Relationship between Socio-Economic Activities and in Khun Sa Watershed Area, Northern

N. Nakamura1, T. Noochdumrong2, S. Kalyawongsa2, C. Umemiya1, H.Chikaraishi3 and M. Amano1 1Waseda University, Saitama, Japan 2Royal Forest Department, Bangkok, Thailand 3Kyoto University, Kyoto, Japan

Abstract

Since the 1960s, the increased demand for teak and the logging of timber accelerated forest degradation in Thailand. It has been recognized that because of this, forest coverage in the county has decreased remarkably. Additional forest degradation has occurred due to increased population pressure and farmland in the rural area. Following a serious effort by the government to address forest issues, a policy aiming for forest conservation, with a ban on both logging and illegal logging, has been implemented. This study focused on deforestation associated with land use in the Khun Sa watershed in . The land use patterns in this study were driven by hill tribes, with two communities studied: the Hmong village called Khun Sa Nai; and the Karen village called Khun Sa Nok, which are located along the river Mae Nam Pai. The study was conducted to reveal land use patterns, using aerial photographs and topographic maps. In addition, an interview survey focusing on socioeconomic situation was implemented to obtain a comprehensive picture of the conditions. The were commercially oriented. They were using agriculture crops as an alternative to opium, with highland cash crops including cabbage, tea and fruits. At present, the diversity of crops has made agricultural activities complex. Though forest degradation has been a serious problem, forest cover has increased due to the emergence of community forests located in the mountains behind the villages. On the other hand, the have operated a sustainable farming system such as paddy fields in

Proceedings of the FORTROP II: Tropical Forestry Change in a Changing World, 17-20 November 2008, Kasetsart University, Bangkok, Thailand 160 FORTROP II: Tropical Forestry Change in a Changing World

Khun Sa Nok. Even though the Karen people seemed to prefer a simple life, it is likely that they have increased farm land for cash crops, which is similar to other neighboring village such as Khun Sa Nai. There were apparent distinguishable features in land use patterns between the Hmong and Karen villages. The study examined the impacts caused by these differences in both hill tribes.

Keywords: land use, agriculture, deforestation, ethnic groups, northern Thailand

Introduction

Thailand once was called ‘the kingdom of forest’ (Kashio, 1998 and Sato, 1999). Thailand has historically been rich in natural resources. Forest resources once covered 60% of the land area, providing much needed timber and non-timber benefits to Thailand supporting its agricultural production systems (Pelangi, 2000). The abundant forest received considerable attention as a valuable revenue source. At the beginning of the 19th century, the benefits from forest resources introduced by a British company fulfilled basic demands, for example supplying farm land and timber, for socio-economic development in addition to government revenue from forest cutting rights and exports (Kashio, 1998). Until the 1950s, logging companies concentrated on high value timber, leaving the majority of the other trees standing, so that the forest area diminished. The interest in forest issues was stimulated by the conflict between the sovereigns of provinces who managed forest utilization charges. The Royal Forest Department (RFD) was set up in 1896 with the main purpose of controlling teak cutting. However it was not until 1938 that the first protection and reservation in a Forest Act was passed (Chuntanaparb, 1986). It was made with the intention of creating a clear border line for government-controlled forest areas (Hayami, 2004).

Forest degradation causes environment damage, soil erosion, water pollution, flood and biodiversity loss. Taking these considerations into account, the government made attempts at forest conservation. In addition, development projects have targeted the people who live around the forest.

Previous studies have analyzed the state of natural resources as reflected by socio-economic conditions. Later work by Kalyawongsa (2000) showed that Volume 2: Tropical Forests and Climate Change 161 deforestation was due principally to the habits and cultures of the hill tribes in the study area. However, up until now, relatively few studies have been reported through time. The relationship between socio-economic activities and deforestation has not been studied sufficiently to show any time trend. It is necessary to focus on socio-economic conditions in northern Thailand when considering adaptable and sustainable development. In order to foresee the possibility for policy implementation, it is necessary to analyze the interventions and complexity of land use.

