Ending Forced and Early Marriage in Cameroon

When Girls’ Lives Matter: Ending Forced and Early Marriage in Cameroon

Quality/Calidad /Qualité /Quality/Calidad /Qualité / When Girls’ Lives Matter: Ending Forced and Early Marriage in Cameroon

This issue of Q/C/Q is dedicated to the memory of Tabita Damdam

/Quality/Calidad/Qualité / Quality/Calidad/Qualité, a publication of models for replication, but as examples for the Population Council, presents case stud- learning. They demonstrate a responsiveness ies of high-quality, innovative programs in to broader social and economic transforma- sexual and reproductive health. Q/C/Q spe- tions; they highlight inventive and affordable cifically documents educational and clinic- ways to respond to clients’ needs; and they based programs that are making strides in reflect the self-critical and flexible attitude re- one or more of the following ways: (1) ad- quired for learning from program experiences dressing the central importance of gender dy- and research evidence. Although they are namics in shaping sexual and reproductive written as practical tools—in accessible style health outcomes; (2) improving the quality of with carefully selected detail—they also serve care of clinic-based services; and (3) reach- to inspire program leaders and policymakers ing disadvantaged and underserved groups. to enable clients to become more effective With rare exceptions, featured programs are guardians of their sexual and reproductive operating in developing countries. health, and by doing so contribute funda- Q/C/Q case studies — selected by an ex mentally to the achievement of such broader pert advisory group — are offered not as aims as the Millennium Development Goals.

Production Staff Advisory Committee Editor: Debbie Rogow Gary Barker Katherine Kurz Assistant Editor and Production Coordinator: Carmen Barroso Laura Laski Jonah Stuart Brundage Judith Bruce Suellen Miller Copyeditor: Karen Tweedy-Holmes Batya Elul Saumya Ramarao Designer: Mike Vosika Susana Galdos Ann Starrs Translators: Edgar Peralta (Spanish) and Françoise Girard Cynthia Steele Geneviève Haines (French) Nicole Haberland

Publication of this edition of Quality/Calidad/Qualité is made possible by support provided by the Ford Foundation; the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation; and the Poverty, Gender, and Youth Pro- gram of the Population Council. Statements made and views expressed in this publication are solely the responsibility of the authors and not of any organization providing support for Q/C/Q.

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Cover photograph and all interior photographs by Andrea Lynch. The subject in the cover photograph is not associated with the program featured in this publication.

Any part of this publication may be copied or adapted to meet local needs without permission from the Population Council, provided that the parts copied are distributed free or at cost (not for profit) and that the source is identified. The Population Council would appreciate receiving a copy of any materials in which the text is used. Introduction by Sajeda Amin

The past decade has witnessed a dramatic in- Why do traditions of early and forced crease in awareness about early and forced marriage persist in certain areas when, marriage of girls as a widespread violation globally, age at marriage has been rising? of human rights. The implications of such Efforts to analyze the influences on -mar marriages are now quite familiar: Girls are riage decision point to a combination of robbed of their childhood and the option of economic and social factors, especially at education, and are thrust instead into adult the nexus between poverty and gender in- roles, often including forced sex and pres- equality.2 For example, several studies from sure to bear children early. They are more India and Bangladesh report that parents of- likely to experience domestic violence ten view daughters — who generally move (Jensen and Thornton 2003) and frequently to their husband’s home and are not con- report unhappy conjugal relationships, even sidered potential sources of support during later in life. Because they are likely to marry parents’ old age — as an additional burden men much older than themselves, they are (Cain 1981; Das Gupta 1987). Hence, par- also more likely to spend a significant por- ents are motivated to marry them off early tion of their lives widowed, abandoned, or divorced; those who are widowed are even more vulnerable because they typically do Parents often view daughters — who not own property or have the ability to earn generally move to their husband’s a livelihood. In short, early and forced mar- home and are not considered riages exacerbate gender inequality and the likelihood of poor outcomes throughout life. potential sources of support during Although females’ age at marriage has parents’ old age — as an additional increased rapidly in most of the world, ear- burden. Hence, parents are motivated ly marriage remains a common practice in many regions. According to UNICEF (2005), to marry them off early to reduce in South Asia, 48 percent of females aged the number of mouths to feed. 15–24 were married before the age of 18; in Africa, the proportion is 42 percent; and in Latin America and the Caribbean it is 29 to reduce the number of mouths to feed. percent.1 Substantial variation exists within Some evidence also suggests that concerns these regions as well, with highest rates of about daughters’ safety, especially the fear child marriage typically among those coun- of out-of-wedlock pregnancy, may be a fac- tries with lowest levels of per capita income. tor in early marriage decisions. Moreover, For example, in Burkina Faso, Guinea, Ban- evidence suggests that early marriage prac- gladesh, Chad, Mali, and Niger, more than tices are also perpetuated by customs of 60 percent of girls marry before age 18 dowry or brideprice, which involve signifi- (UNICEF 2005). In some settings — such as cant payments directly from one family to pockets of Uganda, Tanzania, Ethiopia, Ni- another (Amin and Huq 2008). geria, India, and Nepal — extremely early Lessons from settings where age at mar- marriage and traditions of coercion in marriage has increased are inconsistent. In East riage remain common. Asia, the increase in age at marriage is corre-

1 Under the Convention on the Rights of the Child, a girl is considered a child until age 18, except in countries where the age of majority is lower. 2 Other social factors, such as ethnicity and disability, may also influence girls’ vulnerability to early or forced marriage.

No. 20 • 1 lated with gains in education and workforce key in many places may be the promotion of participation that have given females greater schooling — particularly secondary school- choice regarding their partners. This effect, ing — combined with meaningful prospects however, is not consistent. In the Middle of positive livelihood opportunities. East, delayed marriage appears to have oc- Combining public education about the curred despite continued low education and negative effects of early and forced mar- lack of employment opportunities for wom- riage with positive preventive strategies en. Greater understanding of the causes and is also valuable. The Association for the consequences of marriage decisions in di- Struggle Against Violence Against Women verse settings is needed to find effective path- (ALVF, from its name in French) in Camer- ways out of traditional harmful practices. oon is one such example. ALVF provides The complex and varied nature of forced counseling, language and literacy train- and child marriage patterns is such that they ing, economic support, and empowerment have defied standard policy or program- activities for girls who have fled (or been matic actions. It is known that societies that thrown out from) early or forced marriages impose such marriages typically afford low to help them overcome their adversities. status to girls and women. Indeed, the vio- At the same time, the program seeks to lation of a girl’s basic rights at the moment bring about broader social change by high- of marriage is typically tied into a web of lighting in the public sphere — as well as mutually reinforcing violations throughout among parents and husbands — the plight her life cycle. For example, in parts of north of girls who were married early and/or by India, parents’ expectation that the birth of force. Hence, ALVF’s prevention strategy a girl will carry not only lower social status is based on a broad understanding of the but also high expenditures (for dowry pay- perceptions, expectations, and motivations ments at marriage) helps drive preference that sustain the practice of early and forced for boy as opposed to girl children, often marriage. That understanding is based on leading to unfavorable birth ratios. Less the experiences of the Cameroonian wom- investment in daughters often also leads en who work, or seek help, at ALVF, which to under-investments in their nutrition and are shared in the following case study. education, further perpetuating their dependence on men and their low status. References In the absence of broader social and eco- Amin, Sajeda and Lopita Huq. 2008. “Marriage nomic changes in women’s status, few in- considerations in sending girls to school in terventions have had an impact on harmful Bangladesh: Some qualitative evidence,” Pov- marriage practices. Legal remedies — those erty, Gender, and Youth Working Paper No. 12. that set a minimum age for marriage, grant Population Council: New York. women the right to consent to or refuse a Cain, Mead. 1981. “Risk and insurance: Per- marriage, or ban marriage payments such as spectives on fertility and agrarian change in brideprice and dowry — have generally had India and Bangladesh,” Population and Devel- opment Review 7(3): 435–474. little impact. These are at best blunt instru- ments, necessary but not sufficient to bring Das Gupta, Monica. 1987. “Selective discrimi- about the fundamental changes in attitudes nation against female children in rural Pun- jab,” Population and Development Review toward girls and their rights. Even education, 13(1): 77–100. while important, may not exert an impact Jensen, Robert and Rebecca Thornton. 2003. “Ear- on its own. For example, in Bangladesh, a ly female marriage in the developing world,” conditional cash transfer program giving Gender and Development 11(2): 9–19. Cited parents financial incentives to keep their in UNICEF. 2005. “Early marriage: A harm- adolescent daughters in school succeeded ful traditional practice.” . but had no impact on marriage timing. The Accessed 14 October 2010.

2 • Quality/Calidad/Qualité When Girls’ Lives Matter: Ending Forced and Early Marriage in Cameroon by Andrea Lynch

When Aïssa Doumara was twelve years another family now. All of my unmar- old, her mother died and she was sent to ried classmates went back to school, live with an aunt. Her father was coming but I just stayed in the house and cried. for dinner one night, and she prepared a I couldn’t even eat.” Within another special sauce for him. Asked by the aunt year, Aïssa became pregnant, the first if he was pleased that his daughter could of three pregnancies. cook so well, Aïssa’s father replied, This story is typical of many young “Her husband is the one who will be women who grow up in the far north of pleased.” More than twenty years later, Cameroon, but Aïssa was relatively lucky: Aïssa recalls that moment with perfect One of her husband’s cousins urged her to clarity. “It sent chills down my spine,” resume her studies and her husband per- she says. For Aïssa, her father’s committed her to do so. Overcoming the de- ment was a stinging reminder that in pression and inertia brought on by her mar- northern Cameroon, a girl’s life was not riage, she strapped her infant daughters on her own. “In this region,” she reflects, her back and attended classes by day, then “if you’re born female, you realize very returned to her domestic responsibilities in quickly that your life is not going to be the evening. Upon completing secondary as good or as easy as your brothers’ school, Aïssa received two scholarship of- lives, as boys’ lives. You know because fers, one to study in the Cameroonian capi- it’s always being repeated to you in one way or another — you’re always being reminded that you don’t really belong to your family. If you quarrel with your little brothers, your family says, ‘Yes, but you’ll be gone one day.’”

