exercise for the body and education for the mind, Roos- evelt emphasized the development of the inner character of a manly man. “We must ever remember that no keenness and subtleness of intellect, no polish, no cleverness, in any way make up for the lack of the great solid qualities,” he said. And what are those qualities? He remained consistent in his description. They are

self-restraint, self-mastery, common sense, the power of accepting individual responsibility and yet of acting in conjunction with others, courage and resolution – these are the qualities which mark a masterful people. Such or- dinary, every-day qualities include the will and the power to work, to fight at need, and to have plenty of healthy children.

Body, mind, and character were the foundation of the manly man.37 But Roosevelt added, and now expressly emphasized, that these traits and characteristics are themselves still not sufficient. A manly man’s causes Introduction • 15 must also be just! Roosevelt was moving (indeed, had been moving) from a generic manly man to a particular manly man, one who embraced the causes of reformers and also of the Progressives. But at the Sorbonne, he was not yet ready to embrace particular causes. Rather, speaking again generically, he said that the manly man must be guided by a “moral sense” and may not pursue “evil.” Thus, Roosevelt was in fact saying that to be a manly man, a man must pursue just and righteous causes! If a man does not do so, Roosevelt opined, then the man is not simply unmanly, but indeed dangerous to the community. He opined,

But if a man’s efficiency is not guided and regulated by a moral sense, then the more efficient he is the worse he is, the more dangerous to the body politic. Courage, intellect, all the masterful qualities, serve but to make a man more evil if they are merely used for that man’s own advancement, with brutal in- difference to the rights of others.38

Boldly, Roosevelt condemned those men who were wealthy, powerful, or famous and yet were not guided by a moral sense. These were men he knew, the public knew, and the national press knew. If the public lauded them, then the public was itself “unfit.” Without any apparent concern about risk of political pushback, he said,

It speaks ill for the community if the community worships these qualities and treats their possessors as heroes regardless of whether the qualities are used rightly or wrongly. It makes no difference as to the precise way in which this sinister efficiency is shown. It makes no difference whether such a man’s force and ability betray themselves in a career of money-maker or politician, soldier or orator, journalist or popular leader. If the man works for evil, then the more successful he is the more he should be despised and condemned by all upright and far-seeing men.

This strong condemnation of wealthy men who do “evil” (in Roosevelt’s judgment) was remarkable for its denial of manliness to men whom the public considered “popular” because they succeeded in business and politics and had become powerful and rich.39 Roosevelt’ argument was again not limited to traits of individuals. If the community and nation also lauded the “evil” wealthy man, then the community and nation were, in Roosevelt’s judgment, also unfit. He said,

To judge a man merely by success is an abhorrent wrong; and if the people at large habitually so judge men, if they grow to condone wickedness because the wicked man triumphs, they show their inability to understand that in the last analysis free institutions rest upon the character of citizenship, and that by such admiration of evil they prove themselves unfit for liberty. 16 • Introduction

This was moral preaching. And Roosevelt’s argument rang loudly in the Progressive Era and its vibrations still – and should still – reverberate.40

In order to be clear, I reiterate that this biography’s focus upon manliness and its use of a gender lens and analysis are critical and historiographic methods for my narrative and discussion of Theodore Roosevelt, his life, career, Presidency, and influence. They help us to understand his ideas and actions. And while this biography is not a work on ethics, it is nonetheless important to observe how Roosevelt’s manliness did, during his last decade, incorporate traits of moral conduct. This is an important point to note, because Roosevelt’s policies and conduct are often critiqued without reference to his moral values. Thus, in writing this biography, I comment, when appropriate, about this critical trait of Roosevelt’s manliness. And again, to be clear, I make no argument here that Roosevelt’s manliness “caused” Roosevelt to act as he did. Rather, as I explain, manliness was a guide and framework, a recurrent ideal, whether spoken or unheard but always present. To repeat, a gender lens reads the constructs of manliness, and a gender analysis provides explanations through which we can understand Roosevelt’s actions and choices. By using a gender lens and analysis, I intend to give the reader a keen view of Theodore Roosevelt.

Summary of the Chapters In seven chapters, this biography examines Theodore Roosevelt, “The Manly President.” It is a narrative of Roosevelt’s “strenuous” life as a young man and student; politician and official; rancher and hunter; speaker and author; spouse and parent; and always citizen. The biography examines Roosevelt’s life through the transformations of his manliness, as he con- structed it and as I understand it. Chapter 1 is a narrative of Theodore Roosevelt’s life from his birth on October 27, 1858, until his marriage to Alice Hathaway on October 27, 1880, his 22nd birthday. The chapter recounts the emotional challenge of being a Roosevelt, particularly a Roosevelt man, and the physical challenge of being afflicted with asthma. It describes the physical and sports exercises that obsessed him in his struggle to “make his body” and acquire the physical and emotional traits of manliness. It describes the profound sadness at the sudden death of his father, a death occurring before Roos- evelt had made himself a man in his own eyes and by his father’s acknowl- edgment. It continues with the last student years at Harvard, a year of law school education, and his abbreviated first marriage. Introduction • 17

Chapter 2 recounts the events of Roosevelt’s marriage to Alice and her tragic death during delivery of their only child; and his remarriage to a childhood friend, Edith Carow, and the birth of their five children. It describes what I see as Roosevelt’s alternating performances, through which he transformed himself and continually enhanced traits of manliness. The chapter recounts his service as a reform Republican New York State Assemblyman, energetic US Civil Service Commissioner, and contro- versial New York City Police Commissioner, in which roles he performed manly traits of epitomizing honesty as an incorruptible governmental official, an official who sought to remove and punish those who were dishonest and corrupt and therefore “unclean.” And it recounts his defeat as a candidate for New York City mayor. Chapter 2 also recounts the narratives of Roosevelt’s life as a rancher, hunter, and deputy sheriff in the Badlands of the Dakotas. In these roles, he performed manly traits of taking physical risk, displaying courage, and engaging in strenuous, vigorous activity. The chapter describes Roosevelt’s lengthy, solitary horseback rides during periods of depression, his reflection and self-reflection in those times of solitude, and the concomitant display of manly traits of independence and self-reliance. The chapter also recounts narratives of manly joy in hunting, stalking, and killing native wildlife. The chapter includes Roosevelt’s performances as a craftsman of words, as a writer and speaker. It reviews several books he wrote and speeches he gave. The books that he wrote about wilderness show a novelist’s apprecia- tion for what is true and beautiful. The biographies and histories show little care for scholarship. The children’s books were popular and entertaining storytelling. The speeches he gave for political candidates were vivid, sincere, and, by and large, convincing. The chapter explains that Roosevelt was fulfilling manly traits of social engagement and family financial support. And, always, Roosevelt was shaping a popular image in the public arena as “manly.” Chapter 3 reviews Roosevelt’s risky and courageous service as Assistant Secretary of the Navy and Lt. Colonel and Colonel in the Spanish Amer- ican War. During the time, he led the self-styled “Rough Riders” in battle at Kettle and San Juan Hills, near Santiago, Cuba, and exposed himself to deadly Spanish rifle fire. More than even hunting bear and elephant, his actions fulfilled a manly, lifelong quest for ultimate risk taking and display of courage. Following his service, having become a nationally proclaimed war hero, Roosevelt returned to the States and was elected Governor of New York and then Vice President of the United States. The chapter ends with the assassination of President William McKinley and the swearing-in of Theodore Roosevelt as 26th President. 18 • Introduction

