The BBC's Reporting of Hugo Chavez and the Bolivarian Revolution
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
A Decade Under Chávez Political Intolerance and Lost Opportunities for Advancing Human Rights in Venezuela
A Decade Under Chávez Political Intolerance and Lost Opportunities for Advancing Human Rights in Venezuela Copyright © 2008 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 1-56432-371-4 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch 350 Fifth Avenue, 34th floor New York, NY 10118-3299 USA Tel: +1 212 290 4700, Fax: +1 212 736 1300 [email protected] Poststraße 4-5 10178 Berlin, Germany Tel: +49 30 2593 06-10, Fax: +49 30 2593 0629 [email protected] Avenue des Gaulois, 7 1040 Brussels, Belgium Tel: + 32 (2) 732 2009, Fax: + 32 (2) 732 0471 [email protected] 64-66 Rue de Lausanne 1202 Geneva, Switzerland Tel: +41 22 738 0481, Fax: +41 22 738 1791 [email protected] 2-12 Pentonville Road, 2nd Floor London N1 9HF, UK Tel: +44 20 7713 1995, Fax: +44 20 7713 1800 [email protected] 27 Rue de Lisbonne 75008 Paris, France Tel: +33 (1)43 59 55 35, Fax: +33 (1) 43 59 55 22 [email protected] 1630 Connecticut Avenue, N.W., Suite 500 Washington, DC 20009 USA Tel: +1 202 612 4321, Fax: +1 202 612 4333 [email protected] Web Site Address: http://www.hrw.org September 2008 1-56432-371-4 A Decade Under Chávez Political Intolerance and Lost Opportunities for Advancing Human Rights in Venezuela I. Executive Summary .................................................................................................... 1 Political Discrimination ............................................................................................2 The Courts ...............................................................................................................3 -
Venezuela: a Difficult Puzzle to Solve Written by Paulo Afonso Velasco Junior
Venezuela: A Difficult Puzzle to Solve Written by Paulo Afonso Velasco Junior This PDF is auto-generated for reference only. As such, it may contain some conversion errors and/or missing information. For all formal use please refer to the official version on the website, as linked below. Venezuela: A Difficult Puzzle to Solve https://www.e-ir.info/2019/03/09/venezuela-a-difficult-puzzle-to-solve/ PAULO AFONSO VELASCO JUNIOR, MAR 9 2019 Hugo Chávez was elected president of Venezuela in 1998 while leader of the Fifth Republic Movement (MVP) committed to the implementation of a new political, economic, and social orientation for the country. In fact, as early as 1999 he introduced a new constitution with important changes, such as the expansion of the role of the military in the Venezuela’s political life and simulteneously reinforcing the participation of society in decision making. In social terms, the “misiones” were outstanding, prioritizing areas such as health and education and helped to significantly reduce poverty indicators in the country. According to Manuel Gómez (2011), the “misiones” encompassed a wide set of poverty alleviation and development-promoting initiatives in different areas such as health services, cash transfers, literacy and other educational programs, community building, the protection of indigenous peoples, and the redistribution of unused land, among others. Of course, there were many challenges and resistance to the changes introduced by Chávez, with several sectors actively fighting the new president in his early years: businessmen, unions, the Catholic Church, are some examples. The 2002 coup that removed Chávez from power temporarily, with the country being governed by businessman Pedro Carmona for about 3 days, and the recall referendum of 2004 are outstanding examples of the opposition’s attempts to seize power. -
Populisms in the World-System 305
JOURNAL OF WORLD-SYSTEMS RESEARCH ISSN: 1076-156X | Vol. 24 Issue 2 | DOI 10.5195/JWSR.2018.847 | jwsr.pitt.edu SYMPOSIUM: POPULISMS IN THE W ORLD-SYSTEM The Possibilities and Pitfalls of Left-Wing Populism in Socialist Venezuela Timothy M. Gill University of North Carolina, Wilmington [email protected] Abstract Gill shows how Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez’s populist style of governance both inspired opposition to U.S. imperialism and drew the ire of many powerful domestic and foreign groups, contributing to the country's current economic malaise. Keywords: Populism, Socialism, Venezuela Throughout the 2016 U.S. presidential campaign, observers regularly commented on the populist style of discourse used by then-Republican Party Candidate Donald Trump. Many, in fact, drew parallels between Trump and several foreign politicians, including former Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez. Indeed, and as Leslie Gates also notes in her contribution to this symposium, some superficial similarities exist between Trump and Chávez: both made explicit use of television programming, both sometimes engaged in vulgarities, and both brandished a rhetoric of nationalism. And concerning their populist style of discourse, both proffered an “us vs. them” vision of the world that abstractly pitted common citizens against elites. Articles in vol. 21(2) and later of this journal are licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 United States License. This journal is published by the University Library System, University of Pittsburgh as part of its D-Scribe Digital Publishing Program and is cosponsored by the University of Pittsburgh Press. Journal of World-System Research | Vol. 24 Issue 2 | Symposium: Populisms in the World-System 305 The similarities, however, end there. -