Aïssa was a strong student, consistently among the first in her class. Her father, however, had other plans for her. She had her first suitor at the age of eleven, and by the time she turned fifteen, her father had promised her to one of his own contempo- raries — a man 21 years her senior.

By the following year, Aïssa was married to this man and sent to live with his extended family, whom she had never met. “I was so sad, I cried for months,” she recalls. “I didn’t want to do my hair, I didn’t want to talk to anyone, I At age 11, Aïssa Doumara was sent a suitor by her father. At 16, just wanted to go home. But it wasn’t she was pulled from school and married off to a 37-year-old man. my home any more — I belonged to Today she is a leader in the movement against child marriage.

No. 20 • 3 ciation for the Struggle Against Violence Against Women, a national organization she had co-founded with a group of childhood friends and cousins five years earlier. That goal took her to the Rotary Club dinner, where she hoped to interest a few women in her plan, and where she met Aïssa. Re- calling that moment, Aïssa says, “My fight began when I was very young, and I always said to myself that I was going to work with someone who agreed that what I had lived through was not good, and that it had to change.” She took one of Siké’s flyers. By March of that year, Aïssa, together with Siké and two other women — Anne- Marie Njocké and Iris Hartvelt — had formed a Far-North province branch of the Association for the Struggle Against Violence Against Women, also known in Siké Billé moved to Maroua to establish a chapter of the French as ALVF.2 Association for the Struggle Against Violence Against Women Maroua. She chose Maroua because women in that region face such extreme discrimination, isolation, and violence. To gain initial acceptance, even to find a place to live, Siké pretended she had a husband working in the capital city. Early Marriage in Far North Cameroon: Law versus Reality tal of Yaoundé, 500 miles away, and one In Cameroon, forced and early marriage to study at a university in Germany. At her is in fact illegal. The legal minimum age husband’s urging, Aïssa declined both of- of marriage is 18 for boys and 15 for fers. Instead, she remained in Maroua1 and girls; the Penal Code further states that marriage must involve the consent of enrolled in a local professional course. both parties, and it must be recognized Aïssa’s life changed in 1996. At a Rotary by an official certificate. In practice, Club dinner she attended with her hus- however, the law fails to protect most band, she met a woman named Siké Billé. girls. Indeed, among currently married Siké, who comes from southern Cameroon, women aged 20–29 in the northern re- had recently moved to Maroua for a com- gion, fully three-fourths were first mar- munity development job with the Ministry ried by age 16 (Adair 2007). Polygyny is of Water, Mines, and Energy. A sociologist practiced in this part of Cameroon, but multiple consecutive marriages are far and feminist activist, Siké had chosen this more common than concurrent ones. particular position for a reason. Women in Typically, when a girl is married off, it is Maroua suffer extreme discrimination, iso- to a much older man who may have had lation, and violence, and Siké aimed to start previous wives. a local chapter of the Cameroonian Asso-

1 Maroua is the capital city of Cameroon’s Far North province. 2 Cameroon is a francophone country and ALVF stands for Association de Lutte Contre les Violences Faites aux Femmes. The Association for the Struggle Against Violence Against Women is referred to interchangeably as the Association and ALVF throughout this article. The branch in the far north is one of three current branches of the Association.

4 • Quality/Calidad/Qualité The Birth of the Far the Dutch development organization SNV, North Branch of ALVF they organized a two-day workshop with about 20 influential individuals (doctors, The vision that originally took Siké to Ma- teachers, social workers, traditional and re- roua was a broad one. She wanted to es- ligious authorities, jurists, and journalists). tablish a feminist foothold in a part of the country where women had little say in their lives, with the eventual goal of transform- Siké wanted to establish a feminist ing women’s unequal status. An outsider to the region but an intuitive networker and foothold in a part of the country relationship-builder, Siké spent her first where women had little say in their few years in Maroua establishing herself lives. As they listened, one issue — building a network of allies in the legal, medical, political, traditional, and religious emerged again and again: forced communities; and leveraging every person- and early marriage al, professional, and political contact she had to garner support for the Association. From the beginning, Siké knew that the Most important, they undertook informal, Association’s existence would provoke the qualitative research with women in and accusations typically leveled at feminist around Maroua. organizations worldwide: that it was anti- As they listened, one issue emerged male, anti-marriage, and pro-prostitution, again and again: forced and early mar- and that it sought to corrupt women, emas- riage. Yet public debate about child mar- culate men, and disrupt social stability. In riage was virtually nonexistent: No orga- a highly conservative setting like Maroua, nizations were focused on identifying and she knew she would have to work strategi- addressing its root causes, or on support- cally. For instance, she knew that her status ing the women whose lives had been torn as a single, childless woman would harm asunder by this abusive practice [see box her credibility and might even prevent her on page 4]. from finding a place to live. So she told her new acquaintances that her husband was a lawyer in Douala, and she introduced her nephew, who had come with her to Ma- roua, as her son. “When I realized that I was accepted, I started to tell people that I wasn’t married — if they asked,” she says. “But at the beginning I was obliged to lie in order for the Association to be accepted, so that I’d have allies in the right places, and so that we would be able to stay.” During her first two years, Siké was joined by a growing group of women like Aïssa. Together, they focused their efforts on identifying the kinds of violence faced by women in the Maroua region. Working out of a small room in the provincial office of the Ministry on the Condition of Wom- en, they met with local authorities and with representatives from nongovernmental ALVF explains that at the root of child marriage is organizations (NGOs). With support from power and control over women.

No. 20 • 5 Establishing the Center The creation of the Center also afforded for Women’s Lives independence from the Ministry, and thus, the Cameroonian government. Symboli- A major turning point came in 1998, when cally, it established the Association for the the Association secured funding from the Struggle Against Violence Against Women New York-based International Women’s as a permanent, visible, autonomous insti- Health Coalition (IWHC) for the Far North tution, and this in turn lent legitimacy to Branch to open an office and drop-in center the issues and perspectives that the Associ- for women, the Centre Vie de Femmes (Cen- ation sought to champion. When the Min- ter for Women’s Lives). The grant included ister for the Condition of Women paid a funding for a state social worker to spend visit to Maroua in 1998, ALVF was the only 15 hours a week in the Center counseling women’s NGO with a space equipped to receive her delegation. In choosing a location for the Center for Women’s Lives, Siké strategically rented a space on one of Maroua’s main avenues, near the Lamidat, the palace of Maroua’s senior traditional leader and the seat of the local traditional justice system. The close proximity to a landmark helps visitors find the Center. Even more strategic, if risky, was the assertive decision by a decidedly feminist organization to hang a prominent sign just down the street from the community’s bastion of tradition. Announcing its existence in this manner to all who passed by was part of the Association’s wider strategy: to establish an alternative voice capable of sparking debate and publiciz- ing experiences that had been shrouded in silence, fear, and invisibility. In short, to make women visible. The offering of services started very slowly, and in its first few years of opera- The Center for Women’s Lives is housed in the ALVF building tion, the Center handled only about ten just down the street from the palace of the traditional leader. cases a year. Siké and her colleagues used The choice of location was a risky, but strategic decision for an the time to learn more about these wom- openly feminist organization. en’s lives and needs, including what had led them to become trapped in a cycle of and educating women. Establishing a phys- violence and dependence. Echoing what ical space — with a sign out front — was they had learned in their initial outreach, a watershed moment for Siké, Aïssa, and they found that, typically, these women’s their colleagues. Suddenly, the Association problems had been set off by a forced, was visible and accessible to women.3 early marriage.

3 The Center was equipped with a private counseling room, a small library, and a space to hold community- education sessions and public events.

6 • Quality/Calidad/Qualité Child Marriage in Far of both parties in order for a marriage to be North Cameroon valid. In reality, child marriage is misrepre- sented as religious doctrine when in fact it Underlying Factors is merely a local tradition. Very few people Girls who grow up in northern Camer- in the region, however, have enough lit- oon are told early and often that marriage eracy and training to read and interpret re- is their primary destiny. The Association ligious texts for themselves. Hence, many for the Struggle Against Violence Against parents mistakenly think of child marriage Women has analyzed the factors and so- as a religious value firmly rooted in the sa- cial institutions that reinforce this message, cred texts of Islam (the dominant religion which echo many of the underlying causes in this part of Cameroon). of early marriage elsewhere. Men — usually fathers and older broth- Child marriage is typically practiced in a ers — negotiate the vast majority of child context of poverty. Because of the prohibi- marriages; mothers are often left out of the tive costs associated with schooling4, poor picture entirely. Mothers know that resis- families often view educating their daughters tance might lead to their being thrown out — who are just going to be married anyway of the house. Indeed, the mother is often the — as a dubious investment. Indeed, it is not uncommon for a young adolescent school- girl who talks out of turn to be reprimanded Marrying off daughters is also by her teacher and asked, “What are you an income-generation strategy. still doing in school? You should be married by now!” Marrying off daughters is also an In exchange for the girl’s “hand” income-generation strategy. In exchange in marriage, a father receives for the girl’s “hand” in marriage, a father payment — usually in the form receives payment — usually in the form of livestock, cash, or goods; younger girls often of livestock, cash, or goods; fetch a higher price. Marrying off a daughter younger girls often fetch a also means one fewer mouth to feed. Moreover, some parents view marrying higher price. their daughters off as a strategy to protect against a potential out-of-wedlock pregnancy. Such pregnancies — even if they are first person to be blamed when a girl refuses a result of rape — are considered to bring to comply with a proposed marriage. shame on a girl’s family and to undermine Amid the many factors cited above, the her marriage prospects. Indeed, while it is practice of child marriage is kept in place socially acceptable for a 12-year-old girl by a single underlying reality: patriarchy to be impregnated by her 40-year-old hus- and “male honor.” Across Cameroon’s far band, an 18-year-old who becomes preg- north region, women are considered prop- nant after a rape — or after having consen- erty, and men’s honor is paramount. The sual sex with her boyfriend — is a source notion that a woman or girl has a right to of shame.5 decide whom she marries is predicated on Yet another factor is confusion about re- the notion that she has the same value as a ligious law. The Koran calls for the consent man or boy, a radical idea for many.