Chapters 4–6 review the seven and a half years of his Presidency and posit a connection between Roosevelt’s political policies and his guide and framework of “manliness.” They describe the conflation, in Roosevelt’s view, of individual manliness and nation-state manliness. Chapter 4 covers Roosevelt’s domestic policies. Initially, his emphasis was on resolving domestic policy conflicts through a “Square Deal.” Like honest dealing of playing cards, the initial iteration of a “square deal” was a set of rules whereby the interests of labor and capital, business and consumer, would be decided fairly, that is, through a fair process. Roosevelt used a sports analogy, asserting that a square deal was a level playing field, which gave to all sides of a dispute no advantages or disadvantages. But, following his election to a second term as president, he moved increasingly toward reform politics. He supported not just fair rules for decision- making but, rather, fair results from the contest between labor and capital and between business and consumer. This was the second iteration of a “square deal.” He supported an economic agenda requiring sellers to offer buyers meats, drugs, and other goods free of contaminants, poisons, and spoilage; employers to provide workers with workplaces free of inherently life-threatening risks; and big businesses to deal with small businesses free of the “unreasonable” power exerted by monopolies, or trusts as many were called at the time. The chapter comments that Roosevelt underwent a transformative turn during his Presidency, from the first term to the second, and then again during his run for a third term. He became increasingly receptive to con- sumers, small businesses, women, and workers. But, to his great discredit, he was not receptive to the plight of African Americans, ethnic minorities, and Native Americans. Until the last years of his life, Roosevelt was unable to transform himself from his ingrained racism and took as his justifica- tion, without studied consideration, the biased “science” in popular cir- culation. Roosevelt held fast to the Social Darwinist belief that African Americans were at the early stages of social development and readiness for civic engagement. He invited the prominent black educator Dr. Booker T. Washington for a political meeting and dinner at the White House. But after hateful criticism by racist Southern politicians and journalists, Roo- sevelt never again invited Dr. Washington or any other African American for a similar event. In the chapter, I review Roosevelt’s horrific treatment of African Amer- ican soldiers wrongly accused of killing a white resident of Brownsville, Texas, and his decision to punish without due process the entire battalion for not incriminating the “responsible” members. His public utterances about race were replete with demeaning stereotypes. And although lynch- ing was rampant throughout his years in office, Roosevelt made but one Introduction • 19 explicit statement of condemnation, early in his first term, and otherwise ignored deterrence of the shameful crimes. He supported the continued exclusion of immigrants from China and agreed to a compromise that allowed modest immigration from Japan. Roosevelt nominated a Cath- olic and a Jew to cabinet posts and several African Americans to positions as postmasters. He gave moderate support for women’s rights during his Presidency; and in 1913, after his terms were concluded and he was the Progressive candidate for a third term, he then supported suffrage for women. Chapter 5 shows that Roosevelt’s imperialist foreign policies mirrored those of his predecessor, William McKinley. While he was fond of saying that a man should speak softly but carry a big stick, I explain that he threatened foreign governments with overpowering force to achieve what he viewed were the national interests of the United States, including hege- mony in the Western Hemisphere, and a dominating American sphere of influence in the Pacific. Roosevelt’s beliefs in the superiority of white America and its advantages in competition were consistent with his racist imperialism in foreign affairs. Roosevelt believed in American superiority over the indigenous popula- tions of Asia and the Americas. He intimidated Colombia and Panama into a treaty and agreement whereby the United States assumed the contract for constructing the Panama Canal, and Panama agreed to cede to the United States control over the 20-mile-wide Canal Zone and a century-long lease of the waterway. He continued his predecessor’s suppressing the rebellion in the Philippines and killing thousands of “rebels.” And he sent the Navy on a worldwide tour to communicate that the United States would ultimately influence, dominate, and even control the political and economic choices of other nations. Nonetheless, he supported negotiated settlement of international disputes and, at the conclusion of World War I, wrote in support of the proposal for a League of Nations. Chapter 6 shows that Roosevelt’s natural resource politics were conservationist rather than preservationist. During the first decade of his career, he believed that wilderness areas should be set aside for recreational use but, at the same time, remain freely available for business exploitation, with only modest regulation. As a manly man, he believed that men need to be outdoors, in nature, walking, hiking, camping, and hunting. How- ever, by the second decade of his public career, confronted by undeniable overuse and misuse, he was convinced that businesses were not fairly sharing national resources. Bringing together like-minded “naturalists,” he led successful civic organizational efforts to promote conservationist legislation and establish. When was President, he took executive action to set aside forests, rivers, and lakes, and created public works to irrigate 20 • Introduction parched lands. Roosevelt was responsible for protecting substantial areas of national forests, watersheds, and wild bird preserves. But, by and large, he was not a conservationist of animals. He hunted and killed thousands of animals. He took modest steps at animal conservation only when he was convinced that uncontrolled hunting was bringing certain species close to extinction. Chapter 7 returns to Roosevelt’s life narrative. After he concluded his service as President, Roosevelt took an infamous year-long safari in East Africa, during which his party and he killed thousands of animals, birds, and reptiles, arguably within modest, legal hunting limits. Afterward, his spouse Edith and he traveled from Egypt to Europe. They stopped in Paris where he gave a lecture at the Sorbonne and then traveled to Oslo where he belatedly gave his Nobel Peace Prize lecture. Fifteen months after he left the Presidency, Roosevelt received a hero’s parade along Broadway in New York, welcoming him back home and raising speculation about a can- didacy for a third term as President. The chapter covers his politicking for 17 months, devoting particular attention to “The New Nationalism,” a historic speech in Osawatomie, Kansas. His speech affirmed his support of the role of manly men, emphasized progressive values, and initiated his transformation to a political progressive. The chapter reviews Roosevelt’s bid for the Republican nomination for President in 1912. Failing to receive the nomination, Roosevelt helped form and became the nominee of the Progressive Party, popularly known the “Bull Moose” party. His political positions were more pro-labor, pro-consumer, and pro-conservationist than they were when he was President. His politics during this last campaign was progressive even by the standards of the early twenty-first century. Further, his politics incorporated themes of morality and righteousness. He lost the election, but he finished second in popular and electoral votes, the only time in modern presidential elections that a third party finished ahead of another major political party. In this last chapter, I recount Roosevelt’s last great outdoor adventure, a trip through the Brazilian jungle to map a tributary of the Amazon. During this adventure, dangerous even for a much younger person, Roo- sevelt and many in his party became severely ill, Roosevelt so severely ill that he asked to be left for dead. But he persevered, returning to life as public citizen for several more years. On January 6, 1919, he succumbed to accumulated ills, dying six months following his youngest son’s death. Shot down in aerial combat against a squad of German fighters, Quentin Roosevelt died while taking physical risks that his father advocated for manly men. Introduction • 21