The Venezuelan Crisis and Salvador Allende's Glasses
Thousands of Venezuelans have fled to Colombia, straining the Colombian government’s ability to police its 1,300 mile border. (Moises Rendon) 40 | FEATURES PRISM 8, NO. 1 The Venezuelan Crisis and Salvador Allende’s Glasses By Juan S. Gonzalez here is a sculpture in the Venezuelan foreign ministry that conveys the die-hard ideology of those who in a relatively short period have managed to transform a vulnerable but nonetheless pluralistic democracy into an autocracy in the throes of economic collapse and humanitarian calamity. The Twork, Nunca Mas (Never Again) or Sin Nombre (Without Name), by Chilean artist Carlos Altamirano sym- bolizes the glasses worn by former Chilean President Salvador Allende, which were found broken in half and cracked following his death during the military coup of 1973. To any foreigner visiting the Venezuelan foreign ministry, the sculpture seems to say, “You won’t take us alive.” Such symbolism serves as an important reminder that—despite having wrestled with Venezuela for nearly two decades—the United States still does not fully understand the internal dynamics of the regime or to what ends it will go to ensure its survival. Should the United States invade Venezuela or support another military coup? Has the international community exhausted diplomatic options? This article provides a brief history of what led to Venezuela’s political and economic collapse, outlines the dangers of intervention, under- scores the importance of a Venezuelan-led resolution to the current stalemate between the government and the opposition, and prioritizes the need to address the humanitarian situation along with the country’s debt crisis as tools to pressure the government. -
The Role of the Oas in the Political Crisis of Venezuela
THE ROLE OF THE OAS IN THE POLITICAL CRISIS OF VENEZUELA (APRIL 11, 2002- MAY 31, 2003) A thesis presented to the faculty of the Center for International Studies of Ohio University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Arts Jesus Sanchez Melean November 2005 This thesis entitled ROLE OF THE OAS IN POLITICAL CRISIS OF VENEZUELA (APRIL 11, 2002- MAY 31, 2003) by JESUS SANCHEZ MELEAN has been approved for the Program of Latin American Studies and the Center for International Studies of Ohio University by Thomas Walker Professor of Political Science Josep Rota Director, Center for International Studies SANCHEZ MELEAN, JESUS. MA. November 2005. International Affairs The Role of OAS in the Political Crisis of Venezuela (144 pp.) Director of Thesis: Thomas Walker This thesis describes the intervention of the OAS in the Venezuelan political crisis between April 2002 and May 2003. Invoking for first time its Democratic Charter, the OAS became the principal actor in Venezuela using symbolic diplomacy, good offices, and third party mediation. The OAS clearly signaled to domestic and regional actors that antidemocratic actions would not be tolerated in the region and created conditions for local actors to engage in dialogue and negotiation which reduced the level of violence and conflict. Nevertheless, the OAS's intervention in Venezuela reveals the limited consensus among its members as to how the Inter-American Charter should be applied to democratic crises that are beyond the scope of coups and self-coups. Also, the creation of the OAS-backed roundtable and the Group of Friends of Gaviria reveals that the US dictated the terms under which the OAS intervention took place in Venezuela. -
The Venezuela Crisis and Latin America's Future
Latin American Program | March 2017 Photo Credit: Alfonsina Blyde / Flickr / Creative Commons The Venezuela Crisis and Latin America’s Future: Toward a Robust Hemispheric Agenda on Democratic Stability Michael M. McCarthy EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Venezuela’s downward spiral has left the country poised between crisis and collapse. Over the last three years, the country’s economy fell into a depression marked by severe shortages and hyperinflation; social protest frequently erupted into violent instability; and the little that remained of one of Latin America’s oldest democracies vanished, yielding an authoritarian regime. Worse yet, the already acute political crisis took a turn for the worse. The government now openly relies on military force and institutionalized repression to maintain a modicum of stability. The government of President Nicolás Maduro blocked the opposition’s constitutional push for a recall referendum, using its control over the judiciary and electoral institutions to suspend a process that mobilized millions. Then, after Vatican- and Union of South American Nations (UNASUR)-sponsored talks between the Maduro Government and the opposition’s Mesa de la Unidad (The Democratic Roundtable) coalition broke down, the country’s human rights crisis escalated. Among other illegal detentions, the government arbitrarily jailed an elected member of Congress. As the rule of law further collapsed, the number of political prisoners rose to 116. Great uncertainty persists about whether gubernatorial elections postponed in 2016 will take place in 2017. Without any elections this year, Venezuela would likely experience a significant, but ultimately not destabilizing, street clash. This sharp decline has brought the country, and the hemisphere, to a moment of truth. -