4 Even in the absence of tuition fees, parents must pay for clothes, transportation, and textbooks, as well as exam fees, activity fees, and contributions to local school boards. 5 For a post-pubescent unmarried girl in Maroua, simply walking with a classmate, an activity referred to as “se promener” (literally “walking around), may be viewed as tantamount to sexual immorality.

No. 20 • 7 Girls’ Childhood Path to ried so young rarely understand what is Early Marriage happening to them. Until their husbands begin to demand sex — an act that some- As a result of such attitudes, girls often times involves the girl being physically don’t make it into or out of primary school, restrained by neighbors or other family so most women cannot read or write in members — most girls believe they are any language and cannot speak French.6 being sent to visit an older relative or fam- Hence, they lack the skills that would not ily friend. only afford them access to employment, As Germène Malana, the director of the but also equip them to interpret, analyze, Center for Women’s Lives, puts it, “The and negotiate their external environment system has taught them that a girl only has more effectively. value behind a man, behind a husband.” Still, many girls do not wish to be married. But a girl is less likely to resist her Until their husbands begin to father’s will because she knows that doing so may cause her father to punish her demand sex — an act that mother. Moreover, these marriages take sometimes involves the girl being place under customary or religious law; they are not legal and they involve little physically restrained by neigh- more than a handshake deal between the two families. bors or other family members — Of course, early marriage is often fol- most girls believe they are being lowed by early childbearing. Between 2004 and 2006, 27 percent of births re- sent to visit an older relative or corded in the maternity wards of Maroua family friend. were to adolescent girls (Doumara and Billé 2007). Child brides are also at higher risk of complications from pregnancy and childbirth, including obstetric fistula. Girls’ (and women’s) participation in HIV/AIDS (now at a national prevalence public life is further compromised by the rate of 5.5 percent) is also a growing fact that most girls lack birth certificates concern, especially since girls are often and national identity cards. Without these married multiple times to older men who types of documents, it is impossible to have had multiple partners. Although HIV vote in elections or seek redress for griev- prevalence is lower in the northern part ances. As far as the Cameroonian govern- of Cameroon than in the south, women ment is concerned, these girls, in essence, across the country face higher infection do not exist. and prevalence rates than their male Especially without education, the abil- counterparts. This phenomenon is most ity to read, or to participate in public life, pronounced among young women: HIV girls rarely have even the faintest familiar- is over three times as prevalent among ity with the marriage laws that, in theory, women aged 15–24 as it is among their should protect them. Indeed, girls mar- male peers (Adair 2007).

6 Fewer than one in four women in the province is literate (UNESCO 2009). Fulfulde is the primary language in Cameroon’s Far North Region.

8 • Quality/Calidad/Qualité Abandonment by Husbands These are the conditions that lead wom- After finding themselves married and in a en and girls to the doorstep of the Center situation with no say of their own, many for Women’s Lives. To be sure, women, girls are just as readily abandoned, a pros- girls, and their families seek the Center’s pect that is all the more likely due to the services for a range of reasons. Most are informality of most marital arrangements. looking for some form of support for the As Hamadou Bachirou, a local chief who children of out-of-wedlock pregnancies or has worked with ALVF for a decade, re- marriages that have since dissolved. Some ports, “Men here divorce women on any come because they or their daughters have pretext, with impunity, without any sense been raped. Some come because they sus- of what they’re doing.” pect that they are HIV-positive. Some come Lacking an official marriage certificate, to seek protection from violent husbands. “divorced” girls have little grounds to seek Despite this diversity, however, the vast support from their ex-husbands for any majority of women have one thing in com- children they have been left to feed and mon: They were married young and against care for. Often, their families of origin re- their will, usually to much older men, and fuse to take them back in, exasperated by often more than once. It is for this reason the additional mouths to feed. They are that Aïssa, Siké, and the staff at the Center generally uneducated, without a means of for Women’s Lives have come to see the generating income, and lacking the self- practice of forced and early marriage not esteem and supportive social environment only as symptomatic of deeper inequalities that would allow them to strike out on their own. For most, the only end to their predicament is to enter into another mar- Among clients at the Center for riage; for some, the only option is transac- tional sex. As Maimouna Masky, one of the Women’s Lives, the average age Center’s social workers, explains, of first marriage is 13–14 years, [Girls are] repudiated because they although some clients have been don’t know their rights, they just ac- cept whatever their husbands say. They as young as 10 years old. were married prematurely; at the age of fifteen, what do you know? The husband doesn’t understand that she’s a between men and women, but also as the child, he says that she’s his wife, that root of almost all of their clients’ subse- she has to do this and that. Then he quent problems. As Maimouna explains, rejects her, maybe when she gets pregnant he loses interest. [He complains A woman might come in because of that] she doesn’t know how to mend an out-of-wedlock pregnancy — that’s his clothes, she’s negligent, she’s not what she says because that’s her imme- prepared for marriage, so he throws diate problem. But when we enter into her out. She goes into a second mar- her story, we learn that she was marriage. By the time she turns sixteen, ried as a girl, then rejected, and now she’s already pregnant again in some- she’s here with this problem… That’s one else’s household. I’ve seen twenty- why we say that ninety percent of the year-old girls who have already had cases we deal with are cases of forced four husbands. and early marriage.

No. 20 • 9 Germène Malana, the Center Director, A Feminist Vision puts it more simply: “The beginning of the Siké Billé’s feminist awakening — or prise cycle is being married. Everything else is de conscience, as she calls it — came in just the consequences.” Mobilizing to ad- the 1970s while she was studying sociolo- dress those consequences in such a chal- gy at the University of Paris. Siké was famil- lenging environment — where the majority iar with feminist ideology but was not con- of the population lives in extreme poverty, vinced of its relevance to her life. Instead, where the nearest university is over 200 she participated in a left-wing opposition miles away, where most girls receive little party with fellow Cameroonian students, to no schooling and have no means of earn- an experience that inadvertently sparked ing an income, and where women enjoy her feminism. She recalls: few rights in the private sphere and little representation in the public sphere — is a Since it was an underground move- daunting task. But over the past ten years, ment, all the members didn’t get to- the Maroua branch of ALVF has grown from gether at once, instead we worked in a weekly meeting of concerned women small groups. So I was in a group of to an established institution that not only four or five people who would get to- serves hundreds of women a year, but has gether and work all night, and in the also succeeded in sparking debate on a morning, we would split up. I was the practice once shrouded in silence. only woman in the group. And I realized that every time we got together in this working group, when the moment came to make a meal, it was me who they called. When the moment came to make coffee, I was the one who was expected to do it. And that was the moment when I said to myself, in fact, the discourse of feminism is true.

Siké’s feminist awakening mirrors that of many women from the global South who developed political consciousness and practical organizing skills by participating in left- wing, post-independence, post-dictatorship movements, but quickly came to realize that transforming unequal power relations between men and women was not, in fact, part of the “revolutionary” agenda. Although she did not know it at the time, Siké’s cousins and close friends Esther Endalé and Ngobo Ekotto (who were studying in Lyon and Toulouse, respectively) were experiencing similar transformations. On the eve of an International Women’s Day celebration held in Paris in 1979, both Esther and Ngobo contacted Siké to let her know — somewhat sheepishly — that they would be coming to town for the feminist events. The three women met in Paris, thousands of miles from Germène Malana is the Director of ALVF’s Center for home, and vowed that one day they would Women’s Lives. take their activism home to Cameroon.

10 • Quality/Calidad/Qualité Siké, Esther, and Ngobo, joined by four political, social, and economic dimensions other women, founded the Association for — as both a theoretical framework and the the Struggle Against Violence Against Wom- practical focus of their work. en in 1991, in the capital city of Yaoundé, From the start, ALVF has been guided after the more overtly political Women’s by a feminist vision that embraces both Collective for Renewal — their original or- the abstract notion of gender equality and ganization — was banned by the Cameroon a theory of social intervention that puts ian government. The founders volunteered, women’s experiences and concerns at its building the organization in their free time. heart. In this way, Siké and her colleagues They immediately settled on a broad defini- have sought to address both women’s im- tion of violence against women — encom- mediate, practical needs and their deeper passing physical, psychological, sexual, strategic interests [see box].

