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Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela: Nicolas Maduro’S Cabinet Chair: Peter Derrah
Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela: Nicolas Maduro’s Cabinet Chair: Peter Derrah 1 Table of Contents 3. Letter from Chair 4. Members of Committee 5. Committee Background A.Solving the Economic Crisis B.Solving the Presidential Crisis 2 Dear LYMUN delegates, Hi, my name is Peter Derrah and I am a senior at Lyons Township High School. I have done MUN for all my four years of high school, and I was a vice chair at the previous LYMUN conference. LYMUN is a well run conference and I hope that you all will have a good experience here. In this committee you all will be representing high level political figures in the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, as you deal with an incomprehensible level of inflation and general economic collapse, as well as internal political disputes with opposition candidates, the National Assembly, and massive protests and general civil unrest. This should be a very interesting committee, as these ongoing issues are very serious, urgent, and have shaped geopolitics recently. I know a lot of these issues are extremely complex and so I suggest that you do enough research to have at least a basic understanding of them and solutions which could solve them. For this reason I highly suggest you read the background. It is important to remember the individual background for your figure (though this may be difficult for lower level politicians) as well as the political ideology of the ruling coalition and the power dynamics of Venezuela’s current government. I hope that you all will put in good effort into preparation, write position papers, actively speak and participate in moderated and unmoderated caucus, and come up with creative and informed solutions to these pressing issues. -
No Room for Debate the National Constituent Assembly and the Crumbling of the Rule of Law in Venezuela
No Room for Debate The National Constituent Assembly and the Crumbling of the Rule of Law in Venezuela July 2019 Composed of 60 eminent judges and lawyers from all regions of the world, the International Commission of Jurists promotes and protects human rights through the Rule of Law, by using its unique legal expertise to develop and strengthen national and international justice systems. Established in 1952 and active on the five continents, the ICJ aims to ensure the progressive development and effective implementation of international human rights and international humanitarian law; secure the realization of civil, cultural, economic, political and social rights; safeguard the separation of powers; and guarantee the independence of the judiciary and legal profession. ® No Room for Debate - The National Constituent Assembly and the Crumbling of the Rule of Law in Venezuela © Copyright International Commission of Jurists Published in July 2019 The International Commission of Jurists (ICJ) permits free reproduction of extracts from any of its publications provided that due acknowledgment is given and a copy of the publication carrying the extract is sent to its headquarters at the following address: International Commission of Jurists P.O. Box 91 Rue des Bains 33 Geneva Switzerland No Room for Debate The National Constituent Assembly and the Crumbling of the Rule of Law in Venezuela This report was written by Santiago Martínez Neira, consultant to the International Commission of Jurists. Carlos Ayala, Sam Zarifi and Ian Seiderman provided legal and policy review. This report was written in Spanish and translated to English by Leslie Carmichael. 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS Executive Summary ............................................................................................... -
(Nueva) Guia Canales Cable Del Norte
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Explaining Chavismo
Explaining Chavismo: The Unexpected Alliance of Radical Leftists and the Military in Venezuela under Hugo Chávez by Javier Corrales Associate Professor of Political Science Amherst College Amherst, MA 01002 [email protected] March 2010 1 Knowing that Venezuela experienced a profound case of growth collapse in the 1980s and 1990s is perhaps enough to understand why Venezuela experienced regime change late in the 1990s. Most political scientists agree with Przeworski et al. (2000) that severe economic crises jeopardize not just the incumbents, but often the very continuity of democratic politics in non-rich countries. However, knowledge of Venezuela’s growth collapse is not sufficient to understand why political change went in the direction of chavismo. By chavismo I mean the political regime established by Hugo Chávez Frías after 1999. Scholars who study Venezuelan politics disagree about the best label to describe the Hugo Chávez administration (1999-present): personalistic, popular, populist, pro-poor, revolutionary, participatory, socialist, Castroite, fascist, competitive authoritarian, soft- authoritarian, third-world oriented, hybrid, statist, polarizing, oil-addicted, ceasaristic, counter-hegemonic, a sort of Latin American Milošević, even political ―carnivour.