Understanding Enclosure Without and Within the Commons
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Vagrants and Vagrancy in England, 1485-1553
W&M ScholarWorks Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects 1986 Basilisks of the Commonwealth: Vagrants and Vagrancy in England, 1485-1553 Christopher Thomas Daly College of William & Mary - Arts & Sciences Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd Part of the European History Commons Recommended Citation Daly, Christopher Thomas, "Basilisks of the Commonwealth: Vagrants and Vagrancy in England, 1485-1553" (1986). Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects. Paper 1539625366. https://dx.doi.org/doi:10.21220/s2-y42p-8r81 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects at W&M ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects by an authorized administrator of W&M ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. BASILISKS OF THE COMMONWEALTH: Vagrants and Vagrancy in England, 1485-1553 A Thesis Presented to The Faculty of the Department of History The College of William and Mary in Virginia In Partial Fulfillment Of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts fcy Christopher T. Daly 1986 APPROVAL SHEET This thesis is submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts . s F J i z L s _____________ Author Approved, August 1986 James L. Axtell Dale E. Hoak JamesEL McCord, IjrT DEDICATION To my brother, grandmother, mother and father, with love and respect. iii TABLE OE CONTENTS Page ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS .................................. v ABSTRACT.......................................... vi INTRODUCTION ...................................... 2 CHAPTER I. THE PROBLEM OE VAGRANCY AND GOVERNMENTAL RESPONSES TO IT, 1485-1553 7 CHAPTER II. -
Slavery by Another Name History Background
Slavery by Another Name History Background By Nancy O’Brien Wagner, Bluestem Heritage Group Introduction For more than seventy-five years after the Emancipation Proclamation and the end of the Civil War, thousands of blacks were systematically forced to work against their will. While the methods of forced labor took on many forms over those eight decades — peonage, sharecropping, convict leasing, and chain gangs — the end result was a system that deprived thousands of citizens of their happiness, health, and liberty, and sometimes even their lives. Though forced labor occurred across the nation, its greatest concentration was in the South, and its victims were disproportionately black and poor. Ostensibly developed in response to penal, economic, or labor problems, forced labor was tightly bound to political, cultural, and social systems of racial oppression. Setting the Stage: The South after the Civil War After the Civil War, the South’s economy, infrastructure, politics, and society were left completely destroyed. Years of warfare had crippled the South’s economy, and the abolishment of slavery completely destroyed what was left. The South’s currency was worthless and its financial system was in ruins. For employers, workers, and merchants, this created many complex problems. With the abolishment of slavery, much of Southern planters’ wealth had disappeared. Accustomed to the unpaid labor of slaves, they were now faced with the need to pay their workers — but there was little cash available. In this environment, intricate systems of forced labor, which guaranteed cheap labor and ensured white control of that labor, flourished. For a brief period after the conclusion of fighting in the spring of 1865, Southern whites maintained control of the political system. -
Inside the Home, Outside the Law Abuse of Child Domestic Workers in Morocco
Morocco Inside the Home, HUMAN RIGHTS Outside the Law WATCH Abuse of Child Domestic Workers in Morocco December 2005 Volume 17, No. 12(E) Inside the Home, Outside the Law Abuse of Child Domestic Workers in Morocco I. Summary.................................................................................................................................... 1 Methods ................................................................................................................................. 3 II. Recommendations ................................................................................................................... 5 To the Moroccan Government .......................................................................................... 5 To the Parliament ................................................................................................................. 6 To the Ministry of Employment and Professional Development ................................ 6 To the Ministry of National Education, Higher Education, Staff Development, and Scientific Research and its Secretariat of State for Literacy and Nonformal Education................................................................................... 6 To the Ministry of Social Development, Family, and Solidarity and its Secretariat of State for Family, Solidarity, and Social Action......................................... 7 To the Ministry of Justice.................................................................................................... 7 To the International -