Practical Needs and Strategic Interests With the Center for Women’s Lives, Siké to achieve their strategic interests because and her colleagues had created a safe space such efforts may actually undermine their where women knew they would be trusted, practical needs in the short run. believed, listened to, and supported. But they This framework taught Siké and her col- still lacked a concrete, sustainable strategy to leagues that efforts to achieve women’s help women transform their daily lives. strategic interests (for example, to eliminate That began to change in 2000, when Siké inequality in marriage) must take into ac- attended a three-week training on applying count their practical needs (for example, to gender analysis in the work of development feed themselves and their children). It also NGOs, organized by the German organiza- provided them with analytical tools to trans- tion Inwent – Capacity Building Interna- late ALVF’s feminist vision into a series of tional.7 During the course of the training, concrete activities both to address women’s Siké was particularly struck by a new frame- daily challenges and to lay the groundwork work: the distinction between women’s for deeper social transformation. As Siké practical needs and their strategic interests. puts it, “you need to show that girls’ practi- As first elaborated by feminist sociologist cal needs can be resolved in the course of Maxine Molyneux and later popularized by the struggle.” But focusing on the Center’s development anthropologist Caroline Moser, clients’ practical needs to the exclusion of practical needs are women’s day-to-day re- their strategic interests also does women a quirements of survival, arising “from the disservice. As Germène points out, concrete conditions of women’s position- ing within the gender division of labor” and Satisfying a woman’s practical need is not “formulated by the women who are them- sufficient for the vision that we have of selves within these positions.” Strategic in- changing people’s mentalities, changing terests, on the other hand, “arise from the people’s behavior. A survivor or a victim analysis of women’s subordination and from who leaves the Center might come back the formulation of an alternative, more sat- tomorrow or the next day with the same isfactory set of arrangements than those problem, because satisfying her immediate which exist” — essentially the transforma- need would not have helped her affirm her- tion of societal norms and power relations self and mobilize against the real problem. (Molyneux 1985: 232). Although women’s practical needs may arise out of a discrimi- Thus, the key insight of the gender work- natory system, fulfilling those needs does shop was not the necessity of separating ef- not necessarily challenge that system. In forts to address women’s practical needs from addition, women may not readily support efforts to address their strategic interests, but — and might even be opposed to — efforts rather the imperative to combine them.

7 Internationale Weiterbildung und Entwicklung gGmbH in German.

No. 20 • 11 Armed with this vision, the Far North their own commitment to place the wom- Branch was able to develop a compre- an and her concerns at the core of their hensive institutional strategy that linked thinking and action. Beginning in 2000, service provision, advocacy and lobbying, they started putting together an empow- alliance building, awareness raising, and erment program that would provide the communications. The staff’s efforts were women who came to the Center with both informed by the experiences of the women support and tools to analyze and negoti- they served every day at the Center and by ate their environments, to build alliances with each other, and to work collectively (and therefore strategically) to satisfy their In addition to providing women practical needs. who attend the Center with Enabling girls and women to participate in public life is an important element of direct services, the staff of ALVF promoting their rights and well-being. To carry out advocacy and lobbying, this end, in 2001, the Far North Branch of ALVF initiated a citizenship project that alliance building, public education, helped girls and women obtain national and communications. identity cards and, in preparation for Cam- eroon’s 2002 national elections, educated

The proud staff of the Maroua chapter of the Association for the Struggle Against Violence Against Women.

12 • Quality/Calidad/Qualité them on how to select candidates who works to influence decision-makers so would represent their interests. In 2005, that they will be favorable toward a the Center added free classes in functional wider change in attitudes. literacy and French. These group activities also provide opportunities for clients to As the Far-North branch has evolved, connect with each other. the staff has grown from a small group of ALVF members also learn from the volunteers providing women with ad hoc women about their lives and needs. As Siké support to an established institution that is explains, in this way the women who seek known throughout the province. ALVF now the Center’s services become actors in the operates two Centers in the Far North: the process of change, and a central part of the original site in Maroua, and since 2005, base that the Association is building: a smaller satellite center in Kousséri, located 130 miles to the north on the border You as a woman, another person can- with Chad. not express what you feel, only you can In addition to Siké, Aïssa (who currently do that. We can’t start talking about serves as program director) and Germène forced and early marriage if it doesn’t (who directs the Maroua center), several come from girls who have lived these other staff have joined the Association. marriages. One early hire was cashier Tabita Dam- dam,8 who is a survivor of child marriage. This model is not intended to reach huge Social worker Maimouna Masky was an- numbers of clients, but rather to catalyze substantive changes in the lives and consciousness of a small number of women. Even today, the Center has a client base of ALVF’s client base is small — only only about 200 women a year. At the same about 200 women per year. But time, ALVF continues to work directly with the power-holders in women’s lives — tra- with and through these women, ditional and religious authorities, parents, the organization is working with politicians, administrators, and service providers — challenging them to become part powerholders in the community of the change process and, in turn, creat- to engage them in the process of ing a more supportive environment for individual women seeking to make changes change. in their lives. As Germène explains:

[The vision] is to achieve social change — to change mentalities — so that other early hire. A part-time instructor was discriminatory practices, and specifi- added in 2005 to teach functional literacy cally forced and early marriage, stop. and French, and in January 2007, psychol- The Center . . . measures the extent of ogist Justine Moukouri and social worker the phenomenon; it generates concrete Iya Gorsou were hired to help with coun- findings. With these findings, ALVF seling and support services.9

8 Sadly, Tabita Damdam passed away as this article was being prepared for publication; the authors and editor have kept the references to Damdam (as she was affectionately known) in the present tense. This issue of Q/C/Q is dedicated to her memory. 9 While the International Women’s Health Coalition continues to fund the Center’s operating costs, support from Cordaid has enabled the substantial institutional growth that has taken place in the past few years.

No. 20 • 13 A Visit to the Center for decides how her case will unfold. As the Women’s Lives social workers explain, their job is not to tell a woman what to do; it is to accompany On a typical day, women filter in all morn- her for the duration of her process and re- ing to speak to one of the Center’s two social main her unwavering ally along the way. workers, or to the psychologist who sees The significance of merely providing a clients two days a week. In the afternoons, space for women to tell their stories, and women gather for classes. They learn ba- to have their stories be believed, cannot sic French (their first language is Fulfulde) be overstated. As social worker Iya Gorsou along with information about such topics explains: as sexual and reproductive health, citizenship, violence, girls’ rights, and the causes There are some cases where the women come in crying. We sit with you while and consequences of forced and early mar- you let it all out and have a good cry. riage. Periodically, the Center holds open- Afterwards, we ask you, gently, what door days, inviting members of the sur- the matter is, and we let you know that rounding communities to learn more about you can trust us. and become involved with its work. Women and girls hear about the Center The social worker provides the client from a variety of sources, including word of with the information she needs to make in- mouth, community outreach events, radio, formed decisions at each juncture and refers the Center’s own sign, other organizations, her to other service providers or institutions and state agencies. From the moment a based on her specific needs. For example, woman first enters the Center, it is she who victims of domestic violence and sexual as-

ALVF has expanded to include two Centers in the Far North. Pictured above are staff from the Maroua Center (Maimouna, far left, and Damdam, center) with a co-worker from the Kousseri Center.

14 • Quality/Calidad/Qualité sault are taken to the hospital to secure a signed medical certificate from a doctor; The significance of merely providing women who learn that their husbands are a space for women to tell their HIV-positive are accompanied throughout the testing process. Maimouna explains, stories, and to have their stories be “We accompany the victims because they believed, cannot be overstated. don’t know their rights, they can’t read or write, they don’t understand certain things.” Throughout, the social workers also edu- to a mutual understanding of what each cate their clients and their clients’ families party expects. ALVF pledges to accompany about girls’ rights and encourage them to the client throughout the duration of her participate in the Center’s various classes. case. In return, the client agrees to provide After an in-depth intake interview, the or obtain the needed documents — such social worker and the client work to come as birth certificates for her children, a national identity card, or a marriage certificate — and agrees to honor her meetings The “Portrait”: with the social worker and anyone else to A Needs Assessment and whom she is referred. This commitment, Monitoring Checklist documented in a Client Agreement form, helps optimize the staff’s ability to resolve Staff have learned to screen for those risk the client’s practical needs; it also builds factors common among clients who have the client’s awareness and skills in ways fled — or been thrown out of — early marriage. These include: that help her move toward realizing her strategic interests. • Age 15–25 Following this first meeting, the social • Abandoned by her partner while worker fills out a case analysis tool and a pregnant or with one, two, or three client profile checklist. She uses the anal- children in her care ysis tool to document successes, failures, • Ignorant of her rights facilitating factors, and obstacles related • Traumatized by the experience of to the case. (For example, a facilitating having been married at 13–16 factor might be “Victim committed to pur- • Excluded from services available in suing her choice through to the end,” and her area an obstacle might be “Aggressor refuses • Rejected regularly to respond to our summons.”) On the • Multiple partners client profile checklist, which itemizes • Married illegally without a marriage the characteristics typical of survivors of certificate forced and early marriage [see box], the • Deprived of a birth certificate or a social worker creates a quick “portrait” of national identity card the client by checking off those character- • Illiterate istics that correspond to the girl she has • Deprived of financial resources just seen. (In fact, this checklist is called • Deprived of control over her sexuality the “Portrait.”) The social worker fills out • Exposed to HIV/AIDS and other STIs another portrait midway through the case, • Exposed to prostitution and a final one when the case has been • Exposed to early and unwanted resolved. Together, the portraits serve as a pregnancies needs assessment, a monitoring tool, and • Socially rejected an efficient means of collecting client data • Vulnerable to suicide that can in turn be used for donor reports, project proposals, and public advocacy.