‖ But there is nonetheless agreement that, at the very least, chavismo consists of a political alliance of radical-leftist civilians and the military (Ellner 2001:9). Chávez has received most political advice from, and staffed his government with, individuals who have an extreme-leftist past, a military background, or both. The Chávez movement is, if nothing else, a marriage of radicals and officers. And while there is no agreement on how undemocratic the regime has become, there is virtual agreement that chavismo is far from liberal democracy. -
Stevenson Case (On Merits)
REPORTS OF INTERNATIONAL ARBITRAL AWARDS RECUEIL DES SENTENCES ARBITRALES Stevenson Case (on merits) 1903 VOLUME IX pp. 494-510 NATIONS UNIES - UNITED NATIONS Copyright (c) 2006 494 BRITISH-VENEZUELAN COMMISSION country of his birth, is to hold in accord with the position of England and the position of the United States of America and is in accord with the wise policy for a state which is growing or anticipates growth by immigration. It can not wisely have a large, foreign, cancerous growth of unaffiliated and unattached population alien to the country, its institutions, and its flag, but in due regard to its own safety it must fix a time when the domicile of the parent's choice shall create a citizen out of the son of his loins born within that domicile. It is the test of nature; it is the test of Venezuela. If citizenship is thereby imposed it is through the father's voluntary, intelligent selection. There must be an end to the citizenship of the national of a country when he is resident and domiciled in some other country. If the father can retain his foreign nationality and impart that to his own son on the soil of the country of his domicile, then may not the son of the son, and so on ad infinitum? The umpire holds that the constitution of 1864 is but explanatory of the meaning of the constitutions preceding upon these questions of nationality, and, that since 1830, a free man born in Venezuela is a citizen of Venezuela; and that therefore Edward A. -
ORGANIZATION of AMERICAN STATES Inter-American Commission on Human Rights
ORGANIZATION OF AMERICAN STATES Inter-American Commission on Human Rights Application filed with the Inter-American Court of Human Rights In the case of Luisiana Ríos et al. (Case 12.441) against the Republic of Venezuela DELEGATES: Paulo Sérgio Pinheiro, Commissioner Santiago A. Canton, Executive Secretary Ignacio J. Álvarez, Special Rapporteur for Freedom of Expression ADVISERS: Elizabeth Abi-Mershed Débora Benchoam Lilly Ching Ariel E. Dulitzky Alejandra Gonza Silvia Serrano April 20, 2007 1889 F Street, N.W. Washington, D.C., 20006 TABLE OF CONTENTS Page I. INTRODUCTION....................................................................................................... 1 II. PURPOSE................................................................................................................ 1 III. REPRESENTATION ................................................................................................... 3 IV. JURISDICTION OF THE INTER-AMERICAN COURT........................................................ 3 V. PROCESSING BY THE INTER-AMERICAN COMMISSION ................................................ 3 VI. FACTS...................................................................................................................11 A. The political situation and the context of intimidation of media workers................11 B. The Radio Caracas Televisión (RCTV) Network and employees who are the victims in the instant case..............................................................................13 C. Statements by the President -
21St Century Socialism: Making a State for Revolution
tripleC 10(2): 537-554, 2012 ISSN 1726-670X http://www.triple-c.at 21st Century Socialism: Making a State for Revolution Lee Artz Purdue University Calumet, Department of Communication, Hammond, IN, USA, [email protected] Abstract: The Bolivarian Revolution in Venezuela has built mass organizations of workers and communities that have erratically challenged class and market relations – verifying that taking political power is difficult but essential to fundamental social change and that capitalist cultural practices complicate the revolutionary process. This work identifies components of state power, separating state apparatus (government) as a crucial site for instituting social change. The case of democratic, participatory communication and public media access is presented as central to the successes and problems of Venezuelan 21st century socialism. Drawing on field research in community media in Caracas, the essay highlights some of the politico- cultural challenges