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EXTENSION AND THE ADOPTION OF ENVIRONMENTAL TECHNOLOGIES IN THE PARISMINA WATERSHED, COSTA RICA

A Thesis

Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the

Degree Master of Science in the

Graduate School of The Ohio State University

By

Melanie Joy Miller, B.S ******

The Ohio State University

2007

Master's Examination Committee: Approved by:

Dr. David Hansen, Advisor

Dr. William Flinn

Dr. Linda Lobao Rural Sociology Graduate Program Copyright by

Melanie Miller

2007 ABSTRACT

The diffusion of innovations model has been used by social scientists for decades to understand the adoption of new agricultural technologies, but its applicability to environmental as opposed to commercial technologies has been the source of much debate. The “classic” model’s ability to account for the diffusion of environmental innovations is hampered by its productivist and voluntarist assumptions. In addition, adoption patterns have been far more widely studied in North America than in areas such as Latin America. This thesis examines patterns of adoption of a set of environmental farm technologies in the Parismina Watershed in tropical Costa Rica, paying particular attention to the role of a local agronomic university’s extension activities in their dissemination. The findings indicate that overall patterns of adoption remain low; that size of farm is the strongest single predictor of adoption; and that a higher degree of environmental concern and contact with university extension also account for a significantly higher rate of adoption of environmental technologies.

ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

As with all major endeavors, this thesis has resulted from the efforts, ideas and

personal support of many different people. I want to thank my advisor, Dr. David

Hansen for all of his support throughout this project. Without his encouragement and

enthusiasm this project would not have been possible. In addition, I wish to thank my

committee members Dr. Linda Lobao and Dr. William Flinn for their continued support

throughout my program.

Special thanks to Matt Mariola for his guidance and advice throughout the Costa

Rica fieldwork and my entire graduate school experience.

I would like to express my gratitude to the faculty, staff and students at EAR TH

University who welcomed me and assisted in this study. A very special thanks to the

EARTH students who worked on this project: Joel Eduardo Reyes Cabrera, Jose

Mauricio Torres Rodriguez, Julian Villca Mallon, Visna Maya Miranda Martinez, Nancy

Huarachi Morejon, and Alex Orlando Gualapuro Gualapuro. Their dedication to the project and commitment to excellence was truly an inspiration. In addition I would also like to thank Herminio Dover for his patience, conversation, and guidance during the fieldwork.

111 Thanks to my family in supporting me throughout all my endeavors. Special thanks to Daniel Foster who lent fresh perspective on a daily basis throughout the writing of this thesis, and to Cristina Santelli who was there for me from day one.

I would like to express my gratitude to my funding sources: the Social

Responsibility Initiative, the Center for Latin American Studies, and the Department of

Energy.

lV VITA

January 9, 1980 ...... Born Rugby, North Dakota

December, 2002 ...... B.S in Agriculture from North Dakota State University

2005 ...... Research Assistant, Costa Rica

2005 - present ...... Research Associate, The Ohio State University

FIELDS OF STUDY

Major Field: Rural Sociology

v TABLE OF CONTENTS

ABSTRACT ...... ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ...... iii VITA ...... v LIST OF TABLES ...... ix LIST OF FIGURES ...... x

Chapters:

1. INTRODUCTION AND PURPOSE OF STUDY...... 1

Introduction to the Study ...... 1 Overview of Costa Rica ...... 1 Statement and Significance of Problem ...... 5 Purpose and Objectives of Study ...... 7 Project Objectives ...... 7 Hypotheses ...... 7 Summary ...... 8

2. THE DIFFUSION OF INNOVATIONS ...... 9

The North American Bias ...... 12 The case of conservation technologies and limitations of the classical model.. ... 12 Conservation versus commercial technologies ...... 13 Economic constraints ...... 15 Appropriateness of technology ...... 18 Perception of the problem ...... 19 Knowledge ...... 21 Social factors ...... 22 Non-adoption ...... 23 Conclusions on the Diffusion of Innovations and Conservation Technologies ...... 23 Extension and the Diffusion of Innovations ...... 24 The Beginnings of Agricultural Extension in the Developing World ...... 25 The Green Revolution and Early Extension Practices in Developing Countries ...... 26

Vl Approaches to Extension ...... 27 Conclusions ...... 29

3. EARTH UNIVERSITY PROGRAM OF ECOTECHNOLOGY DISSEMINATION ...... 31

The Parismina Watershed ...... 31 Producer Profiles ...... 34 EARTH University ...... 41 EARTH Extension ...... 43 The Technologies ...... 45 Animals and Crops ...... 46 Biodigestor ...... 4 7 Nutritional Blocks ...... 48 Traditional Compost ...... 48 Worm Compost ...... 49 Effective Microorganisms (EM) ...... 49 Bokashi with EM ...... 50 Forest Species ...... 50 Agro-ecotourism ...... 50 Summary ...... 51

4. Methodology ...... 53

Sampling Procedure ...... 53 Data Collection ...... 54 The Sample ...... 54 Pre-survey Preparation ...... 54 Survey Instrument ...... 55 Interviewers ...... 56 General Model and Hypotheses ...... 56 Measurement of Variables ...... 59 Statistical Test of Model and Hypotheses ...... 65 Correlation Analysis ...... 65 Multiple Regression ...... 66 Chi Square Analyses ...... 67 Summary ...... 68

5. RESULTS AND DISCUSSION ...... 70

Frequency Distribution of Variables in the Model ...... 70 Descriptive Statistics ...... 70 Land Tenure ...... 72 Contact with EARTH University ...... 74