Unfree Labor, Capitalism and Contemporary Forms of Slavery
Unfree Labor, Capitalism and Contemporary Forms of Slavery Siobhán McGrath Graduate Faculty of Political and Social Science, New School University Economic Development & Global Governance and Independent Study: William Milberg Spring 2005 1. Introduction It is widely accepted that capitalism is characterized by “free” wage labor. But what is “free wage labor”? According to Marx a “free” laborer is “free in the double sense, that as a free man he can dispose of his labour power as his own commodity, and that on the other hand he has no other commodity for sale” – thus obliging the laborer to sell this labor power to an employer, who possesses the means of production. Yet, instances of “unfree labor” – where the worker cannot even “dispose of his labor power as his own commodity1” – abound under capitalism. The question posed by this paper is why. What factors can account for the existence of unfree labor? What role does it play in an economy? Why does it exist in certain forms? In terms of the broadest answers to the question of why unfree labor exists under capitalism, there appear to be various potential hypotheses. ¾ Unfree labor may be theorized as a “pre-capitalist” form of labor that has lingered on, a “vestige” of a formerly dominant mode of production. Similarly, it may be viewed as a “non-capitalist” form of labor that can come into existence under capitalism, but can never become the central form of labor. ¾ An alternate explanation of the relationship between unfree labor and capitalism is that it is part of a process of primary accumulation. -
Louisiana Vagrancy Law - Constitutionally Sound Harry M
Louisiana Law Review Volume 29 | Number 2 The Work of the Louisiana Appellate Courts for the 1967-1968 Term: A Symposium February 1969 Louisiana Vagrancy Law - Constitutionally Sound Harry M. Zimmerman Jr. Repository Citation Harry M. Zimmerman Jr., Louisiana Vagrancy Law - Constitutionally Sound, 29 La. L. Rev. (1969) Available at: https://digitalcommons.law.lsu.edu/lalrev/vol29/iss2/20 This Comment is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Reviews and Journals at LSU Law Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Louisiana Law Review by an authorized editor of LSU Law Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 1969] COMMENTS LOUISIANA VAGRANCY LAW- CONSTITUTIONALLY UNSOUND The several provisions of Louisiana's vagrancy law1 are de- rived from three main sources. The first is the original common law concept of vagrancy which was developed in fourteenth cen- tury England because of grave economic conditions created by the Black Death. The Statute of Labourers of 13492 deemed any- one wandering from place to place without work a vagrant and subjected offenders to harsh punishment. This first type of va- grancy was, therefore, predicated on a theory of economic status criminality.3 As early as the sixteenth century, however, the reason for punishment under vagrancy laws was changed from one of eco- nomic status to one of probable criminal status. For several rea- sons, 4 vagrants, as originally defined, were felt to be likely criminals and "crime prevention," rather than economic consid- erations, became the justification for the continuance of such laws. Although the reason for the punishment had changed, the poor and shiftless were still in truth punished on the basis of 1. -
The “Ill Kill'd” Deer: Poaching and Social Order in the Merry Wives of Windsor
The “ill kill’d” Deer: Poaching and Social Order in The Merry Wives of Windsor Jeffrey Theis Nicholas Rowe once asserted that the young Shakespeare was caught stealing a deer from Sir Thomas Lucy’s park at Charlecote. The anecdote’s truth-value is clearly false, yet the narrative’s plausibility resonates from the local social customs in Shakespeare’s Warwickshire region. As the social historian Roger Manning convincingly argues, hunting and its ille- gitimate kin poaching thoroughly pervaded all social strata of early modern English culture. Close proximity to the Forest of Arden and nu- merous aristocratic deer parks and rabbit warrens would have steeped Shakespeare’s early life in the practices of hunting and poaching whether he engaged in them or only heard stories about them.1 While some Shakespeare criticism attends directly or indirectly to the importance of hunting in the comedies, remarkably, there has been no sustained analysis of poaching’s importance in these plays.2 In part, the reason for the oversight might be lexicographical. The word “poaching” never occurs in any of Shakespeare’s works, and the first instance in which poaching means “to take game or fish illegally” is in 1611—a decade after Shakespeare composed his comedies.3 Yet while the word was not coined for another few years, Roger Manning proves that illegal deer killing was a socially and politically explosive issue well before 1611. Thus, the “ill kill’d deer” Justice Shallow refers to in Act One of The Merry Wives of Windsor situates the play within a socially resonant discourse where illegal deer killing brings to light cultural assumptions imbedded within the legal hunt. -