Notes

. 1 An excellent resource is The Theodore Roosevelt Center, housed at Dickinson State Uni- versity. www.theodorerooseveltcenter.org. The university is located in Dickinson, Stark County, North Dakota. Just to the west is Billings, the county where Roosevelt operated two ranches near the little town of Medora, the county seat and only incorporated place in the county. 2. See Chapters 1–3. The Theodore Roosevelt Center website, maintained by Dickinson State University, has a comprehensive list of Roosevelt’s authored and edited works, and Roos- evelt biographies. 3. See Chapters 4–6. Presidents Theodore Roosevelt and Barack Obama were the only presidents to be awarded the Nobel Prize for Peace while in office. Presidents Woodrow Wilson and James (“Jimmy”) E. Carter were awarded the Prize after leaving office. 4. As was his wont since childhood, Roosevelt kept detailed, reliable descriptions and counts of the birds and animals he killed or captured. The New York newspapers reported about the reception and parade that greeted Roosevelt on his return, the New York World estimating the crowds at 1.5 million, the most for a Broadway parade until Lindbergh was welcomed back. Roosevelt lost the nomination of the Republican Party at the Republican Convention by a vote of 561–344. Roosevelt’s Republican delegates walked out of the Convention; and Progressive Party delegates met elsewhere and subsequently nominated him for the Presi- dency. Roosevelt’s third-party ticket came in second, the highest ever “minority party” fin- ish since the time the Democratic and Republican Parties became the two major parties. The November 6, 1912, edition of the New York Evening Post reported that, after his Presidential election loss, Roosevelt said to reporters, “Like all other good citizens, I accept the result with good humor and contentment,” a remarkable contrast with statements made a century later by candidates for the Presidency. See Chapter 7. 5. Lewis L. Gould, Theodore Roosevelt (New York: Oxford University Press, 2012), p. 4. Roos- evelt’s eminent biographer, Edmund Morris, characterized Roosevelt as “The Most Famous Man in the World.” Morris, vol. 3, p. 40. 6. The Theodore Roosevelt Center has in its files opinions of physicians who refer to the additional causes of Roosevelt’s death as artery disease, arthritis, and gout. Quentin’s plane was shot down over Chamery, France, and his body was removed from and displayed next to the plane. Photographs of Quentin’s body lying uncovered next to his downed plane were circulated by German propagandists. 7. Among prize-winning Roosevelt biographies are Douglas Brinkley, The Wilderness War- rior: Theodore Roosevelt and the Crusade for America (New York: Harper, 2009); Doris Ke- arns Goodwin, The Bully Pulpit: Theodore Roosevelt, William Howard Taft, and the Golden Age of Journalism (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2013); David McCullough, Mornings on Horseback (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1981) (hereinafter McCullough’s work is referred to as McCullough); and a trilogy by Edmund Morris, The Rise of Theodore Roosevelt (New York: Coward, McCann and Geoghegan, 1979); Theodore Rex (New York: Random House, 2001); Colonel Roosevelt (New York: Random House, 2010). The Edmund Morris trilogy is referred to hereafter as Morris, vol. 1; Morris, vol. 2; and Morris, vol. 3. Gutzon Borglum carved into the granite of Mount Rushmore, Keystone, South Dakota, the faces of four presidents: George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, Abraham Lincoln, and Theodore Roosevelt. The site is designated a National Memorial and annually attracts millions of visitors. 8. The photographs in this volume demonstrate Roosevelt’s strategic use of cowboy gear, army uniform, and hunter apparel, custom manufactured by New York clothiers, designed to show Roosevelt as “genuinely” a cowboy, officer, and hunter. They show him impeccably dressed, of course, for his role as government official and President. 9. Carleton Putnam, Theodore Roosevelt: The Formative Years, 1858–1886 (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1958), pp. 218–219 (challenging established legal standards). 22 • Introduction