and class contradictions in producing and distributing cultural values and social practices for a new socialist hegemony necessary for fundamental social change. Keywords: community media, public media, state, state power, participatory communication, social change, hegemony, culture, revolution, class, class conflict. Acknowledgements: Much thanks and solidarity to Ana Viloria at MINCI (Ministry of Communication and Information, Wilfredo Vasquez at Catia TV, and Carlos Lujo at Radio Primero Negro for their time, insights, and dedication to democracy and social justice; thanks to Carlos Martinez for logistics and translation during our visits with dozens of Venezuelan media workers, and to Steve Macek and the organizers and participants of the Marxism and Communication conferences at the National Communication Association who provided critique and corrections for this work. -
Balanced Election Coverage with Media Researchers on Location
10.1515/nor-2017-0206 Current Research Projects More Balanced Election Coverage with Media Researchers on Location TOMAS ANDERSSON ODÉN On 15 August 2004, the Bolivarian Republic of monitoring project. A group of Venezuelan students Venezuela held a referendum to decide if the current who had been trained and had participated in the president, Hugo Chávez, should remain in office un- 2004 monitoring were recruited as coders.4 til the end of his six-year term or be recalled. Be- The purpose of the 2006 monitoring project was cause of strong social tension, including friction to analyse the balance in the coverage of the presi- between Chavez and some of the private media dential election campaign, and to evaluate the meth- companies, the Atlanta-based democracy organisa- odology of the 2004 project. tion The Carter Center sent a mission to Venezuela The main question was whether there were rea- to observe the referendum. The Carter Project in- sons to assume that the increased balance in media cluded a Scandinavian media monitoring project to reporting in 2004 was due to the media monitoring assess whether election coverage in the major TV project and the weekly presentation of its results. channels’ newscasts was balanced or biased.1 The result of the media monitoring was reported each week to the media companies and to the Ven- Tension after Coup ezuelan National Electoral Council (CNE). The first Tension between the Venezuelan president and report, released on 22nd of July 2004 demonstrated some of the privately-owned TV channels was that only one of the newscasts had a relatively bal- partly due to the media’s alleged role in a coup anced election reporting while the others had a con- d’état that briefly deposed of Hugo Chávez in April siderable bias.2 One of those was state-owned chan- of 2002. -
Historical Narratives of Denial of Racism And
Historical Narratives of Denial of Racism and the Impact of Hugo Chávez on Racial Discourse in Venezuela Valentina Cano Arcay DEVL 1970: Individual Research Project Prof. Keisha-Khan Perry December 19, 2019 Do not copy, cite, or distribute without permission of the author. / Cano Arcay 2 INDEX INTRODUCTION 3 Structure of the Capstone 10 PART I: NARRATIVES OF DENIAL OF RACISM THROUGHOUT VENEZUELAN HISTORY 11 "Mejorando la Raza": Racism through Miscegenation and Blanqueamiento 12 "Aquí no hay racismo, hay clasismo": The Separation of Race and Class 19 Comparison with the United States 23 Is this Denial True? Examining Forms of Racism in Venezuela 25 Language 26 Perceptions of Racism by Black Venezuelans 26 Media 30 PART II: HUGO CHÁVEZ AND RACIAL DISCOURSE 33 Hugo Chávez's Personal Background and Narrative 35 Policies 37 "El Pueblo" and President Chávez 40 Popular Support for President Chávez 41 The Opposition and President Chávez 42 Limitations and Backlash 43 How Does This All Negate the Historic Denial of Racism? 44 CONCLUSION 46 APPENDIX 50 BIBLIOGRAPHY 52 / Cano Arcay 3 INTRODUCTION On September 20, 2005, President of Venezuela Hugo Chávez Frías, in an interview with journalist Amy Goodman, stated that: "hate against me has a lot to do with racism. Because of my bemba (big mouth), because of my curly hair. And I'm so proud to have this mouth and hair because it's African" (Nzamba). In a country with legacies of slavery and colonialism, it seems evident that, throughout history, politicians would address the topic of racial discrimination. However, this comment by President Chávez was very uncommon for a Venezuelan politician. -
Venezuela: Issues for Congress, 2013-2016