Adam Smith: Founder of Economics
Adam Smith: Founder of Economics Robert M. Coen Professor Emeritus of Economics Northwestern Alumnae Continuing Education January 5, 2017 Adam Smith, 1723-1790 John Rattray, 1707-71 Signatory of First Rules of Golf (1744) Ways of Coordinating Economic Activity Traditional Structures Authoritarian Structures Market structures Reasons for Slow Development of Markets Popularity of Mercantilism Government promotes exports, stifles imports Favored industries get subsidies, protection, monopoly franchises Establish and exploit foreign colonies Accumulate riches (gold) for royalty Reasons for Slow Development of Markets Popularity of Mercantilism Avarice regarded as sin False Principles of Trade Boston Minister John Cotton, 1639 A man might sell as dear as he can and buy as cheap as he can If a man lose some of his goods, say by accident at sea, he may raise the price of the rest He may sell at the price he bought, even though he paid too much Reasons for Slow Development of Markets Popularity of Mercantilism Avarice regarded as sin Indifferent attitudes toward personal betterment Prevalence of local taxes on movement of goods Lack of standardization of weights and measures Multiple currencies Resistance to innovation Land, labor, and capital not developed concepts Factors Promoting Development of Markets Enclosure of commons Ringleaders of the Enclosure Movement Rural Life After Enclosure of the Commons Factors Promoting Development of Markets Enclosure of commons Political consolidation and centralization Decay of religious spirit Bernard Mandeville, -
The Poor Law of 1601
Tit) POOR LA.v OF 1601 with 3oms coi3ii3rat,ion of MODSRN Of t3l9 POOR -i. -S. -* CH a i^ 3 B oone. '°l<g BU 2502377 2 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. Chapter 1. Introductory. * E. Poor Relief before the Tudor period w 3. The need for re-organisation. * 4. The Great Poor La* of 1601. w 5. Historical Sketch. 1601-1909. " 6. 1909 and after. Note. The small figares occurring in the text refer to notes appended to each chapter. Chapter 1. .Introductory.. In an age of stress and upheaval, institutions and 9 systems which we have come to take for granted are subjected to a searching test, which, though more violent, can scarcely fail to be more valuable than the criticism of more normal times. A reconstruction of our educational system seems inevitable after the present struggle; in fact new schemes have already been set forth by accredited organisations such as the national Union of Teachers and the Workers' Educational Association. V/ith the other subjects in the curriculum of the schools, History will have to stand on its defence. -
John Clare, Poems Against Enclosure 1 John Clare (1793-1864)
John Clare, Poems Against Enclosure 1 John Clare (1793-1864) The Mores Far spread the moorey ground a level scene Bespread with rush and one eternal green That never felt the rage of blundering plough Though centurys wreathed spring’s blossoms on its brow Still meeting plains that stretched them far away In uncheckt shadows of green brown, and grey Unbounded freedom ruled the wandering scene Nor fence of ownership crept in between To hide the prospect of the following eye Its only bondage was the circling sky One mighty flat undwarfed by bush and tree Spread its faint shadow of immensity And lost itself, which seemed to eke its bounds In the blue mist the horizon’s edge surrounds Now this sweet vision of my boyish hours Free as spring clouds and wild as summer flowers Is faded all - a hope that blossomed free, And hath been once, no more shall ever be Inclosure came and trampled on the grave Of labour’s rights and left the poor a slave And memory’s pride ere want to wealth did bow Is both the shadow and the substance now The sheep and cows were free to range as then Where change might prompt nor felt the bonds of men Cows went and came, with evening morn and night, To the wild pasture as their common right And sheep, unfolded with the rising sun Heard the swains shout and felt their freedom won Tracked the red fallow field and heath and plain Then met the brook and drank and roamed again The brook that dribbled on as clear as glass Beneath the roots they hid among the grass While the glad shepherd traced their tracks along Free as the -
Making Space