Venezuela: Hugo Chávez’S Revolution
VENEZUELA: HUGO CHÁVEZ’S REVOLUTION Latin America Report N°19 – 22 February 2007 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ...................................................................................................... i I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 II. THE CHÁVEZ PHENOMENON ................................................................................. 2 A. THE PUNTO FIJO REGIME (1958-1992) AND CHÁVEZ’S RISE ................................................2 B. THE 1999 CONSTITUTION......................................................................................................5 C. ON THE DEFENSIVE...............................................................................................................7 III. UNDERMINING DEMOCRACY .............................................................................. 11 A. STATE INSTITUTIONS AND PARALLEL POWERS....................................................................11 1. The judiciary and the public control entities ...........................................................11 2. The National Electoral Council (CNE) and the selection of its members ...............12 3. Weakening regional government.............................................................................13 4. Communications, media and transparency ..............................................................13 5. Targeting of opposition figures................................................................................15 -
Nation and Imagination During the 2002 Coup
JANUARY/FEBRUARY 2011 report: coups Venezuela’s Wounded Bodies: Nation and Imagination During the 2002 Coup Venezuelans protest President Hugo Chávez’s shake-up of PDVSA, the state oil company, on April 10, 2002. By Fernando Coronil URING LATIN AMERICA ’S POLITICAL “LEFT Ever since Venezuela became a major oil pro- turn” of the last decade, each progressive ducer in the 1920s, these struggles over oil have government in the region has followed shaped national politics at every level, defining D 1 its own distinctive historical trajectory. Com- the relation between citizens and nation, the mon to all, however, have been intense struggles formation of social classes, and the constitution Fernando Coronil is over the development and control of natural re- of the state as the country’s central political and Presidential Professor sources. This is not surprising in a part of the economic agent. Elsewhere I have argued that as of Anthropology at the Graduate Center, City world dominated by processes of capitalist accu- a result of these contests, the Venezuelan nation University of New mulation based on nature-intensive industries. has been imagined as consisting of “two bodies”: York. He is the author Despite regional governments’ attempts to di- its social body (citizens, people) and its natural of The Magical State: versify their economies, such industries as large- body (territory and natural resources, especially Nature, Money and scale agriculture, mining, and hydro carbons oil, which by law belongs to all Venezuelans).2 Modernity in Ven- TE ezuela (University of remain Latin America’s international compara- As a result of efforts to influence policy decisions Chicago Press, 1997), LY WHI LY tive advantage and main productive activity. -
Pedro Carmona Estanga
MI TESTIMONIO ANTE LA HISTORIA Pedro Carmona Estanga 2a. edición. 2005 ISBN 958-8235-18-9 Copyright Pedro Carmona Estanga, 2005 1 Dedicatoria: A Gladys y a Gustavo Adolfo, mis compañeros de camino, en las buenas y en las malas. A mis demás familiares, que han hecho gala de nobleza y solidaridad en momentos difíciles. Al bravo pueblo de Venezuela, que no se rinde Al hospitalario pueblo de Colombia. Agradecimiento: Al Dr. Eduardo Quiceno, por su valioso apoyo 2 CIVILIZACIÓN Y BARBARIE (A manera de Prólogo) Por Eduardo Casanova. El verdadero tesoro del hombre es el tesoro de sus errores José Ortega y Gasset Pedro Carmona Estanga fue una esperanza. Una esperanza que duró demasiado poco y fue apartada del camino a manotazos por las hordas del caudillismo anacrónico que se apoderó de Venezuela desde 1998.Hugo Chávez es un retroceso, un error histórico, un regreso al caudillismo bárbaro que tanto daño le hizo a Venezuela y a su pueblo entre 1812 y 1935, y que parecía definitivamente erradicado, pero volvió con toda su carga de odios, de deshonestidad, de viveza criolla, de demagogia y de atraso. Con la misma carga de daños con que se hizo presente en 1811, y con más fuerza a partir de 1812. Venezuela fue el primer país que se independizó de España, el 5 de julio de 1811. Desdichadamente, la reacción de España fue pésima. Era la peor de todas las Españas, la de Carlos IV y Fernando VII, la de José Bonaparte, Pepe Botella, la que había estado en manos de favoritos de una reina, de Godoy, de Floridablanca y de otros personajes que podrían haber salido de una muy pobre zarzuela, pero gobernaron un país que había sido grande, y que volvería a serlo. -
El Programa De La MUD Análisis De Los Lineamientos De Gobierno De La Mesa De La Unidad Democrática