10. See Chapter 4. 11. The Bibliography provides a comprehensive list of biographies, arranged by topic and published from Roosevelt’s lifetime to this writing. 12. See Goodwin. 13. See Sarah Watts, Rough Rider in the White House: Theodore Roosevelt and the Politics of Desire (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003), c. 3. 14. See Arlette Farge, The Allure of the Archives, Thomas Scott-Railton trans., Natalie Zemon Davis, fwd. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2013). 15. Using a lens of “manhood,” two excellent books examine Roosevelt’s politics and McKinley and Roosevelt’s imperialism. Kristin L. Hoganson, Fighting for American Manhood: How Gender Politics Provoked the Spanish-American and Philippine-American Wars (New Ha- ven: Yale University Press, 1998); Watts. 16. “He also wrote a [college] senior thesis on equality for women, in which he favored granting suffrage of them if they wanted it. Why he chose the subject and came to his conclusion remain mysteries. He seemed philosophically open on the question.” Aida D. Donald, Lion in the White House: A Life of Theodore Roosevelt (New York: Basic Books, 2007), p. 29. 17. See Peter Novick, That Noble Dream: The “Objectivity Question” and the Historical Profes- sion (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), a comprehensive and enlightening history of historians’ attempts at objective history. 18. See note 15. 19. Michael Kimmel’s analysis is especially perceptive in demonstrating how the characteristics and traits of manliness reacted and responded to women’s participation in the public square. See Michael S. Kimmel, Manhood in America: A Cultural History (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996). And see as well Gail Bederman, Manliness & Civilization: A Cultural History of Gender and Race in the United States, 1880–1917 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995); Anne McClintock, Imperial Leather: Race, Gender and Sexuality in the Colonial Contest (New York: Routledge, 1995); George L. Mosse, The Image of Man: The Creation of Modern Masculinity (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996); E. Anthony Rotundo, Transformations in Masculinity from the Revolution to the Modern Era (New York: Basic Books, 1994); Josh Tosh, Manliness and Masculinities in Nineteenth-Century Britain: Essays on Gender, Family and Empire (New York: Longman, 2004); Norman Vance, The Sinews of the Spirit: The Ideal of Christian Manliness in Victorian Literature and Religious Thought (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985); Laura Wexler, Tender Violence: Domestic Visions in an Age of U.S. Imperialism (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2000). 20. Physical risk and courage were traits of manliness that were especially emphasized in the decades prior to and during Roosevelt’s youth, including in a popular movement associated with “Muscular Christianity.” See Vance, op. cit., note 18 supra. A favorite book of young men during Roosevelt’s early years was Thomas Hughes, Tom Brown’s School Days (1857), which lauded risk and courage. 21. The essay is reproduced in the Appendix, Document No. 1. It is taken from The Works of Theodore Roosevelt (New York: G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1897), vol. 1. 22. I use “Christian” moral values, because Roosevelt was an adherent of the Dutch Reformed Church and would identify his values accordingly. Roosevelt was well conversant with the teachings and narratives of the Bible, which for him was the “Old Testament” and “New Testament.” In referencing Christian moral values, I do not mean to exclude the values of Judaism, with which Roosevelt knowledgeable from the Bible, wide readings, and trips to the “Holy Land.” And I do not mean to exclude the values of other religious faiths. 23. Works, vol. 1, pp. 51–52. 24. Works, vol. 1, pp. 52–53. 25. Works, vol. 1, pp. 53–60. 26. Works, vol. 1, pp. 59–62. Introduction • 23

27. The essay is reproduced in the Appendix, Document No. 2. It is taken from The Strenuous Life (New York: The Century Co., 1905). 28. The Strenuous Life, p. 1. 29. The Strenuous Life, pp. 1–4. 30. The Strenuous Life, pp. 4–5. 31. The Strenuous Life, pp. 6–10. 32. The Strenuous Life, p. 7 et seq. 33. The essay is reproduced in the Appendix, Document No. 5. It is taken from “Citizenship in a Republic,” in History as Literature and Other Essays (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1913), pp. 135–173. 34. History as Literature, pp. 143–144. 35. History as Literature, p. 143. 36. History as Literature, pp. 145–146. 37. History as Literature, pp. 146–147. 38. History as Literature, p. 155. 39. History as Literature, pp. 155–156. 40. History as Literature, p. 156. References