Forest Land Use

Deforestation is one of the most critical threats to countries with high biodiversity. Sustainably managed forests have multiple environmental and socio-economic functions which are important at the global, national and local scales, and play a vital part in sustainable development. Forest use played an important role in the economic growth in the 1980s. From LANDSAT data, the forest areas decreased dramatically from 23% of the whole kingdom in 1972 to 16% in 2002 (RFD, 2006). Tree planting activity on rural land has since changed significantly. There has been a substantial rise in demand for information relating to income diversification, increasing agricultural production and developing sustainable farming systems. This activity shows that the circumstances in rural areas have been changing drastically.

The new methods of transportation, mainly railways and steamships, increased Thailand’s export potential and access to the agricultural population in the countryside. It commenced with the train service between Bangkok and in 1903 (Sukwong, 1986) and then the national train service including north eastern Thailand in 1968 (Kashio, 1998). Consequently logging drastically expanded, supported by technical innovation and a distribution system (Sato, 1999) even if it was illegal. For about one hundred years, rice, rubber, tin and teak – the big four – made up nearly 90% of all exports. This lasted until 1968, when these products declined to just over half of all exports in favour of grain, oil or other crops. In 1968, these crops surpassed rice in export value, with world market demand increasing the production of, in particular, cassava, corn and kenaf (Sukwong, 1986). Farming has been changing from rice farming to cash crops. As mentioned above, there has been a continuous decline in forest area 162 FORTROP II: Tropical Forestry Change in a Changing World due to illegal logging and encroachment by poor rural communities. Signs of improvement are apparent, however.

The Swidden Cultivation

Most highlanders employ slash-and-burn or shifting cultivation (swiddening). This involves the felling of forests either on a rotation or pioneer system. Following exhaustion of the soil and weed invasion, the opium growers especially prefer to move their settlements and pioneer new villages in forested land (McKinnon, 1989). After the land is cleared, it can be cultivated for a few years without using pesticides or fertilizers. However, the land quickly degrades and if the farmers can not add fertilizers and pesticides, the yield is soon very low and the farmers move on, clearing new land (Delang, 2002). Increasing pressures on fallow cycles lead to rapid conversion of the highland slopes to grassland or semi-permanent cultivation by shifting cultivators. Ethnic minorities as swiddeners are usually divided into two groups: secondary forest and primary forest swiddeners. As long as population pressures remain low, both forms of swiddening are environmentally sound. The system breaks down as population pressures increase and the length of the rotation cycle is reduced. In northern Thailand this started to happen in the late 1970s (Delang, 2002).

On the one hand, the Karen villagers prefer to farm wet rice fields which results in shifting cultivation. Principally they have been operating an ecologically-informed mode of cyclic shifting cultivation. On the other hand, traditionally the Hmong villagers have grown opium for consumption and income (Masumoto, 1997). The demand for a very fertile soil by the opium leads to swiddening without ecological concern.

Policy

Many processes bringing marginalized people and environments into Thailand’s policy and economy come under the aegis of development (Hirsch, 1998). However the wider political reasons underlying deforestation are ignored, while the roles of logging, agribusiness, or livestock companies, often owned by national politicians or people close to them, are minimized (Deland, 2002). Even so, there is still argument about development projects, reflecting complex issues in northern Thailand.

Volume 2: Tropical Forests and Climate Change 163

As part of the above discussion, there has been support by means of policy action by the government and international agencies. The interest was high in hill tribes in northern Thailand where they managed abundant forest under shifting cultivation, as they used forest resources remarkably for not only farmland but also for opium cultivation. By the mid-1980s, maize had been supplanted by cabbage, the most popular cash crop in the highlands. By 1990 all villagers had switched to that crop (Tungittiplakorn, 2002). Cabbage is a crop that needs a lot of water, or, in the absence of water, a lot of pesticides (Delang, 2002).

The Watershed Management Division then set up the Watershed Development Units (WDU) for the rehabilitation and development of watershed areas under the RFD policy. The work originated in 1975 and now there are 36 WDUs. In 1977, the WMD experimented in a project aimed at stopping the tribes from their traditional migration activity. This was to initiate development work in the hill-tribe villages. The Royal Project for Hill Tribe Development was under the direct responsibility of RFD. All activities in the field were under the WDUs of the WMD (Chuntanaparb, 1986).