No. 20 • 15 Case Management Forms of Discrimination Against Women, all of which have been ratified by Camer- The most common case is a request for a oon. “When you open those documents, pension alimentaire (food allowance) from the father of the woman’s or girl’s children. they don’t take it lightly,” Maimouna says. Some women are pregnant or have chil- “You tell them: ‘It’s not me, it’s the law that dren as a result of union libre (sex outside says this. You’re Cameroonian.’” of marriage), some from husbands who The social worker then explains to the have since abandoned them, and some as father that he can either agree to pay a a result of rape. If a client’s children are monthly sum to ensure that his children have the product of a child marriage, the social enough to eat, or he can settle the matter in worker immediately seeks the girl’s per- court, where he will be subject to charges mission to arrange a meeting with her ex- of rape, since he was technically married husband at the Center for Women’s Lives. to a child. Most of the time, the man agrees If he agrees, the social worker meets with to pay the monthly sum. He signs an agree- him individually first, both to ensure that ment, and he leaves a monthly payment at he does not pose a danger to the girl, and the Center. When the woman or girl arrives to collect it, the social workers check in with her; this may be a time to provide on- With a client’s permission, staff going emotional support, or to encourage may seek out a woman’s ex- her to enroll in the literacy classes or the in- husband with regard to her formation sessions on girls’ rights, citizenship, and early marriage. The monthly sums request for child support. They partially alleviate women’s urgent need to inform him that marrying an feed themselves and their children, which adolescent without her consent is also makes it easier for them to participate illegal. Maimouna explains, “When in these Center programs. If the man refuses at the outset to ac- you open those documents, they knowledge or fulfill his parental responsi- don’t take it lightly. You tell them: bilities, the client has the option of taking ‘It’s not me, it’s the law that says her case to court, either through the Cam- eroonian justice system or the Lamidat’s this. You’re Cameroonian.’” traditional tribunal. (A man who initially signs a paternity declaration and child sup- to establish ground rules for the meeting — port agreement but then fails to make pay- that everyone will have a chance to speak, ments is revisited by the social worker; if and everyone’s voice will be respected. he does not resume payments, he too may Many men refuse to respond to a sum- be taken to court.) The social worker ac- mons sent by a woman, so if the husband companies the client throughout the dura- ignores the social worker’s requests, she tion of her case, helping her to file the nec- goes to see him at home. She inquires if essary paperwork, supporting her in court, he was married to the girl, and if he is the and working in partnership with allies in- father of her children, then asks him to side the justice system. Although ALVF has sign a paternity declaration. She explains won several cases on its clients’ behalf, that marrying an adolescent without her court cases tend to drag on for months or consent is illegal according to the Camer- even years and entail a series of fees that oonian Penal Code, as well as the African are usually prohibitive for clients. For that Charter on Human and People’s Rights, the reason, the social workers often advise Convention on the Rights of the Child, and women to begin by trying to settle the mat- the Convention on the Elimination of All ter out of court.

16 • Quality/Calidad/Qualité Sample Cases from the Center for Women’s Lives 10

Hawa’s father went to consult an elderly detailed the costs associated with feeding marabou, or traditional healer. Unable to and caring for a child, and explained that pay his bill, he offered 11-year-old Hawa his marriage — of which the child was the to the 70-year-old. The girl, scared and dis- physical evidence — had been illegal. Af- traught, resisted the marriage. A neighbor ter their discussion, the ex-husband agreed who heard the story approached the Center to raise his payments to sixteen times the for Women’s Lives to see if they could inter- amount ordered by the Lamidat. vene. Center staff went to see Hawa, then Hawa’s father; they explained to him that Amina is 12 years old and lives with her his daughter had rights, that what he was mother and father, who are farmers. When doing was illegal under Cameroonian law, she was 11, Amina learned from a friend and that they were prepared to take him to that her father was planning on marrying court. He agreed to abandon his plans, and her off to one of his friends, as punishment Hawa remained at home. for her disobedience at home and because she was seen “walking around.” Amina ran Princesse, who had been married against away from home, seeking refuge with a her will as an adolescent, tried to seek a di- family friend, who put her in touch with vorce from the Lamidat when her husband Maimouna. After conducting an initial became abusive. The Lamidat granted her interview with Amina, Maimouna went request for a divorce, but ordered her hus- to see her father, explaining the potential band to pay the equivalent of only a dollar consequences of early marriage and that a month in child support. After Princesse the practice was illegal. He signed a paper turned to the Center for Women’s Lives, agreeing that he would not send Amina to Maimouna went directly to the ex-husband, be married without her consent, and that he would send her to school when the new term began. When I spoke to him a few months after the school year began, he explained that he still lacked the means to send Amina to school. But he added that he had not un- derstood the consequences of child marriage until Mai- mouna came to see him, and that he no longer believes in this kind of marriage. Asked what kind of husband he would like Amina eventually to marry, he replied, “It’s not my problem — it’s up to her. She’s the one who will choose.” I also spoke with Amina and asked why she had re- Amina’s father has changed his mind about child marriage. sisted being married. Look- ing at me sharply, she stated, “I’m too little.” 10 Pseudonyms are used for clients.

No. 20 • 17 Dealing with Parents dren, if that is what the girl wants. But the emphasis is on girls’ rights and parents’ re- The majority of girls who arrive at the Center sponsibilities — backed up by information are accompanied by their parents. This can sessions that parents are encouraged to at- frustrate the social workers’ attempts to let tend with their daughters. In the absence girls’ desires and decisions guide the process, of this pressure and information, parents as most girls are reticent in their parents’ are likely to force their daughters into an- presence. In addition, parents and daughters other marriage, or leave them to fend for commonly arrive with different objectives. themselves. The social workers emphasize Even so, the parents’ presence provides a the consequences of such actions: girls valuable opportunity for direct education and with repeat marriages are vulnerable to awareness-raising about the consequences further repudiations, dangerous reproduc- of forced and early marriage, especially in tive health problems, and HIV/AIDS, and cases where a girl has been abandoned by girls who are thrown out of the house with her husband. As Maimouna explains, their children have few options for survival. The parents forced the girl to get married, As Tabita Damdam, herself the survivor of and now they come here to satisfy their child marriage, emphasizes, own interests . . . They ask us to make the father of her child take responsibility. We try to make the parents understand It’s at this moment that we explain to the that if your daughter leaves her mar- girl’s father, “These are the consequences riage, you cannot abandon her. Because of what you’ve been doing since who if you abandon your daughter, you push knows when — maybe for the last ten her to do bad things, you push her to years! Voilà! Here are the consequences go looking for food at a man’s house, of forced and early marriages. and when a man gives her something to eat, that’s an exchange. He’s not giving Of course, the social workers will do her something to eat for free. So if she their best to ensure that a girl’s ex-husband comes home, you have to treat her like takes financial responsibility for his chil- you did before she got married.

Tabita Damdam (left), herself a survivor of child marriage, encourages parents to support their daughters. She explains that an abandoned daughter “goes looking for food at a man’s house” and that the man is “not giving her something to eat for free.”

18 • Quality/Calidad/Qualité It requires skill to help parents acknowledge the abuse their daughters are suffering because of a forced marriage. For example, Justine Moukouri, a psychologist at the Center, worked repeatedly with the parents of Fatima, a young woman determined to escape an abusive marriage she never wanted (see box below).

Fatima’s Story Fatima comes from a relatively well-to-do ing him to let her come home. Although he family in Maroua. She was seventeen and in promised several times to let Fatima return, secondary school when she learned from her he did not keep his word. Fatima told Justine older brother that her father was intending that she wanted to run away to live with an to send her into marriage. According to her older brother, but decided against the plan brother, her father’s reason was the familiar after Justine expressed concern that the accusation that “Elle se promenait” — she was brother would send her back to her father “walking around.” or that Fatima could end up on the street. Bright and strong-willed, Fatima was dev- One day, Fatima sent Justine a frantic astated to be taken out of school, and dis- text message. Although Justine was on a mayed by her father’s choice of a husband, day off, she told Fatima to go to the Center a man nearly twice her age. Fatima tried in and rushed over to meet her. When Fatima vain to resist; shortly thereafter, she was arrived, her face and hands were covered forced into marriage and out of school. She with bruises. Justine and the social work- refused to have sex with her husband. She ers brought her to the hospital to get a ran away repeatedly, seeking refuge with medical certificate signed by a physician to friends and extended family members. Each document the abuse — evidence that time, her father found her and brought her could later be used in court proceedings. back to her husband’s home. Nine months After that incident, Fatima’s father again into the marriage, a friend told Fatima about agreed to let his daughter come home. He the Center for Women’s Lives. has also promised to bring her request for Arriving at the Center, Fatima met with a divorce to the Lamidat, which regulates Iya and Maimouna, who also suggested she marriages sealed by customary (rather than start seeing Justine (the psychologist) on a formal) law. regular basis. Encouraged by Justine to go Fatima told me that the staff at the Cen- back to school, Fatima secretly sold dishes ter for Women’s Lives have given her “a lot she had received as a wedding gift to pay of courage,” and explained that it was they for school fees. Shortly after she resumed who finally forced her father to listen to her classes, her husband forced her to withdraw demand for a divorce. “The Center is known from school once again. Justine and the so- here,” she said, “because it’s something that cial workers contacted Fatima’s father, urg- gives the advantage to women.”

No. 20 • 19 Denouncing Child Marriages The Empowerment Program Before They Take Place Helping women and girls to improve their Recently, the Center has begun to see a new lives involves addressing more than whatev- kind of client: girls seeking to escape forced er practical need brings them to the Center. marriages before they take place or before Accordingly, the staff also developed a com- their husbands force them to have sex. prehensive program that seeks to empower Other concerned citizens are also arriving survivors of forced and early marriage to to denounce such marriages ahead of time. break out of their cycle of dependence. The The intervention, in essence, is the same: program builds girls’ knowledge, skills, and the client guides the process, and the social confidence in five main areas: workers commit to accompanying her for its duration. First, they go to the girl’s home, Legal Empowerment meet her parents, and explain the probable consequences of child marriage, emphasiz- Starting with the social worker’s initial inter- ing that it is illegal and that girls’ rights are view, girls and their families receive a thor- protected under Cameroonian law, numer- ough orientation about girls’ rights, drawn ous international agreements, and the Ko- from regional and international agreements, ran. If parents need more convincing, ALVF sacred texts, and Cameroonian laws. Cli- calls upon its allies in the traditional and ents and their parents are encouraged to religious communities to intervene directly. attend regular information sessions and Usually, the parents back down. But if they open-door days on girls’ rights and human refuse, and the girl wants the case pursued, rights. The literacy classes also integrate in- the Association initiates court proceedings. formation on girls’ rights. For example, vo- Siké explains that such cases can also cabulary lessons include basic legal terms represent opportunities for raising public and concepts, and grammatical examples awareness about child marriage. often involve women seeking justice. In 2007, we had a really extreme case Personal Empowerment where the authorities had to intervene. Most of the girls who come to the Center It was a nine-year-old girl living in the have not been able to complete (or, in some city with her tutor. Her older brother arranged for her to marry a man back cases, initiate) their schooling; few under- in her village, and he and the mother stand French and many cannot read and came to get her. She was the first in her write in any language. As a result, their abil- class — a really brilliant girl. Her uncle ity to negotiate the social world is severely had heard about us on the radio, and limited. The French and literacy classes (held he came here . . . He said it caused him at both the Maroua and the Kousséri centers) pain to see that happen to such an in- thus offer girls both a valuable skill and a telligent little girl. So we publicized her source of self-esteem. Although the classes case on the radio. It was even covered can be challenging, the ability to read even in the papers — we don’t mess around! simple street signs in French gives the students a burst of confidence. The classes also Everyone was following the story. Ger- integrate basic vocabulary on reproductive mène developed an advocacy and lobbying plan. We set up a meeting with the health and contraception, helping to rein- prefect, who told us that he had followed force the work of the social workers, who the case on the radio. And then we sent educate clients about sexual and reproduc- the dossier to the governor. When he tive health issues, including HIV and AIDS. met with us, he said that we should do Aïssa and Germène, who completed a sexu- a big project on child marriage with all ality education training course in 2005, are of the traditional authorities. That means currently developing a more comprehensive he’s on board with what we are doing. sexuality education curriculum.