. 1 That is, in a non-pejorative sense, Roosevelt energetically inserted himself and his views into relationships and events. The term “bully pulpit” refers also to Roosevelt’s energetic use of his platform as President to make his views known to a large audience. “Bully” was also an exhortation that he used to express a positive feeling about a pleasing event or news. 2. See Morris, vol. 1, p. 100. Thomas Carlyle was a Scottish philosopher and essayist; he wrote Heroes, Hero-Worship, and the Heroic in History. William Hickling Prescott was a recognized historiographer, critiqued by contemporary historians as a devotee of the “great man” school. 3. The earliest Roosevelt immigrant was Claes (sometimes, Klaes) Martenzen van Roosevelt, who came in the 1640s, perhaps 1644, to New Amsterdam, then a village of the Dutch colony of New Netherland, located at the southern end of Manhattan Island. In 1644, James, Duke of York, claimed New Netherland as an English colony, New Amsterdam becoming New York. 4. Theodore Roosevelt, An Autobiography (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1920 [1913]), p. 2 (hereinafter Autobiography). 5. David McCullough, Mornings on Horseback (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1981), c. 1 (hereinafter McCullough). 6. See Albert Marrin, The Great Adventure of Theodore Roosevelt and the Rise of Modern Amer- ica (Boston: Dutton Children’s Books, 2007), pp. 12–13; Michael Thomas Smith, “Abraham Lincoln, Manhood, and Nineteenth-Century American Political Culture,” in Andrew L. Slap and Michael Thomas Smith, This Distracted and Anarchical People (New York: Ford- ham University Press, 2013). 7. James Isaiah Gabbe, The Universe of Union Square: At the Heart of New York’s Progressive Soul (New York: Raconteur, 2010). 8. See image, dated April 25, 1865, op. cit., p. 19. 9. See McCullough, pp. 27–32. 10. The day began at the Roosevelt home with Thee and several of the children together in prayer. See McCullough, p. 31. 11. Autobiography, p. 7. 12. See Roosevelt’s collection published three years after the Autobiography – Fear God and Take Your Own Part (New York: George Doran, 1915–1916). 13. Autobiography, p. 7. 14. Letter, Theodore Roosevelt to Thomas Martin, November 26, 1900. 15. Autobiography, pp. 7–8. 16. Edmund Morris, The Rise of Theodore Roosevelt (New York: Coward, McCann & Geoghe- gan, 1979), pp. 33–36 (Morris, vol. 1). It is reasonable to surmise that Mittie’s loyalty to the Confederacy also contributed to her absence at New York social engagements. See Mc- Cullough, op. cit., pp. 42–43. 17. See McCullough, p. 54. 18. Morris, vol. 1, pp. 39–40. 19. My thanks to Dr. Paul Finkelman for noting that John Marshall Harlan and Oliver Wendell Holmes, who were from families of wealth and repute, did serve in the Civil War. They later served on the Supreme Court and had distinguished careers of judicial service. 20. See McCullough, pp. 54–59. 21. Morris, vol. 1, p. 39. 22. See text accompanying note 45. 23. See McCullough, pp. 30–32. By contrast, brother Robert maintained two households. 24. See McCullough, p. 352. 25. Autobiography, pp. 13–15. 26. Autobiography, p. 27. 27. See Morris, vol. 1, p. 11 et seq. 28. Morris, vol. 1, p. 11 et seq. 29. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 46–47. 30. Autobiography, p. 14. Mayne Reid published 75 novels. “Reid’s world was all that the boy longed for, one of great manly quests and boundless inspiriting freedom. In such settings, with such a life, one could be reborn, made brave, made strong.” McCullough, p. 115. 31. Ibid. 32. Ibid. 33. Theodore Roosevelt, Theodore Roosevelt’s Diaries of Boyhood and Youth (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1928). 34. See Morris, vol. 1, p. 53. 35. See Morris, vol. 1, p. 60. 36. Autobiography, p. 27. 37. Autobiography, p. 28. 38. Autobiography, p. 28. 39. See McCullough, pp. 111–113. 40. See McCullough, p. 112. McCullough reports that Theodore’s mother ordered the gymna- sium, but other biographies credit Thee. 41. Ibid. 43. See photograph McCullough, following pp. 128, 141–143. 44. See McCullough, p. 120. 45. See Morris, vol. 1, p. 35 et seq. 46. See McCullough, pp. 119–122. 47. See McCullough, p. 135. 48. See Morris, vol. 1, p. 47. 49. See Marrin, op. cit., p. 27. 50. Autobiography, p. 21. 51. See McCullough, p. 203. 52. See Morris, vol. 1, p. 59. 53. See McCullough, pp. 160–162. 54. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 82–83. 55. Autobiography, p. 28. 56. Other biographies report that Roosevelt learned such values from his mother and grand- mother as well as his extended family. 57. Autobiography, pp. 22–23. 58. Autobiography, pp. 25–26. 59. See McCullough, p. 201. 60. Autobiography, p. 22. 61. Autobiography, p. 22. 62. See Chapter 3. 63. See McCullough, pp. 195–217. 1. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 70–72. 2. McCullough, p. 229. 3. See McCullough, pp. 218–231; Morris, vol. 1, pp. 80–116. . 4 See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 116 et seq. 5. When Roosevelt attended Dwight’s lectures, Christopher Columbus Langdell had intro- duced the “case” method at Harvard Law School. That method emphasized student focus upon legal reasoning as well as legal rules and principles. 6. Ibid. 7. Autobiography, p. 54. 8. The Astor Library was then a private research library, which 30 years later would become part of a world-class institution, the newly created New York Public Library. 9. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 120–121. 10. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 120–121. 11. Autobiography, p. 56. 12. Autobiography, pp. 55–56. 13. Autobiography, pp. 55–56. 14. Autobiography, pp. 55–56. 15. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 130–131. Ten years later, the future Justice Benjamin Cardozo also dropped out of Columbia Law School. Nonetheless, he was later admitted to practice and had a distinguished judicial and scholarly career. 16. See Morris, vol. 1, p. 135 (Roosevelt’s intention to treat all interests fairly). 17. See McCullough, pp. 251–253; Morris, vol. 1, pp. 130–133. 18. See McCullough, p. 254 (Roosevelt’s particular interest in the “good government” movement). 19. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 134–135. 20. Morris, vol. 1, p. 145. 21. Noel Ignatiev, How the Irish Became White (New York: Routledge, 1995). 22. Morris, vol. 1, p. 149. 23. See McCullough, c. 12, pp. 251–276; Edmund Morris, “The Cyclone Assemblyman,” Ameri- can Heritage, vol. 30, issue 2 (1979). 24. See McCullough, p. 258. 25. Autobiography, p. 78. 26. See McCullough, p. 266. 27. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 178–180; McCullough, pp. 258–272. 28. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 183–186. It has been suggested that Roosevelt’s behavior was not uncommon, which (if true generally) would mean that manly behavior did not encompass close, personal care by husbands for their wives during pregnancy. 29. The joy Roosevelt expressed, his mimicry of Native Americans, was in his mind appropriate masculine conduct. I assert there is a distinction between the traits and characteristics of manliness, as an ideal, and other male behaviors, such as dancing around a dead buffalo carcass, or knocking down a member of the Assembly, as described earlier, which may have been common but nonetheless did not fit the ideal of late nineteenth-century manliness. They were instead unmanly, because they were inconsistent with the manly trait of self-control. 30. See McCullough, pp. 273–276. 31. Autobiography, p. 82. 32. Morris, vol. 1, pp. 228–230. 33. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 240–245. 34. Douglas Brinkley, The Wilderness Warrior: Theodore Roosevelt and the Crusade for America (New York: Harper Collins, 2009), p. 168 (hereinafter Brinkley). 35. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 258–259. 36. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 273–274. 37. Autobiography, pp. 93–94. 38. Autobiography, p. 95. 39. Autobiography, pp. 121–123. 40. See Brinkley, p. 172. 41. See Brinkley, pp. 172–174. 