Venezuela: Issues for Congress, 2013-2016 Mark P. Sullivan Specialist in Latin American Affairs January 23, 2017 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R43239 Venezuela: Issues for Congress, 2013-2016 Summary Although historically the United States had close relations with Venezuela, a major oil supplier, friction in bilateral relations increased under the leftist, populist government of President Hugo Chávez (1999-2013), who died in 2013 after battling cancer. After Chávez’s death, Venezuela held presidential elections in which acting President Nicolás Maduro narrowly defeated Henrique Capriles of the opposition Democratic Unity Roundtable (MUD), with the opposition alleging significant irregularities. In 2014, the Maduro government violently suppressed protests and imprisoned a major opposition figure, Leopoldo López, along with others. In December 2015, the MUD initially won a two-thirds supermajority in National Assembly elections, a major defeat for the ruling United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV). The Maduro government subsequently thwarted the legislature’s power by preventing three MUD representatives from taking office (denying the opposition a supermajority) and using the Supreme Court to block bills approved by the legislature. For much of 2016, opposition efforts were focused on recalling President Maduro through a national referendum, but the government slowed down the referendum process and suspended it indefinitely in October. After an appeal by Pope Francis, the government and most of the opposition (with the exception of Leopoldo López’s Popular Will party) agreed to talks mediated by the Vatican along with the former presidents of the Dominican Republic, Spain, and Panama and the head of the Union of South American Nations. -
Law on Social Responsibility in Radio, Television, and Electronic
Venezuela Page 1 of 5 Published on Freedom House (https://freedomhouse.org) Home > Venezuela Venezuela Country: Venezuela Year: 2016 Press Freedom Status: NF PFS Score: 80 Legal Environment: 26 Political Environment: 30 Economic Environment: 24 Overview Inhospitable conditions for press freedom continued to prevail in 2015 as the country prepared for legislative elections in December. Government officials used state media to threaten private outlets, and lawmakers with the ruling party opened defamation cases against critical journalists. Restricted access to foreign currency, crucial for purchasing newsprint, contributed to reductions in the size or frequency of some periodicals. However, compared with 2014, which featured major clashes between security forces and antigovernment demonstrators, the number of physical attacks and arbitrary detentions affecting journalists declined. Key Developments • The government refused to recognize a decision by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights (IACHR) ordering the reinstatement of the terrestrial broadcast license of television station Radio Caracas Television (RCTV), which was taken off the air in 2007 after a highly politicized campaign against the channel by then president Hugo Chávez. https://freedomhouse.org/print/48463 1/16/2018 Venezuela Page 2 of 5 • Foreign journalists faced restrictions while attempting to cover the legislative elections, and over two dozen alleged violations of press freedom were reported on election day. Legal Environment: 26 / 30 Article 57 of Venezuela’s 1999 constitution guarantees freedom of expression, but this right is not respected in practice. Reforms to the penal code in 2005 expanded the scope of defamation as a criminal offense; when directed at the president, it can result in a prison term of up to 30 months. -
Television in Venezuela: Who Dominates the Media? by MARK WEISBROT and TARA RUTTENBERG *
Issue Brief December 2010 Television in Venezuela: Who Dominates the Media? BY MARK WEISBROT AND TARA RUTTENBERG * It is commonly reported in the international press, and widely believed, that the government of President Hugo Chávez controls the media in Venezuela. For example, writing about Venezuela’s September elections for the National Assembly, the Washington Post’s deputy editorial page editor and columnist, Jackson Diehl, referred to the Chávez “regime’s domination of the media...” 1 In an interview on CNN, Lucy Morillon of Reporters Without Borders stated, “President Chávez controls most of the TV stations.” 2 And on PBS in November 2010, former Assistant Secretary of State for Western Hemisphere Affairs Roger Noriega stated that the Venezuelan media is “virtually under the control of Chávez.” 3 Such statements are made regularly in the major media and almost never challenged. Table 1 shows the evolution of Venezuelan television audience share from 2000-2010. There are three categories: private broadcast channels, which are privately owned and available on broadcast television without payment; the state channels, which are run by the government and also broadcast, without payment 4 by the viewer; and private paid TV, which includes cable and satellite, for which the subscriber must pay a fee; and other paid programming that is being watched during the time of the survey. As can be seen from the table, as of September 2010, Venezuelan state TV channels had just a 5.4 percent audience share. Of the other 94.6 percent of the audience, 61.4 percent were watching privately owned television channels, and 33.1 percent were watching paid TV.