El programa de la MUD Análisis de los lineamientos de Gobierno de la Mesa de la Unidad Democrática Romain Migus El programa de la MUD Análisis de los lineamientos de Gobierno de la Mesa de la Unidad Democrática Romain Migus Ediciones: Barrio Alerta Correctora: Talía Ruiz Yordy Julio 2012 Impreso en la República Bolivariana de Venezuela por la Imprenta Nacional A todas y todos los camaradas que desde sus trincheras se niegan a aceptar el injusto orden del capitalismo. A Talía, por su constante apoyo e inigualable arte para desmachucar los misterios de mi sintaxis. Prólogo l título de este libro de Romain Migus, com- porta sin duda una paradoja cuyo abordaje puedeE resultar, al ritmo que vamos del proceso elec- toral, un sombrío juego de ajedrez ejecutado por un bando fantasma, cuya reina fue objeto de una extraña desaparición física del tablero donde se desarrollaron los primeros pasos ofensivos, los consabidos amagues de unas piezas (negras o blancas, aunque parecen ser amarillas) que fueron movidas a ciegas, quizás con la velada y simbólica (y única) estrategia de acabar olímpicamente no sólo con el rey del otro bando, que aún no ha aparecido en la escena de los movimientos, sino con todas las piezas que lo integran. De todas maneras se trata de las entrañas de un cuerpo —digamos por comodidad— ideológico, que se despliega en discurso por el arte de la magia mediática que lo sostiene, particularmente del me- gáfono infame de un canal de comunicación cuyos dueños, hoy por hoy, son banqueros y empresarios es- tafadores que, por cometer delitos públicos durante años, no se encuentran precisamente bajo condenas, 9 sino en las metrópolis del imperio norteamericano y claro, suerte de alma en pena que arrastra los fantas- otras vecindades centroamericanas, después de ama- mas de El Caracazo, del oprobioso significado de los sar fortunas descomunales, burlarse de la inocencia gobiernos de Carlos Andrés Pérez, que quiso darle de millones de personas y, desde luego, de la justicia. -
Static in Venezuela the Chávez Administration Pulls a Broadcast License As It Asserts Media Muscle
Static in Venezuela The Chávez administration pulls a broadcast license as it asserts media muscle. by Carlos Lauría and Sauro González Rodríguez A Special Report The Committee to Protect Journalists 330 7th Avenue New York, NY 10001 (212) 465 - 1004 www.cpj.org CARACAS, Venezuela scantily dressed Blanca struck a seductive pose and rubbed her foot against Daniel’s muscled leg when—surprise!—her ex-husband, Esteban, burst into the room to start an invective-hurling, Afurniture-jostling brawl. “How to Get a Man,” a soap opera-style drama on Radio Caracas Televisión, or RCTV, Venezuela’s oldest private television station, was filling the nation’s TV screens with its popular tales of lust and love on this January afternoon. One of those screens was in the office of Willian Lara, Venezuelan minister of communication and information, whose gaze this day passed over an entire bank of television monitors carrying broadcasts from across Venezuela. It was around 5 p.m. as Lara was meeting his visitors, a time slot that government regulators say should be tailored to family viewing. “Just for this reason,” Lara said, “RCTV doesn’t deserve a broadcast concession.” Though standard dramatic fare by regional standards, such RCTV programs have been assailed as “pornography” by government officials—one of many shifting and often unsupported public accusations made against the station. Barring a last-minute reversal—something RCTV is pursuing in court—the government says it will not renew the station’s license to use the public airwaves when the term expires on May 27. The license—or concession, as it is known in Venezuela—would be the first to be effectively pulled from a private broadcaster by the government of President Hugo Chávez Frías. -
Granier Et Al
REPORT No. 112/12 CASE 12,828 MERITS MARCEL GRANIER ET AL. VENEZUELA I. SUMMARY ........................................................................................................................... 1 II. PROCESSING WITH THE IACHR SINCE APPROVAL OF ADMISSIBILITY REPORT No. 114/11 .......................................................................................................................... 2 III. THE POSITIONS OF THE PARTIES........................................................................................ 2 A. The petitioners’ position ................................................................................... 2 B. The State’s position......................................................................................... 8 1. Legal framework........................................................................................... 8 2. Pleadings on the request for transformation of RCTV titles ........................ 9 3. Pleadings on RCTV and the coup d'état................................................. 10 4. Pleadings on the State decision not to renew RCTV's concession............. 11 5. Pleadings on the rights alleged to have been violated by the State............ 14 IV. FACTS ESTABLISHED ........................................................................................................ 14 A. Radio Caracas Televisión RCTV, C.A., its shareholders, executives and journalists 14 B. The concession granted to RCTV .................................................................... 18 C. The statements