20 • Quality/Calidad/Qualité Social Empowerment Political Empowerment The girls and women who arrive on the The Center urges all clients to obtain nation- Center’s doorstep are often experiencing al identity cards, and staff have trained mem- profound social isolation. As is true around bers of the Association for the Promotion of the world, married girls often face exclu- the Autonomy and Rights of Girls to guide sion both from spaces reserved for unmar- girls throughout the process. So far, they ried adolescent girls and from spaces for have helped over 500 girls obtain cards, 300 adult wives and mothers. The classes and in 2006 alone. The girls’ association also other group activities at the Center provide conducts its own information sessions on girls with valued social support. In addi- citizenship, democratic participation, evalu- tion, a group of survivors of child marriage ating a candidate’s platform, and voting. and young mothers have founded a spin-off group called the Association for the Promo- tion of the Autonomy and Rights of Girls,11 Tabita Damdam, one of the group’s in order to provide a space for girls to so- founding members, grew from a shy cialize, support each other, and find collec- girl into a confident and persuasive tive solutions to their practical needs. advocate for women’s rights. After some ups and downs, the girls’ organization has secured a physical space of its own, and in 2006 obtained support from Economic Empowerment CARE to provide HIV education and test- Clients’ ability to gain control over their ing. Its first expenditure was to acquire HIV sexual and reproductive lives is closely tests, and next to accompany 57 girls to get linked to their achieving a degree of eco- tested, following up with counseling about nomic independence. Without a means to prevention or treatment. An estimated five support themselves and their children, girls to seven percent of the Center’s clients are have neither the confidence nor the lever- HIV-positive, and almost all clients are at age to insist on condom use, leaving them high risk of HIV infection. Although most vulnerable to HIV and to repeat unwanted girls have heard of the disease, few know pregnancies. In response to this situation, how to protect themselves, and fewer still the Association has sought to initiate an in- have the means to put that knowledge into come-generation project. As Siké explains: practice. The social support and solidarity among the girls helps build their confi- Income-generating activities give you dence, and HIV-positive members are ac- the power to make a decision. You can cepted and encouraged by their peers. say, I don’t want to have a lot of chil- The long-term vision at the Association dren, and I’m making a decision. I don’t for the Struggle Against Violence Against want to have sex with you because I Women is for the young members of the have the means to feed myself and pay spin-off group to become autonomous my expenses, and if I have sex with you, I have a condom. And if you refuse to leaders in their communities. Indeed, Tab- wear it, there won’t be any sex. ita Damdam, one of the group’s founding members, grew from a shy girl into a confi- Making the income-generation project dent and persuasive advocate for women’s work has been a continual challenge in rights. For most of the girls who join, how- the face of the girls’ immediate and over- ever, just breaking the cycle of violence whelming practical needs. At the urging of and dependence on men remains a formi- an external evaluator, the Association has dable, lifelong challenge. decided to scale back the original project. Nonetheless, ALVF continues to promote 11 In French, L’Association pour la Promotion de small-scale enterprises and Center staff l’Autonomie et les Droits de la Fille. train women and girls in financial literacy.

No. 20 • 21 Lobbying and Advocacy as girls’ education; after the training, they follow up with those individuals who stand Northern Cameroon presents a complex out as potential allies. landscape of overlapping governance sys- Hamadou Bachirou, a third-degree chief tems — traditional, religious, and formal- from Maroua’s Zurumbaiou neighborhood, political. The Association targets its advo- has been a dedicated ally for nearly a de- cacy at all of these levels. cade. Bachirou, who first met Siké and Aïssa in 1998 when they organized a com- Working with Traditional and munity discussion on girls’ education in his Religious Leaders neighborhood, sees himself as a develop- Building alliances in the traditional and ment actor, a source of knowledge for his religious community has been among the community, and a custodian of positive most daunting goals. As Siké points out, cultural traditions. He explains: however, resistance can also be an indica- tion of success: Certain traditions are very positive. We have to support African traditions, and They are the guardians of tradition, even inculcate them in our children, and they understand that their power because if not, we’ll lose them. But I is partly based on power and control don’t agree with some other traditions over women. They really get what we’re that we’ve acquired, that were passed trying to do . . . they understand that down by our great grandparents — the struggle is at the level of tradition for example, the practice of marrying now. And that’s what pleases me. Be- women very early. The Muslim reli- cause it’s the root: it’s the origin, in fact, gion doesn’t say we should do it, and of the practice. And that means we’re even though the Cameroonian Civil at the root. Code isn’t very clear about it, I think it’s not good, because according to As the symbolic gatekeepers of their many health professionals, it can really communities, traditional leaders can be cause problems for the woman. If you critical partners in the struggle against see that what you’re doing is going to forced and early marriage. From the begin- cause pain and illness to a human being, if you reflect on the fact that she’s a human being just like you, and you do “If you see that what you’re doing it anyway, there will be consequences is going to cause pain and illness afterwards. I think it’s clear: Even religion tells us that human beings are be- to a human being . . . and you ings who should be respected, whose do it anyway, there will be dignity should be respected. consequences.” In his advocacy for the rights of women – Hamadou Bachirou, and girls within his community and among third-degree chief and ALVF supporter his peers, Bachirou stresses the Koranic basis for his views, particularly the Prophet Mohammed’s emphasis on the importance ning, ALVF’s strategy has been to build al- of knowledge for all people — includ- liances with the more progressive actors in ing women. Still, in a system that values the traditional and religious communities, respect for age and authority above all, in the hope of reaching their conservative Bachirou often encounters resistance from peers by extension. They organize trainings the elders in his community, as well as his starting with less controversial topics such more conservative peers.

22 • Quality/Calidad/Qualité Working with Women in Building Capacities, Forming Political Parties Networks On the issue of women’s political em- The Far North branch of ALVF also works powerment, the Association works at two with a broad range of civil society organi- levels: educating Center clients on voting zations and local authorities to build their and citizenship, and engaging directly advocacy capacity and encourage them with women in political parties. Political to form issue-based advocacy networks. engagement is a key element of the As- In 2005, two such networks were created sociation’s long-term strategy for social at the provincial level. The first brought change. Women’s political representa- together traditional and religious leaders tion in Cameroon — and particularly in from Maroua and Logone et Chari (the de- the far north — is exceptionally low. A partment in which Kousséri is located) who 2005 study undertaken by the Associa- wanted to help eradicate child marriage. tion found that in the 2002 elections, only The second focused on girls’ rights, engag- five percent of candidates nominated for ing representatives of NGOs working with any public office were women. Among 29 federal deputies, only one was a woman, ALVF brought together a diverse and among 45 mayors, not a single woman could be found. group of 57 female public officials Most of the women who work within po- to develop a platform and what litical party structures play administrative one called “the party of women.” or supportive roles. Several years ago, Siké and Aïssa set out to identify these women and engage them in various educational women and youth from both Maroua and activities. They organized trainings on fem- Kousséri. Coordination among network inism, gender, leadership, human rights, members remains challenging, however, local governance, and lobbying and ad- so these networks have been slow to act. vocacy, encouraging the women to run for local government posts and to make com- Working Within the Education mon cause with women from other politi- System cal parties on issues affecting women. The Far North branch of ALVF continues ALVF also facilitated a multi-party work- to deepen and expand as it grows. A new ing group that in 2007 released Electoral project (launched with support from Ac- Platform of the Women of the Far North. tionAid Cameroon and buy-in from the This document identifies four priority areas provincial governor) involves the formation of concern for women from all political of community-based brigades to denounce parties: addressing violence against wom- child marriage in four departments of the en (especially child marriage and female province. Each brigade consists of one genital mutilation), increasing women’s teacher, one traditional leader, two religious education and training, increasing wom- leaders (one Christian and one Muslim), one en’s participation in decision-making and local authority, one parent, and one student. governance, and addressing women’s pov- The Association provides training to brigade erty. Validated by 57 women, the Platform members and is helping them organize girls’ represents the ability of the Far North’s clubs within schools, aimed at reporting a female public officials to come together girl’s disappearance from school. The bri- across ideological and partisan differences gades can then follow up with the families and create, in the words of one participant, of girls headed for forced and early marriage “the party of women.” to ensure that these girls return to school.