Alternative radical histories and campaigns continuing today. Sam Burgum November 2018 Property ownership is not a given, but a social and legal construction, with a specific history. Magna Carta (1215) established a legal precedent for protecting property owners from arbitrary possession by the state. ‘For a man’s home is his ASS Archives ASS castle, and each man’s home is his safest refuge’ - Edward Coke, 1604 Charter of the Forest (1217) asserted the rights of the ‘commons’ (i.e. propertyless) to access the 143 royal forests enclosed since 1066. Enclosure Acts (1760-1870) enclosed 7million acres of commons through 4000 acts of parliament. My land – a squatter fable A man is out walking on a hillside when suddenly John Locke (1632-1704) Squatting & Trespass Context in Trespass & Squatting the owner appears. argued that enclosure could ‘Get off my land’, he yells. only be justified if: ‘Who says it’s your land?’ demands the intruder. • ‘As much and as good’ ‘I do, and I’ve got the deeds to prove it.’ was left to others; ‘Well, where did you get it from?’ ‘From my father.’ • Unused property could be ‘And where did he get it from?’ forfeited for better use. ‘From his father. He was the seventeenth Earl. The estate originally belonged to the first Earl.’ This logic was used to ‘And how did he get it?’ dispossess indigenous people ‘He fought for it in the War of the Roses.’ of land, which appeared Right – then I’ll fight you for it!’ ‘unused’ to European settlers. 1 ‘England is not a Free people till the poor that have no land… live as Comfortably as the landlords that live in their inclosures.’ Many post-Civil war movements and sects saw the execution of King Charles as ending a centuries-long Norman oppression. -
LAW and ORDER
LAW and ORDER GRADE LEVEL: 9–12 DEVELOPED BY: Martha Bouyer; Felicia Pride and Allissa Richardson of 2MPower Media OVERVIEW This activity guide focuses on the laws and statutes — including the Black Codes, vagrancy statutes, pig laws and Jim Crow — enforced by Southern states after the Civil War to assert control over the freedom, mobility and labor of the newly freed blacks. Students will examine Black Codes and Jim Crow laws and analyze their impact on blacks in the decades after the Civil War. Students will make connections between these types of oppressive laws and the rise of forced labor and will have the opportunity to analyze a labor contract. Finally, students will make contemporary connections between state statutes and legislation that potentially impact civil rights. BACKGROUND Immediately after the Civil War ended, Southern states enacted “Black Codes” that granted African Americans certain rights, such as legalized marriage, ownership of property, and limited access to the courts, but denied them the right to testify against whites, to serve on juries or in state militias, vote, or start a job without the approval of the previous employer. The codes largely disappeared in 1866 when Reconstruction began. Even before Reconstruction ended in 1877, however, many Southern states began enacting and enforcing an array of laws intended to re-subjugate newly freed blacks and provide cheap sources of labor. Vagrancy, loitering, riding the rails, changing jobs, even talking too loudly in public — these behaviors and more — all became crimes carrying stiff fines or sentences. The “pig laws” unfairly penalized petty crimes such as stealing a pig (crimes more likely to be committed by poor blacks), as opposed to crimes more likely to be committed by whites. -
The Kent Yeoman in the Seventeenth Century
http://kentarchaeology.org.uk/research/archaeologia-cantiana/ Kent Archaeological Society is a registered charity number 223382 © 2017 Kent Archaeological Society THE KENT YEOMAN IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY JACQUELINE BOWER Mildred Campbell, in the only detailed work so far published on the yeomanry, concluded that the yeoman class emerged in the fifteenth century.1 The yeomen were the free tenants of the manor, usually identified with freeholders of land worth 40s. a year, the medieval franklins. The Black Death of 1348 may have hastened the emergence of the yeomanry. The plague may have killed between one-third and one-half of the total population of England, a loss from which the population did not recover until the second half of the sixteenth century. Landowners were left with vacant farms because tenants had died and no one was willing to take on tenancies or buy land at the high rents and prices common before the Black Death. In a buyer's market, it became impossible for landlords to enforce all the feudal services previously exacted. Land prices fell, and peasant farming families which survived the Black Death and which had a little capital were able, over several generations, to accumulate sizeable estates largely free of labour services. It is taken for granted that yeomen were concerned with agriculture, men who would later come to be described as farmers, ranking between gentry and husbandmen, of some substance and standing in their communities. However, a re-examination of contemporary usages suggests that there was always some uncertainty as to what a yeoman was. William Harrison, describing English social structure in 1577, said that yeomen possessed 'a certain pre-eminence and more estimation' among the common people.