Development Project

Thailand Upland Social Forestry Project (TUSFP)

This project took place in two regions of the Thailand Upland Social Forestry Project (TUSFP ) which is a collaboration project among the RFD, Kasetsart University (KU), Chiang Mai University (CMU), and Khon Kaen University (KKU). The project, funded by the Ford Foundation since 1988, is conducted in the north and northeast regions. The KKU and the CMU assist the project by: 1) working closely with field personnel of the RFD; 2) assisting and providing advice based on social science perspectives to project personnel in both areas; 3) training RFD personnel in sociological techniques for analyzing and identifying target communities; and 4) making various educational inputs on other subjects related to natural resource management. In the mountainous areas, people’s lives depend on water for agriculture and household consumption (Kalyawongsa, 1993).

164 FORTROP II: Tropical Forestry Change in a Changing World

Sam Mun Highland Development Project (SMDHP)

The area of TUSFP was located within the Khun Sa Nai area of the Sam Mun Highland Development Project (SMHDP), a cooperative project between the United Nations Development Programs and the RFD through the Watershed Conservation Division (Kalyawongsa, 1993). The project started in 1987 and finished in 1994. It was funded by the United Nations Fund for Drug Control (UNFDAC) and the Government of Thailand. Implementation was carried out by the Watershed Management Division of the RFD. The project was implemented through an integrated rural development office in Chiang Mai under the RFD which was funded by the UNFDAC. The main objective of UN/Thai SMHDP was to improve the quality of life among hill tribes through the implementation of an integrated rural development project.

Study Site

The study site, in the Khun Sa watershed located in northern Thailand, is located in Pai district, . Khun Sa Nai and Khun Sa Nok, were selected as communities along the Mae Nam Pai watershed, which was located at an altitude of 660-1800 m. There was diversity in ethnicity, with Hmong, Karen, Lisu and Central Thai, though the Karen lived downstream and the Hmong upstream in the Khun Sa Watershed (Figure 1). The Hmong villagers had been cultivating opium using swidden and shifting cultivation, as farmland at elevation 1200-1300 m was suitable for opium cultivation. While the Karen famers had never grown opium, they raised many kinds of domestic animals, buffalo, hog and hen for eating and sale.

There were three houses in the area in 1954 (Kalyawongsa, 2000). It has been prohibited to cut down trees under the WLS since 2000. There is a child development center for children below five years of age and an elementary school in Khun Sa Nai. They are supported at the subdistrict level of government (an administrative unit for rural areas). Additionally, electricity was introduced in 2007 and is used for cooking and lighting in daily life. The existence of Karen villages could be detected on aerial photographs taken in 1954 (Kalyawongsa, 2000). The adjacent community to Khun Sa Nok, called Mae Mu Ruand, has a tambon office, which supports farmers to engage in technology transfer aiming to resolve water shortages. There is a school adjacent to Khun Sa Nok.

Volume 2: Tropical Forests and Climate Change 165

Khun Sa Nai

k

Khun Sa No Pai

) C

(

Pai district. and (C) e Hong Son province

on S

)

B (

Mae Hong

Study area: (A) Map of Thailand, (B) Ma

) A (

1 Figure

166 FORTROP II: Tropical Forestry Change in a Changing World

Materials and Methods

The analysis of the land cover changes used a geographic information system (GIS) database derived from aerial photographs, over the period 1954, 1968, 1976 and 1995. It was interpreted and classified into 11 land use categories:

• High density forest (D; crown closure>80%) • Medium density forest (M; crown closure 50-80%) • Low density forest (S; crown closure 20-50%) • Low density forest with bamboo (SB; crown closure 20-50%) • Secondary forest (L) • Bamboo forest (B) • Grass and bush land (G) • Agricultural land (C) • Orchard (F) • Plantation (P) • Community (V)

The trend of deforestation and land use changes could be determined using the aerial photographs. The analysis of more recent data was obscure because of difficulties in the fragmentation of the data. The study area was divided into six zones originally identified by Kalyawongsa (2000). These zones were based on occupation by each hill tribe, Hmong and Karen. Information was collected by oral survey. Zone 1 was a Karen zone downstream in the Khun Sa Watershed, whereas Zone 5 was a Hmong zone. From a socio-economic perspective, the findings of the ground survey were supported by the topographic information. The ground surveys conducted by interviewing and questionnaire focused mainly on history, agriculture, forest use and life style.