No. 20 • 23 Ongoing Challenges far failed to take responsibility for enact- ing legal changes that could have more far- Despite its remarkable success raising reaching structural impact. awareness about forced and early marriage and assisting the victims of this practice, the Far-North branch of the Association Staffing and Fundraising for the Struggle Against Violence Against Challenges Women continues to face a number of Siké herself has always been a major force daunting challenges. behind the work of ALVF and the Center — in terms of her strategic and analytical Lack of Political Will capacities, her gift for networking and relationship-building, and her sheer dedication Although child marriage is technically il- to the mission and vision. Her intention legal in Cameroon, the Association is oper- from the beginning, however, has been to ating in a largely unfavorable legal frame- build a sustainable organization that can work. As mentioned earlier, the marriage survive in her absence. To this end, she law itself discriminates against girls (the has worked to mentor Aïssa and Germène, legal age of marriage is 18 for men and 15 and to ensure that the Center for Women’s for women). Moreover, the National Assem- Lives is equipped to run smoothly in her bly has yet to pass a law against violence (frequent) absence. Staff members contin- against women, and Cameroon has yet to ue to highlight the need for further training, ratify the Protocol to the African Charter on orientation, and professional development, Human and People’s Rights on the Rights particularly for new hires. Likewise, Siké’s vision is for the Far North branch eventually to become finan- As Damdam explains, by far the cially self-sustainable. The Association has greatest challenge the Center staff been lucky to benefit from the support of face is ensuring that their clients a small but strong group of donors. None- theless, in a “results-based” funding envi- continue to apply what they have ronment, many donors are wary of funding learned in a sustainable way. work on strategic interests, since such work often represents a long-term investment that rarely yields immediate results. of Women, which contains strong, detailed language on child marriage (and which Language Barriers ALVF helped write). Even the favorable conventions that Working in Francophone Africa, the Far Cameroon has ratified (such as the Con- North branch has limited access to the vention on the Rights of the Child, the Con- wide array of English-language resources vention on the Elimination of All Forms of and networks that could support and ex- Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), tend its work, and limited contact with and the African Charter on Human and groups doing similar work in other coun- People’s Rights) have yet to be incorpo- tries. Even within Cameroon, working in rated into the national constitution, which Maroua presents an additional layer of makes it difficult for even the most sympa- linguistic barriers. Since only 10 percent thetic magistrates to apply them in court. In of the Center’s clients speak French, flu- short, although government agencies now ency in Fulfulde is a near necessity; find- regularly refer clients to the Center, Cam- ing qualified professionals who also speak eroon’s policy-making bodies have thus Fulfulde, however, can be a daunting task.

24 • Quality/Calidad/Qualité (The nearest university is over 200 miles spent in Maroua, staff repeatedly referred away in Ngaounderé.) Justine, the psychol- to girls’ difficulty following their choices ogist, does not speak Fulfulde, so the social through to the end (la difficulté d’aller au workers have to serve as interpreters during bout de leurs choix.) As Siké points out, her sessions with non-French speaking cli- without a structure to resolve clients’ mul- ents, complicating the establishment of an tiple, overlapping, and practical needs on ideal therapeutic relationship. an ongoing basis, only a fraction of the At the same time, communicating in girls who are suffering the consequences Fulfulde presents its own challenges. For of forced and early marriage can empow- instance, there is no word in Fulfulde for er themselves to break out of the cycle of “rights.” Lacking a term affirming a posi- violence and dependence in the long run. tive notion of rights, the staff fall back on Tabita Damdam explains: explaining the concept in terms of rights violations, which they translate as “sins.” They’re not stable. They might show up Terminological difficulties thus serve to today, but then they disappear. Since they haven’t been to school, they don’t render even more elusive what is already a have any means. You have to be taught fairly challenging concept for the girls. to understand that if you really commit to something, it will eventually provide Sustaining Individual Change something in return. But waiting, be- By far, the greatest challenge the Center ing patient, it’s not easy. So they prefer staff face is ensuring that their clients con- what seems like the easier route: follow tinue to apply what they have learned in a man, and after a little while, he leaves a sustainable way. During the two weeks I you, and you start again from zero.

Only about 10 percent of the clients speak French, and not all of the staff speak Fulfulde. Communicating in Fulfulde can also be a challenge; for instance, there is no word in Fulfulde for “rights.”

No. 20 • 25 The social and economic pressure on Conclusion women to remarry is enormous, and girls like Damdam — who successfully resisted It is still far too early to observe population- pressure from her parents to remarry, and level impact in the Association’s work in who is determined to stay single until she the far north. The women seen at the Cen finds a husband who will respect her rights ter represent only a fraction of the women — are in the minority. “The social environ- who are affected by the practice of forced ment is incredibly powerful, and even when and early marriage in northern Cameroon. the girls have an idea of what they want, Nevertheless, the far-north branch has they have a lot of obstacles in front of them,” made tremendous gains since the Rotary explains Germène. Of the six new clients Club dinner in 1996. More women visit the registered at the Kousséri Center between Center every year; child marriage denun- January and March of 2007, for example, ciations are on the rise; hundreds of girls none could read, write, or speak French; now have national identity cards and are none had national identity cards, birth cer- able to vote; many others have learned to tificates, or marriage certificates; none had read, write, and speak French; many woman income; and none had ever used contra- en have secured marriage certificates that solidify their rights in marriage (and may prevent them from being thrown out by Instead of sending menacing notes, their husbands for opposing their daugh- the Lamidat now sends clients to ters’ forced marriages); and a handful have begun to practice contraception. the Center. And child marriage, The Far-North branch counts on a grow- once shrouded in silence, has ing group of allies in civil society, the state, become a subject of public debate. and traditional governance structures, and the organization — which is explicitly feminist — is widely known and highly re- ception. Even those girls who are anxious to garded. Although many of the women and attend the Center’s information sessions are girls who have come to the Center are still often deterred by transportation costs and struggling to turn their lives around, some by their ambivalence about dedicating time girls do manage to break the cycle, and and energy to an activity that will not im- many others have been able to negotiate mediately satisfy their practical needs. better terms for their existing relationships. Efforts to optimize girls’ long-term inde- A few — like Tabita Damdam — have pendence have also been hampered by the emerged as powerful agents for change. challenges of implementing the income-gen- Even the Lamidat, which once slipped eration program. Many of the girls have rare- menacing notes under the door, now refers ly even had the opportunity to handle cash its toughest cases to the Center. and may lack the basic arithmetic skills to As a result of the Association’s efforts, the manage even small-scale transactions. More practice of child marriage, once shrouded fundamentally, few girls have the luxury to in silence, is now a subject of public and invest time, patience, and capital in any- political debate. “The greatest success thing beyond daily survival. A woman who we’ve had is that people are talking about is given a small amount of money to start this practice, it’s become a public debate; a micro-enterprise may decide that it makes before people didn’t dare to talk about it,” more sense to spend that money on food or Aïssa explains. Even the language people medical care for her sick, hungry children, use has changed as a result of ALVF’s influ- leaving her with no capital to invest. As ence. “Women in politics, today they say, Damdam puts it, “Income generating strate- ‘We are political survivors,’ ” Siké reports. gies are for someone who can wait.” “They use the words ‘discrimination’ and

26 • Quality/Calidad/Qualité ‘violence’ — and that’s a victory. Even men ues and the culture.” That process will take use the term ‘violence’ now.” a long time, but in the interim, the Center There is a saying in Cameroon that “On will continue to welcome girls and women ne dérancine pas un arbre en quelques who are beginning to realize, like Aïssa coups de hâche,” which loosely translates and countless others realized, that what as “A few chops from an axe won’t uproot they are being put through is not right. a tree.” The practice of child marriage has “This work, it’s a vocation,” says Maimou- deep social, economic, and cultural roots. na. “You sleep with the girls’ problems in “I’ve realized that we can’t end forced and your head, you think about how to help her early marriage with the law alone,” says resolve her situation — she could try this, Aïssa. “The law is not enough, you need a she could try that. We have a lot of pride in lot of awareness, and you need to change what we do. Me, personally, if I manage to people’s minds. You need to change the val- help one woman now, I’m proud.”

Lessons Learned

• Concepts of human rights and of feminism can be meaningful and effective in combat- ing child marriage, even in settings where these concepts have previously had little or no cultural currency. While building relationships and networks was critical, ALVF was candid about its perspective, chose a high-profile strategy, and used opportunities for public attention as entry points for wider awareness-raising.

• Keep in mind both women’s practical needs and their strategic interests. Helping women in crisis and supporting their own efforts to organize can empower clients, lend the organization public credibility, and help build the local base that is essential to effecting sustainable social change.

• In working with girls who have been abandoned by their husbands or who are fleeing their marriage, organizations need strategies to deal with girls’ parents as well as with their husbands.

References Adair, Tim. 2007. “HIV status and age at first Molyneux, Maxine. 1985. “Mobilization with- marriage among women in Cameroon.” out emancipation? Women’s interest, the DHS Working Paper No. 33. Washington, state, and revolution in Nicaragua.” Femi- DC: USAID and Macro International. nist Studies 11(2): 227–254. Doumara, Aïssa and Siké Billé. 2007. “Strate- Passage Maroua. 2007. “Manuel de l’acteur gies de lutte contre les marriages précoces en santé genesique.” (Based on analysis et forces dans l’extrême nord du Camer- of Cameroon’s 2004 Demographic and oun.” Unpublished. Heath Survey, and research conducted by Institut National de la Statistique (INS) and AQUASOU.) ORC Macro. 2004. Enquête Démographique UNESCO. 2009. “Country profile: Cameroon.” et de Santé du Cameroun 2004. Calverton, Accessed 28 May 2009.