42. See Brinkley, p. 175. 43. “The engagement was kept a secret, even from their closest relatives. Should the merest whisper of it break out, polite society, just then convening for the season, would be scandal- ized. Roosevelt, after all, had been only twenty-one months a widower. To post, with such indecent haste, from the arms of Alice Lee to those of Edith Carow – having done the reverse seven years before – was hardly the conduct of a gentleman, let alone a politician famous for public moralizing.” See Morris, vol. 1, p. 309. “Victorian etiquette called for a long mourning period.” Brinkley, p. 190. See McCullough, p. 358 (“the prevailing romantic code”). 44. Henry Cabot Lodge, Selections from the Correspondence of Theodore Roosevelt and Henry Cabot Lodge, 1884–1918 (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1925), p. 35; see Morris, vol. 1, p. 311. 45. See Morris, vol. 1, p. 316. 46. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 317–319. 47. See Morris, vol. 1, p. 318. 48. See Morris, vol. 1, p. 319. Two months after beginning the Benton biography, Roosevelt wrote to Lodge: “I have pretty much finished Benton, mainly evolving him from my inner consciousness; . . . being my nature a timid man and, on occasions, by choice a truthful man, I would prefer to have some foundation of fact, no matter how slender.” Elton E. Mori- son and John Blum, eds., The Letters of Theodore Roosevelt (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1951–54), p. 102; see Morris, vol. 1, p. 328. 49. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 319–325. 50. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 330–332. 51. See Morris, vol. 1, p. 337. 52. See Laura Clark, “The 1887 Blizzard That Changed the American Frontier Forever,”Smith - sonian.com, January 9, 2015; Morris, vol. 1, pp. 337–338, 375–376. 53. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 339–344. 54. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 352–355. 55. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 356–359. 56. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 373–375. 57. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 383–385. 58. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 382–385. 59. See Morris, vol. 1, p. 384. 60. See Morris, vol. 1, p. 386. 61. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 386–388. 62. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 389–390. 63. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 389–390. 64. See Morris, vol. 1, p. 395; see Theodore Roosevelt, “Some Recent Criticism of America,” Eclectic Magazine, November 1888. 65. See Morris, vol. 1, p. 397. 66. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 396–398. Interestingly, Harrison defeated Cleveland by winning the Electoral College, although not winning a plurality of votes. Harrison’s victory was due, likely, to defeating Cleveland in his home state, New York, its 36 votes being the margin of victory. Arguably, Roosevelt’s campaigning for Harrison in New York was important to a narrow victory there. As noted earlier, Cleveland knew and worked with Roosevelt from the time he was Governor of New York, and Roosevelt was an Assemblyman. Harrison, who was from Indiana, relied upon his Secretary of State, James G. Blaine of New York, to evaluate Roosevelt’s appointment to a federal office. Blaine, whom Roosevelt reluctantly supported for the Republican presidential nomination in 1884, did not recommend Roosevelt for appointment. But Henry Cabot Lodge persuaded Harrison to give him a position in the Civil Service Commission. 67. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 397–398. 68. See Morris, vol. 1, p. 406. 69. See Nicole C. Kirk, Wanamaker’s Temple: The Business of Religion in an Iconic Department Store (New York: New York University Press, 2018). 70. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 427–435, 459–464. 71. Autobiography, pp. 129–130. 72. Autobiography, p. 148. 73. Autobiography, p. 133. 74. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 416–417, 417–419, 422–427. 75. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 434–436. 76. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 438–439. 77. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 438–441. 78. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 451–452. 79. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 452 et seq. 80. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 490 et seq. 81. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 490–491. 82. See Morris, vol. 1, p. 491. 83. See Morris, vol. 1, p. 491. 84. See Morris, vol. 1, p. 491. 85. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 497–498. 86. See Morris, vol. 1, p. 501; Doris Kearns Goodwin, The Bully Pulpit: Theodore Roosevelt, Wil- liam Howard Taft, and the Golden Age of Journalism (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2013), pp. 137–141. 87. See Morris, vol. 1, p. 502. 88. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 508–512. 89. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 523–532. 90. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 538–540, 540–543. 1. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 569 et seq. 2. See Morris, vol. 1. 3. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 573–575. 4. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 576–577. 5. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 578, 580. 6. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 582–583. 7. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 592–593. 8. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 596–597. 9. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 618–620. 10. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 622, 624. 11. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 625–627. 12. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 627–628. 13. See Morris, vol. 1, p. 627. 14. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 628–629. 15. Autobiography, p. 213. 16. Autobiography, pp. 213–214. 17. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 629–630. 18. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 630–631. 19. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 635–636. 20. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 636–637. 21. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 638–642. 22. Theodore Roosevelt, The Rough Riders (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1899), p. 5. 23. The Rough Riders, op. cit., p. 10. 24. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 642–643. 25. The Rough Riders, op. cit., pp. 8–9. 26. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 643–644. 27. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 642–643. 28. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 643–644. 29. Autobiography, p. 238. 30. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 646–648. 31. Autobiography, pp. 218–219. 32. See Morris, vol. 1, p. 648. 33. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 651–652. 34. See Morris, vol. 1, p. 651. 35. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 649–650. 36. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 653–655. 37. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 655–657. 38. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 657–659. 39. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 661–665. 40. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 666–668. 41. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 668–673. Crane died two years later, at 28, in a German sanitorium, from tuberculosis, then a common illness of the lungs. 42. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 673–676. The first to die was Hamilton Fish, II, the namesake of a later Hamilton Fish, who became one of the longest serving Representatives in Congress. 43. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 676–681. When he traveled during the years after his Presidency, “Colonel Roosevelt” (or “the Colonel”) would be Roosevelt’s preferred reference rather than President Roosevelt. Reflecting on the qualifications of officers to lead, in Autobiographyhis , Roosevelt described junior and senior officer deficiencies in battle. 44. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 681–684. 45. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 685–687. 46. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 685–687. 47. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 685–687. 48. See Morris, vol. 1, p. 687. 49. Autobiography, p. 247. 50. The Rough Riders, op. cit., p. 21. 51. See Morris, vol. 1, p. 693. 52. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 698–699. 53. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 705–708. 54. See Morris, vol. 1, p. 717. 55. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 718–721. 56. See Morris, vol. 1, p. 722. 57. Public Papers of Theodore Roosevelt, Governor (State of New York, 1899), p. 248. 58. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 723–727. 59. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 727–728. 60. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 731–734. 61. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 731–734. 62. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 742–746. 63. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 747–751, 753. 64. See Morris, vol. 1, p. 755. 65. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 762–763. 66. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 763–764. 67. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 764–765. 68. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 766–767. 69. See Morris, vol. 1, p. 767. 70. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 768–769. 71. See Morris, vol. 1, p. 771. 72. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 775–777. 73. See Morris, vol. 1, pp. 777–780. 1. See Morris, vol. 2, pp. 87–89. 2. United States v. E.C. Knight Co., 156 U.S. 1 (1895); Autobiography, p. 469. 3. See Morris, vol. 2, p. 89. 4. See Morris, vol. 2, pp. 313–316. 5. 192 U.S. 375 (1905). 6. Cortelyou supported McKinley’s body after he was shot. 7. Speech (“Square Deal Speech”), New York State Fair Association, September 7, 1903. . 8 Doris Kearns Goodwin, The Bully Pulpit: Theodore Roosevelt, William Howard Taft, and the Golden Age of Journalism (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2013). 9. See Goodwin, p. 465. 10. James Harvey Young, “The Jungle and the Meat Inspection Amendments,” in Pure Food: Securing the Federal Food and Drugs Act of 1906 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1989), pp. 221–252. 11. Speech, “Lincoln and the Race Problem,” Republican Club, New York City, February 13, 1905, www.blackpost.org/african-american-history (June 7, 2010). 12. Message from the President, Senate Docs., vol. 11, p. 3, 59th Cong., 2d Sess. (December 19, 1906). 1. The prior treaty was the Mallarino-Bidlack Treaty of 1846. 2. See Morris, vol. 2, pp. 97–102. 1. Letter, Theodore Roosevelt to Franklin Chapman, 1899, Collection of American Museum of Natural History. 2. Executive Order No. 13792 (April 26, 2017) is President Trump’s order to review designation under the Antiquities Act. 1. Theodore Roosevelt, African Games Trails: An Account of the Wanderings of an American Hunter-Naturalist (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 1988 [1909]), p. 534. 2. His party did kill and trap 11,397 animals, birds, reptiles, amphibians, mammals, and fish. See Roosevelt, p. 457 et seq. 3. See Morris, vol. 3, pp. 37–39. 4. See Morris, vol. 3, pp. 45, 65. 5. See Morris, vol. 3, pp. 107–109. 6. See Morris, vol. 3, pp. 119–120. 7. See Marrin, op. cit., pp. 200–202. 8. H.W. Brands, TR, the Last Romantic (New York: Basic Books, 1998); see Morris, vol. 3, p. 170. 9. See Morris, vol. 3, pp. 219–220. 10. See Morris, vol. 3, pp. 215, 219–224. 11. See Morris, vol. 3, p. 225. 12. At a memorial service, Gifford Pinchot said that Roosevelt was “the greatest preacher of righteousness in modern times.” Proceedings of Meeting in Memory of Theodore Roosevelt, Metropolitan Opera House, Philadelphia, February 9, 1919, p. 7. 13. See Morris, vol. 3, pp. 225–228. 14. See Marrin, op. cit., pp. 205–206. 15. See Marrin, op. cit., p. 206. 16. See Marrin, op. cit., pp. 206–207. 17. See Marrin, op. cit., p. 207. 18. See Marrin, op. cit., pp. 207–211. 19. See Marrin, op. cit., pp. 210–211. 20. See Morris, vol. 3, pp. 493–494; Marrin, op. cit., pp. 216–218. 21. See Marrin, op. cit., pp. 224–225. 22. See Marrin, op. cit., pp. 225–228. 23. See Marrin, op. cit., p. 228. 24. See Kathleen Dalton, Theodore Roosevelt: A Strenuous Life (New York: Knopf, 2002), p. 519, quoted in Marrin, op. cit., p. 228. 25. See Marrin, op. cit., pp. 229–230. Five months later, on November 9, the Kaiser abdicated, and on November 10, he crossed into the Netherlands, which was neutral. 26. See Marrin, op. cit., p. 232. 1. While Roosevelt referenced Christian moral values, it is likely that he would expand the qualifier. 1. Just before entering the auditorium at Milwaukee, outside the Gilpatrick Hotel, John Schrank made an attempt on Colonel Roosevelt’s life. The above speech is from a stenographic report, differing considerably from the prepared manuscript. 2. At this point, a renewed effort was made to persuade Mr. Roosevelt to conclude his speech. Hermann Hagedorn, ed., The Works of Theodore Roosevelt, vol. 13, p. 32 (New York: Scribner, 1926). 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Norton & Company, 2016. Cutright, Paul Russell. Theodore Roosevelt: The Making of a Conservationist. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1985. ———. Theodore Roosevelt the Naturalist. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1956. Dalton, Kathleen. Theodore Roosevelt: A Strenuous Life. New York: Random House, 2002. Davis, Deborah. Guest of Honor: Booker T. Washington, Theodore Roosevelt, and the White House Dinner That Shocked a Nation. New York: Atria Books, 2012. Dawley, Alan. Changing the World: American Progressives in War and Revolution. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2003. Di Silvestro, Roger. Theodore Roosevelt in the Badlands: A Young Politician’s Quest for Recovery in the American West. New York: Walker & Company, 2010. Donald, Aida DiPace. Lion in the White House: A Life of Theodore Roosevelt. New York: Basic Books, 2007. Dyer, Thomas G. Theodore Roosevelt and the Idea of Race. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State Univer- sity Press, 1980. Egan, Timothy. 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The Courage and Character of Theodore Roosevelt. Nashville: Cumberland House, 2005. Grantham, Dewey W., Jr., ed. Theodore Roosevelt. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1971. Greenberg, Irving. Theodore Roosevelt and Labor, 1900–1918. New York: Garland Publications, 1988. Harbaugh, William Henry. The Life and Times of Theodore Roosevelt. New York: Collier Books, 1963. ———. Power and Responsibility: The Life and Times of Theodore Roosevelt. New York: Farrar, Straus and Cudahy, 1961. Harmon, Daniel. Theodore Roosevelt. Chicago: McGraw Hill, 2006. Hawley, Joshua David. Theodore Roosevelt: Preacher of Righteousness. New Haven: Yale Univer- sity Press, 2008. Jeffers, H. Paul. Colonel Roosevelt: Theodore Roosevelt Goes to War, 1897–1898. New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1996. ———. Commissioner Roosevelt: The Story of Theodore Roosevelt and the New York City Police, 1895–1897. New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1994. Kohn, Edward. A Most Glorious Ride: The Diaries of Theodore Roosevelt, 1877–1886. Albany, NY: SUNY Press, 2015. Lansford, Tom. Theodore Roosevelt: A Political Life. New York: Nova History Publications, 2004. Markham, Lois. Theodore Roosevelt. London: Burke, 1990. Marks, Frederick W. Velvet on Iron: The Diplomacy of Theodore Roosevelt. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1979. McCullough, David. Mornings on Horseback. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1981. Meltzer, Milton. Theodore Roosevelt and His America. New York: F. Watts, 1994. Milkis, Sidney. Theodore Roosevelt, the Progressive Party and the Transformation of American Democracy. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2009. Millard, Candice. The River of Doubt: Theodore Roosevelt’s Darkest Journey. New York: Double- day, 2005. Miller, Nathan. The Roosevelt Chronicles. Garden City: Doubleday, 1979. ———. Theodore Roosevelt: A Life. New York: Morrow, 1992. Morris, Edmund. Colonel Roosevelt. New York: Random House, 2010. ———. The Rise of Theodore Roosevelt. New York: Coward, McCann and Geoghegan, 1979. ———. Theodore Rex. New York: Random House, 2001. Neu, Charles E. An Uncertain Friendship: Theodore Roosevelt and Japan, 1906–1909. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1967. Norton, Aloysius. Theodore Roosevelt. Boston: Twayne Publishers, 1980. O’Toole, Patricia. When Trumpets Call: Theodore Roosevelt After the White House. New York: Simon & Schuster, 2005. Putnam, Carleton. Theodore Roosevelt: The Formative Years, 1858–1886. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1958. Rauchway, Eric. Murdering McKinley: The Making of Theodore Roosevelt’s America. New York: Hill and Wang, 2004. Rego, Paul M. American Ideal: Theodore Roosevelt’s Search for American Individualism. Lan- ham, MD: Lexington Books, 2008. Ricard, Serge. A Companion to Theodore Roosevelt. Hoboken, NJ: Wiley-Blackwell, 2011. Taubenfeld, Aviva F. Rough Writing: Ethnic Authorship in Theodore Roosevelt’s America. New York: New York University Press, 2008. Thompson, J. Lee. Theodore Roosevelt Abroad: Nature, Empire, and the Journey of an American President. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010. Tilchin, William. Theodore Roosevelt and the British Empire: A Study in Presidential Statecraft. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1997. Wagenknecht, Edward. The Seven Worlds of Theodore Roosevelt. New York: Longmans, Green and Company, 1958. Weaver, John D. The Brownsville Raid. New York: W. W. Norton, 1970. ———. The Senator and the Sharecropper’s Son: Exoneration of the Brownsville Soldiers. College Station: Texas A & M Press, 1997. White, G. Edward. The Eastern Experience and the Western Establishment: The West of Theodore Roosevelt, Frederic Remington, and Owen Wister. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1989. White, Richard. Roosevelt the Reformer: Theodore Roosevelt as Civil Service Commissioner, 1889–1895. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 2003. Wolraich, Michael. Unreasonable Men: Theodore Roosevelt and the Republican Rebels Who Cre- ated Progressive Politics. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014. Zacks, Richard. Island of Vice: Theodore Roosevelt’s Doomed Quest to Clean Up Sin-Loving New York. New York: Doubleday, 2012. Roosevelt, Theodore. Addresses and Presidential Messages of Theodore Roosevelt, 1902–1904. New York: G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1904. ———. African Game Trails: An Account of the African Wanderings of an American Hunter- Naturalist. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1910. ———. America and the World War. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1915. ———. American Ideals, and Other Essays, Social and Political. New York: G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1897. ———. American Problems. New York: Outlook, 1910. ———. An Autobiography. New York: Macmillan Company, 1913. ———. A Book Lover’s Holidays in the Open. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1916. ———. The Conservation of Womanhood and Childhood. New York: Funk & Wagnalls, 1912. ———. Essays on Practical Politics. New York: G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1888. ———. Fear God and Take Your Own Part. New York: George H. Doran Company, 1916. ———. The Foes of Our Own Household. New York: George H. Doran Company, 1917. ———. Good Hunting: In Pursuit of Big Game in the West. New York: Harper and Bros., 1907. ———. Gouverneur Morris. Boston: Houghton Mifflin and Company, 1888. ———. History as Literature. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1913. ———. Hunting Trips of a Ranchman; Sketches of Sport on the Northern Cattle Plains. New York: G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1885. ———. The Memorial Edition of the Works of Theodore Roosevelt. 24 vol. Hermann Hagedorn, ed. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1923–26. ———. My Tour of Europe: By Teddy Roosevelt, Age 10. Ellen B. Jackson and Catherine Brighton, eds. Brookfield, CT: Millbrook Press, 2003. ———. National Strength and International Duty. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1917. ———. The Naval War of 1812. New York: G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1882. ———. The Negro Question, Attitude of the Progressive Party toward the Colored Race. New York: Mail and Express Job Print, 1912. ———. New York. New York: Longmans, Green, 1891. ———. Oliver Cromwell. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1900. ———. Outdoor Pastimes of an American Hunter. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1905. ———. Pocket Diary, 1898: Theodore Roosevelt’s Private Account of the War with Spain. Wallace Finley Dailey, Tweed Roosevelt and John Morton Blum, eds. Cambridge: Harvard College Library, 1998. ———. Presidential Addresses and State Papers. 8 vols. New York: Review of Reviews, 1910. ———. Ranch Life and the Hunting-Trail. New York: Century Company, 1888. ———. The Romance of My Life: Theodore Roosevelt’s Speeches in Dakota. Fargo: Prairie House, 1989. ———. The Rough Riders. New York: Collier, 1899. ———. Some American Game. New York: G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1897. ———. Stories of the Great West. New York: Century Company, 1888. ———. Strenuous Epigrams of Theodore Roosevelt. New York: H. M. Caldwell, 1904. ———. The Strenuous Life: Essays and Addresses. New York: Century Company, 1901. ———. Thomas Hart Benton. Boston: Houghton Mifflin and Company, 1885. ———. Through the Brazilian Wilderness. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1914. ———. The Wilderness Hunter: An Account of the Big Game of the United States and Its Chase with Horse, Hound, and Rifle. New York: G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1893. ———. The Winning of the West. 4 vols. New York: Putnam’s, 1889–1899. Roosevelt, Theodore and Ernest Hamlin Abbott. The New Nationalism. New York: Outlook Company, 1910. Roosevelt, Theodore and Lawrence F. Abbott. African and European Addresses. New York: G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1910. Roosevelt, Theodore and Jane Addams. To the Women Voters of the United States from the Women in Political Bondage: Vote the Progressive Ticket and Make Us Free. Chicago: Stoddard-Sutherland Press, 1912. Roosevelt, Theodore and George Bird Grinnell. American Big Game Hunting; The Book of the Boone and Crockett Club. New York: Forest and Stream Publishing Company, 1893. ———. Hunting in Many Lands: The Book of the Boone and Crockett Club. New York: Forest and Stream Publishing Company, 1895. Roosevelt, Theodore and Edmund Heller. Life-Histories of African Game Animals. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1914. Roosevelt, Theodore and Henry Cabot Lodge. Hero Tales from American History. New York: Century Company, 1895. Roosevelt, Theodore, Theodore S. Van Dyke, Daniel Giraud Elliot and A.J. Stone.The Deer Fam- ily. New York: Macmillan Company, 1902. Roosevelt, Theodore and Elmer H. Youngman. Progressive Principles; Selections from Addresses Made During the Presidential Campaign of 1912. New York: Progressive National Service, 1913. Library of Congress: lcweb2.loc.gov/ammem/trhtml/trhome.html (paper) Theodore Roosevelt Collection, Houghton Library, Harvard University: www.HCL.harvard.edu http://memory.loc.gov/ammem/collections/troosevelt_film (film) http://millercenter.org/academic/americanpresident/roosevelt www.pbs.org/wgbh/americanexperience/films/tr/ www.theodoreroosevelt.org The bibliography in www.theodorerooseveltcenter.org/Research/Bibliography#Biographical Works was of substantial benefit.