Health Center and Population

The present center, called Annamai, was combined with another health center in Khun Sa Nai. According to the health center, there were 98 households in Khun Sa Nai and 45 households in Khun Sa Nok. The Hmong families conventionally prefer a male baby to provide a family labor force. From the questionnaire survey, the average members per household and the average age were: 4.3 and 33 years old in Khun Sa Nai and 2.7 and 39 years in Khun Sa Nok. Several families lived together in Khun Sa Nai. According to SMDHP (2000), the population growth rate was 4.7% in Khun Sa Nai and Volume 2: Tropical Forests and Climate Change 167

2.17% in Khun Sa Nok. As a result, the increased number of people created increased demand for food, water health, housing and wood. Consequently, the people turn into an exhauster and polluter of resources (Sukwong, 1986).

Community Forest

The Tung Jor watershed management unit was set up under the Sam-Mun highland project. A community forest was introduced into Khun Sa watershed, with the objectives of: 1) the protection of the natural forest in the project area from migration, cutting trees, logging and forest fire; and 2) the support and control of land use in the reserve forest area, in accordance with the national land use policy.

Results

Forest Area and Land Use

Forest area in the whole Khun Sa watershed clearly decreased based on the aerial photographs (Figure 2). In the Hmong zone, forest area covering high density forest, medium density forest and low density forest was 84.57%, 82.06%, 75.41% and 61.72% in 1954, 1968, 1976 and 1995, respectively. Farmland area was 2.63%, 3.97%, 3.97% and 8.29% in 1954, 1968, 1976 and 1995, respectively. Additionally, farmland expanded rapidly during 1976- 1983 and reduced slightly in 1995. In the Karen zone, forest area was 68.91%, 55.94%, 43.69% and 40.93% in 1954, 1968, 1976 and 1995, respectively. Farmland was 1.22%, 3.24%, 4.82% and 8.60% in 1954, 1968, 1976 and 1995, respectively. Farmland gradually expanded between 1954 -1976 but speedily expanded during 1976-1995, caused by migration into the area by outsiders (Kalyawongsa, 2000).

Income and Expenditure

Table 1 shows income and expenditure, classified into on-farm and off-farm. The on-farm income and expenditure in Khun Sa Nai was higher than in Khun Sa Nok.

168 FORTROP II: Tropical Forestry Change in a Changing World

% 100 V 90 P 80 F 70 C 60 G B 50 L 40 SB 30 S 20 M 10 D 0 1954 1968 1976 1995

Year

Figure 2 Land-use change in the whole Khun Sa watershed, classified into 11 categories as indicated in materials and methods.

Table 1 Income and Expenditure (Baht per year).

Khun Sa Nai Khun Sa Nok Category Income Expenditure Income Expenditure (1) (2) (1) (2) (1) (2) (1) (2) Household 83 840 18 243 94 601 29 350 40 707 22 420 18 133 37 653 Person 20 616 4486 8642 32 217 14 893 8202 3980 9622

Note: (1) – on-farm; (2) – off-farm

Crop Variety

Figures 3 and 4 show the number of households, the area and the yields for each crop in Khun Sa Nai and Khun Sa Nok, respectively. There were 21 kinds of crops in Khun Sa Nai, with seven kinds of crops that made up 30% or more of the land cultivated. For example, the most popular was cabbage and the second was Japanese bunching onion. As the area increased further, more crops were cultivated. There were nine kinds of crop cultivated in Khun Sa Nok. More than half of the households cultivated two kinds of Volume 2: Tropical Forests and Climate Change 169 crops: rice and peanuts, with the rice for self consumption and the peanuts for sale. The other seven were minority crops. Moreover the farm land and yields in each village were classified into self-consumption and for sale (Figures 5 and 6). Crops for sale were cultivated more in Khun Sa Nai (75%) than in Khun Sa Nok (49%). However, some crops were cultivated for sale, but with surplus yield for consumption. These results indicated that Hmong farmers cultivated cash crops more than their Karen counterparts.