No. 20 • 27 Resumen en Español

El matrimonio en la infancia y el matrimo- entre las clientes es de 13–14 años, aunque nio forzado de las jóvenes es una violación algunos han sido de tan sólo diez años.) Al extensa de los derechos humanos. Tales ma- ir a reunirse con los maridos, el personal de trimonios roban a las jóvenes su infancia y ALVF lleva copias del Código Penal y diver- la opción de una educación. Frecuentemen- sos pactos internacionales de derechos hu- te esto conduce a relaciones sexuales forza- manos ratificados por Camerún, y explican das, la presión de tener hijos muy pronto, que fue en contra de la ley para cualquier y la violencia doméstica. En muchos entor- hombre el haberse casado con una niña sin nos, niñas casadas se enfrentan a un mayor su consentimiento. Personal de ALVF dice riesgo de complicaciones en el embarazo y que “Al abrir los documentos, [el marido] el parto (incluyendo la fístula obstétrica), así no lo toma a la ligera; ellas lo explican: ‘No como el VIH. Debido a que son más propen- es cosa mía, es la ley.’” sas a casarse con hombres mucho mayores La organización aboga públicamente — que ellas, también son más propensas a gas- con los padres, lideres tradicionales, y fun- tar una parte importante de sus vidas viudas, cionarios electos — contra la práctica del abandonadas o divorciadas — generalmente matrimonio en la infancia, así como otros sin heredar la propiedad y sin la capacidad problemas que afectan a las mujeres. Este de ganarse la vida. Sin embargo, esta prácti- equilibrio entre las necesidades prácticas ca sigue siendo común en muchas regiones. inmediatas de las mujeres y sus intereses En el sur de Asia, 48 por ciento de las mu- estratégicos a largo plazo es clave para la visión jeres de 15 a 24 años se casaron antes de la del programa y de su fundador, Siké Billé. edad de 18 años; en África, la proporción La rama al Extremo Norte de ALVF tiene es de 42 por ciento. Aunque el factor fun- sus retos. El Código Penal permite a las ni- damental es el bajo estatus de las mujeres, ñas a casarse a los 15 años (para los niños la desigualdad de género interactúa con la es 18 años), y la violencia contra las muje- pobreza y varias tradiciones culturales para res no es un delito. También hay retos en perpetuar esta práctica. contratación de personal y de recaudación En la extrema pobreza al norte de Ca- de fondos, sobre todo porque ALVF presta merún, la Asociación para la Lucha contra una fuerte gama de servicios para ayudar a la Violencia contra la Mujer (ALVF) aborda un pequeño número de mujeres a cambiar el matrimonio en la infancia a través de un sus vidas, en lugar de ofrecer un servicio programa combinado de servicios y advoca- breve a una gran base de clientes. El mayor cy. Los servicios se basan en el Centro para obstáculo para el progreso, sin embargo, la Vida de las Mujeres, donde las niñas que es sostener el cambio individual; para mu- han huido (o han sido expulsadas de) este chas mujeres, el siguiente paso es aún otro tipo de matrimonios pueden obtener apo- matrimonio abusivo. Sin embargo, junto yo emocional y orientación, capacitación con potenciar a las mujeres, ALVF ha dado en lenguaje y alfabetización, y actividades grandes pasos en la creación de un espacio de empoderamiento. Por ejemplo, muchas para el debate público sobre el matrimonio necesitan ayuda para convencer a un espo- en la infancia y el matrimonio forzado. Para so a pagar una pensión alimenticia para sus una organización abiertamente feminista hijos debido al abandono a ella y a sus hi- en una región muy conservadora, esto es jos. (La edad media del primer matrimonio realmente un logro.

28 • Quality/Calidad/Qualité Résumé en Français

Le mariage précoce et forcé des filles re- 10 ans.) Lors de la rencontre avec les maris, présente une violation courante des droits l’ALVF leur montre un exemplaire du code humains. Il vole à la fille son enfance et sa pénal et des conventions internationales sur chance d’éducation. Il mène souvent aux les droits humains ratifiées par le Cameroun, rapports sexuels forcés, à la pression de ma- leur expliquant qu’il est contraire à la loi ternité précoce et à la violence conjugale. d’avoir épousé une fille sans son consente- Dans de nombreux contextes, la très jeune ment. Et de décrire la réaction des hommes : mariée court un plus grand risque de com- « Quand vous ouvrez ces documents, ils ne plications de la grossesse et de l’accouche- prennent pas ça à la légère. Il suffit de leur ment (y compris la fistule obstétricale), ainsi dire : « Ce n’est pas moi, c’est la loi. »» que de contraction du VIH. Parce qu’elle L’organisation plaide publiquement — épouse souvent un homme beaucoup plus auprès des parents et des dirigeants tradi- âgé qu’elle, elle est aussi plus susceptible tionnels et élus — contre la pratique des de passer une bonne partie de sa vie veuve, mariages d’enfants, ainsi que pour la réso- abandonnée ou divorcée — généralement lution d’autres problèmes affectant les fem- sans héritage ni capacité de gagner sa vie. mes. L’équilibre entre les besoins pratiques La pratique reste pourtant courante dans de immédiats des femmes et leurs intérêts stra- nombreuses régions. En Asie du Sud, 48% tégiques à long terme est fondamental à la des filles de 15-24 ans ont été mariées avant vision du programme et de sa fondatrice, l’âge de 18 ans ; en Afrique, la proportion Siké Billé. est de 42%. Si la cause profonde principale L’antenne Extrême-Nord de l’ALVF doit en est le faible statut de la femme, l’inéga- faire face à bien des défis. Le code pénal lité de genre se mêle à la pauvreté et à di- autorise le mariage des filles dès l’âge de 15 verses traditions culturelles pour perpétuer ans (18 ans pour les garçons) et la violence la pratique des mariages d’enfants. à l’encontre des femmes n’est pas crimina- Dans l’extrême-nord fort pauvre du Ca- lisée. Les problèmes de dotation en person- meroun, l’Association de la Lutte contre la nel et de financement sont endémiques, car Violence faite aux Femmes (ALVF) s’oppose l’ALVF fournit non pas une simple presta- au mariage précoce et forcé à travers un tion à un grand nombre de clientes, mais programme combiné de services et de plai- des services en profondeur appelés à aider doyer. Les services sont proposés au Centre un petit nombre de femmes seulement. Le Vie de Femmes de l’ALVF, où les filles qui plus grand défi n’en est pas moins l’ancrage ont fui ces mariages (ou qui en ont été ré- du changement individuel, car beaucoup pudiées) peuvent bénéficier d’un conseil et de clientes retombent dans les affres d’un soutien affectif, d’un programme d’alphabé- nouveau mariage abusif. Outre l’autonomi- tisation, d’un appui économique et d’activi- sation des femmes au jour le jour, l’ALVF tés d’autonomisation. La cliente type a sou- a néanmoins réalisé de grands progrès vers vent besoin d’aide pour convaincre le mari la création d’un espace de débat public du qui l’a abandonnée ainsi que ses enfants de mariage précoce et forcé. Pour une orga- lui verser de quoi les nourrir. (L’âge moyen nisation ouvertement féministe dans une au premier mariage des clientes du centre est région résolument conservatrice, il s’agit, de 13–14 ans, mais certaines avaient à peine certes, d’un bel accomplissement.

No. 20 • 29 About the Authors Acknowledgments

Sajeda Amin is a Senior Associate with the We wish to thank the staff of ALVF for their Poverty, Gender, and Youth Program at the cooperation in preparing this edition of Q/C/Q, Population Council. as well as the International Women’s Health Coalition for technical support. Andrea Lynch is a Program Officer at EM- power. She was formerly on the staff of the International Women’s Health Coalition.

We invite your comments on Quality/Calidad/Qualité. If you would like to be included on our mailing list, please send an e-mail to: [email protected]. Most past editions are available online at . Single or multiple print copies of past editions may be ordered by e-mail.

No. 1 Celebrating Mother and Child on the Fortieth Day: The Sfax Tunisia Postpartum Program, 1989. (E) No. 2 Man/Hombre/Homme: Meeting Male Reproductive Health Care Needs in Latin America, 1990. (E,S) No. 3 The Bangladesh Women’s Health Coalition, 1991. (E) No. 4 By and For Women: Involving Women in the Development of Reproductive Health Care Materials, 1992. (E,S) No. 5 Gente Joven/Young People: A Dialogue on Sexuality with Adolescents in Mexico, 1993. (E,S) No. 6 The Coletivo: A Feminist Sexuality and Health Collective in Brazil, 1995. (E,P,S) No. 7 Doing More with Less: The Marie Stopes Clinics of Sierra Leone, 1995. (E) No. 8 Introducing Sexuality within Family Planning: Three Positive Experiences from Latin America and the Caribbean, 1997. (E,S) No. 9 Using COPE to Improve Quality of Care: The Experience of the Family Planning Association of Kenya, 1998. (E,S) No. 10 Alone You Are Nobody, Together We Float: The Manuela Ramos Movement, 2000. (E,S) No. 11 From Patna to Paris: Providing Safe and Humane Abortion, 2001. (E) No. 12 Universal Sexuality Education in Mongolia: Educating Today to Protect Tomorrow, 2002. (E) No. 13 What about Us? Bringing Infertility into Reproductive Health Care, 2002. (E) No. 14 “My Father Didn’t Think This Way”: Nigerian Boys Contemplate Gender Equality, 2003. (E,F) No. 15 Linking Reproductive Health to Social Power: Community Health Workers in Belize and Pakistan, 2004. (E) No. 16 Healing Wounds, Instilling Hope: The Tanzanian Partnership Against Obstetric Fistula, 2004. (E,F,Sw) No. 17 In Our Own Hands: SWAA-Ghana Champions the Female Condom, 2006. (E) No. 18 Living Up to Their Name: Profamilia Takes on Gender-based Violence, 2006. (E) No. 19 And How Will You Remember Me, My Child? Redefining Fatherhood in Turkey, 2009. (E)

(E) = English; (F) = French; (P) = Portuguese; (S) = Spanish; (Sw) = Swahili

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