NumberNumber ofof cultivationcultivator

120 500000

100 400000 80 300000 60 200000 40 k

rai 20 100000 Product (kg) (kg) Product Area (rai) 0 0

Rice Chili Lichi Corn glory

Onion radish Potato Wheat

Ginger Shallot

Orange Lettuce Tomato sativum Cassava

cabbage Cabbage Pumpkin

Cabbage

Persimmon white

Morning Pisum White Bunching

Chinese Area Product

Japanese ItemItem Japanese

Figure 3 Area-product in Khun Sa Nai.

NumberNumber of cultivationof cultivator 912112111 120 450000 100 350000 80 250000 60 150000

Area (rai) 40 kg. kg. 20rai 50000 Product (kg) (kg) Product 0 ‐50000 Rice Onion erecta

Peanut Orange Lettuce Tobacco Strawberry Tagetes Bunching

Area Product ItemItem Japanese

Figure 4 Area-product in Khun Sa Nok. 170 FORTROP II: Tropical Forestry Change in a Changing World

Surplus for consumption 15%

Self consumption 10%

Product for sale 75%

Figure 5 Farmland used for crops, self consumption or for sale in Khun Sa Nai.

Surplus for consumption 1% Sale 5%

Self consumption 50%

Product for sale 44%

Figure 6 Farmland used for crops, self consumption or for sale in Khun Sa Nok. Volume 2: Tropical Forests and Climate Change 171

Cultivation Area

Cultivation area varied in each village. From interview surveys, it was found that the cultivation area in rai/person in Khun Sa Nai was 4.60 which was about 1.5 times larger than that in Khun Sa Nok (2.54). (A rai is a unit of land area, 6.25 rai = 1 ha.) In terms of suitable land for each crop, there was a distinguishable difference between the two villages, indicating where and how large farmers mostly preferred to cultivate. In Khun Sa Nai (Figure 7), highland crops (1.81 rai) were preferable to temperate crops (1.11 rai) or orchards (1.68 rai). The yield from highland crops (7072 kg) was higher than from temperate crops (1436 kg) or orchards (1348 kg). By contrast, temperate crops (2.23 rai) in Khun Sa Nok were preferable to orchards (0.24 rai) or highland crops (0.01 rai) (Figure 8). The yield from temperate crops (2600 kg) was higher than from orchards (975.61 kg) or highland crops (6.59 kg).

% 100%100 Orchard 90%90 Orchard 80%80 70%70

60%60 Low‐ land 50%50 Low‐ land 40%40 30%30 High‐ 20%20 land 10%10 High‐ 0 0% land KhunKhun Sa Sa Nai Nai Khun Khun Sa Sa Nok Nok Orchard Low‐land High‐land ƒ Orchard ƒ Low-land ƒ High-land

Figure 7 Area for highland, lowland, orchard in Khun Sa Nai. 172 FORTROP II: Tropical Forestry Change in a Changing World

% 100%100 Orchard 90%90 Orchard 80%80 Low‐ land 70%70 60%60 50%50 Low‐ land 40%40 High‐ 30%30 land 20%20 10%10 High‐ 0%0 land Khun Sa Nai Khun Sa Nok Khun Sa Nai Khun Sa Nok Orchard Low‐land High‐land ƒ Orchard ƒ Low-land ƒ High-land

Figure 8 Area for highland, lowland, orchard in Khun Sa Nok.

The interview data also showed a fluctuation in cultivation area with time (Figure 9). The cultivation area in Khun Sa Nai escalated erratically, whereas in Khun Sa Nok it was incremental. The area under cultivation decreased to 1992 and then rapidly increased from 1996 and achieved its peak in 1999. The increases and decreases since 2003 were due to the rapid expansion of crops and orchards, or the decrease in vegetables. Orchard expansion was reflected in the gradual increase in Khun Sa Nok.

Transportation

Access to markets for Hmong produce was by pick-up truck and motorcycle to Chiang Mai and Mae Hong Son. In contrast, transportation was less advanced for Karen produce. Instead of transportation, a middle man came to Khun Sa Nai and at the time of the survey 10 middle men had come. In the 1990’s, a new paved road was built with the support of the RFD.

Volume 2: Tropical Forests and Climate Change 173

60

50

40

30

VE. (area/people) 20 A 10

0 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 year

Khun Sa Nai Khun Sa Nok

Figure 9 Change of farmland in Khun Sa watershed.

Discussion and Conclusion

This study suggested that agriculture is an important land use and can help formulate policy. There were three principle results: 1) the cultivation area and crop variety in Khun Sa Nai was higher than in Khun Sa Nok; 2) income and expenditure based on farming in Khun Sa Nai was higher than in Khun Sa Nok; 3) there was a greater area under cultivation with more highland crops and orchards in Khun Sa Nai than in Khun Sa Nok.

The difference in cultivation area between Hmong and Karen farmers reflected the number of crops grown. The variety of crops in Khun Sa Nai was attributed to the large amount of available cultivated land. In Khun Sa Nok, however, there were causal factors that limited farming. The larger amount of cultivated land in Khun Sa Nai could be ascribed to population increase and a lack of land certification. Traditionally, Hmong families live together with several in the one household. Moreover, family labor is essential for farming. The most preferred product in Khun Sa Nai was highland crops that were cultivated on steep slopes. There was a negative impact on the upstream watershed that threatened downstream agricultural systems. Farming on steep slopes was accelerated by the introduction of cash 174 FORTROP II: Tropical Forestry Change in a Changing World crops, which were introduced to replace opium growing. Since farming highland cash crops needed not only fertilizer, but also sprinkler-irrigation equipment as well, the on-farm expenditure in Khun Sa Nai increased. Hmong farmers changed forest into farmland. Meanwhile, a part of the forest was protected as community forest, which meant that forest management was effective in achieving some natural resource conservation. With more effort, community forest could be promoted as a means of reinforcing resource conservation.

Compared to Khun Sa Nai, there was less variety in crops in Khun Sa Nok because of the water accessibility and limited access to market, thus local food supply was insufficient and needed to be supplemented by purchases.

It should be pointed out that the Hmong and Karen communities interact with each other but from different perspectives. Karen workers obtained off- farm revenue through daily employment by the Hmong farmers during busy crop times and as guest labourers in the urban areas as well. Karen farmers cultivated middle-land which they preferred to cultivate repeatedly.

On the one hand, Hmong farmers cultivated high-land crops and middle- land crops broadly. Their agricultural style might increasingly lead to deforestation, primarily due to their need for a high income necessary to support technical skills and new crop introduction. On the other hand, even if Karen farmers had less impact than their Hmong counterparts, there was still a link to forest use because they were employed by Hmong farmers. Their low income provided Karen families with an incentive to work as laborers. Relatively few crops could be observed that were unstable, as an assured income was one of the most important criteria for the farmers. Since the middle-land crop dominated Khun Sa Nok, this study suggested the introduction of litchi and orange orchards to act as a cash crop or wood.

This study also suggested that the social inequality between Karen and Hmong villagers reflected their access to social welfare and education. The subdistrict represents a good instrument to address the inequality because of its role in local administration. In terms of natural resource conservation, the life styles of the people heavily affected the whole watershed and so need to be understood in detail. There is no doubt that continuous watershed management and conservation is needed, but strategies must consider the Volume 2: Tropical Forests and Climate Change 175 interaction of the agricultural sector, socio-economic activity and natural resources, especially forest.

Acknowledgements

The author wishes to thank the Faculty of Forestry, Kasetsart University, for hosting activities in Thailand. And also the technical assistance of the Thai Royal Forest Department is gratefully appreciated. This work was supported by the Global Environment Research Fund of the Ministry of Environment, Japan

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