Vll Concern for the Environment ...... 7 5 Adoption of Eco-technologies ...... 76 Test of Hypotheses in Model ...... 77 Relative Importance of Variables in the Model...... 79 Impact of EARTH Contact on Adoption of Eco-technologies ...... 81 Residence in EARTH Contact Community ...... 81 EARTH Extension Activities and Environmental Technology Adoption 85 Summary ...... 87

6. SUMARRY AND CONCLUSIONS ...... 89

Summary ...... 89 Test of Model ...... 91 Study Limitations ...... 94 Further Research ...... 95

LIST OF REFERENCES ...... 97 APPENDIX ...... 103

Vlll LIST OF TABLES

4.1 Inter-item Correlation Matrix of Environmental Concern ...... 60 4.2 Education Frequencies and Index Scores ...... 61 4.3 Income Frequencies and Index Scores ...... 62 4.4 Inter-item Correlation Matrix of Socioeconomic Status ...... 62 5.1 Descriptive Statistics of Respondents ...... 71 5.2 Education of Respondents ...... 72 5.3 Land Tenure Characteristics ...... 73 5.4 EARTH Contact Frequencies ...... 74 5.5 Environmental Attitudes Index ...... 75 5.6 Number of Technologies Currently in Use ...... 76 5.7 Correlation Matrix for Variables in Traditional Diffusion-Adoption Model ...... 78 5.8 OLS Regression of Technologies Adopted on Gender, SES, EAR TH Influence, Concern for Environment, and Hectares Cultivated ..... 79 5.9 Number of Ecotechnologies Adopted in Communities With and Without Direct Participation by EARTH University ...... 82 5.10 Primary Source oflnformation Listed by Ecotechnology Adopters .... 84 5.11 EARTH Extension Activities and Adoption of One or More Environmental Technologies ...... 85

lX LIST OF FIGURES

Figure

4.1 The General Model ...... 57

x CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION AND PURPOSE OF STUDY

Introduction to the Study

This study exammes patterns of adoption of a set of environmental farm

technologies in the Parismina Watershed in tropical Costa Rica, paymg particular

attention to the role of a local agricultural university's extension activities m their

dissemination.

Overview of Costa Rica

Costa Rica is a small country. It is about the size of West Virginia, and has a population of roughly four million (World Fact Book, 2007). Located in Central

America, it is bordered by Nicaragua to the north and Panama to the south. Costa Rica has been viewed as exceptional among Latin American countries. On a continent that has been marred by dictatorship, civil war, poverty, deforestation and a host of other serious problems, Costa Rica stands out as an oasis of peace and stability. As the oldest democracy in Latin America, it has an international reputation for its peace and ecological initiatives. It has a stable economy, relatively equitable land distribution, and a sizable middle class (Cooke, 2005).

1 The United Nations Human Development Report for 2006 ranks Costa Rica 48th

out of 177 countries based on life expectancy, education, and income (United Nations,

2006). According to this index, Costa Rica is far ahead of its neighbors (in comparison,

Nicaragua ranks I 12th). Costa Rica has a comparatively educated population, having a

literacy rate of 95 percent which is the highest in Latin America. The life expectancy in

Costa Rica is 78 years, which is also the highest in Latin America and comparable to

highly industrialized countries. It is due to government spending on clean water,

nutrition initiatives, health education, and a health insurance program (Cooke, 2005).

Its relatively stable economy is largely dependent on agriculture, tourism and

electronics exports (World Fact Book, 2007). An Intel microprocessor plant opened in

1998, and by 2004 high-technology exports constituted 3 7 per cent of manufactured

exports and over two-thirds of all exports (United Nations, 2006). Foreign investors

continue to be attracted to Costa Rica due to the highly educated labor force and the relative peace and stability found there. These same traits also lend themselves to the tourism industry, as does Costa Rica's reputation for natural beauty and ecological diversity. Tourism became the largest source of foreign exchange in 1994, after twenty years in third place behind coffee and banana sectors (Cooke, 2005). It continues to gain momentum, with 1.6 million tourists visiting the country in 2005 (World Tourism

Organization, 2006).

With all of these positive characteristics, it is easy to accept Costa Rica as an anomaly amongst its Latin American counterparts. By shifting the lens slightly, it is evident that Costa Rica is also affected by a host of important problems and issues, many

2 of which are shared with their neighbors. Thus it is incorrect to simply accept Costa Rica

as an outlier and to dismiss its relevance for understanding patterns of development that

may lead to insight in Latin America and beyond (Palmer and Molina, 2004).

For example, Costa Rica experienced a large influx of Nicaraguans in the 1980s

due to the conflicts taking place at that time. Despite the influx, the Costa Rica economy

was able to expand to fit the sudden growth in the mainly unskilled labor force, and the

unemployment rate remained fairly stable (World Fact Book, 2007). Many Nicaraguans

remain in the country, attracted by jobs and a higher standard of living. The presence of

these migrants has put a strain on many of the social services, has become a source of

ethnic tension between the two groups.

While Costa Rica has a reputation for natural beauty and ecological diversity, it

experiences a variety of environmental challenges. For example, during the 1980s Costa

Rica had one of the highest deforestation rates in the world (Camino et. al, 2000). From

1979 and 1992 nearly one million hectares of natural and secondary forest were deforested, with the majority of it converted to pasture (Camino et. al, 2000).

Deforestation was a symptom of unsustainable land use policy that persisted for decades.

Most of the cleared land was used for cattle grazing and agriculture. Until recently, squatters were allowed to move onto a piece of land and gain certain rights to it by clearing it.

While Costa Rica has been heralded as the original "banana republic", its long history with the banana industry has been credited with coastal water pollution, as well as soil erosion and degradation (World Fact Book, 2007; Estado de la Nacion, 2004). The

3 recent rapid growth in the pineapple sector has led to an increasing level of concern over

soil erosion and water contamination.

The study site itself is characterized by many of these problems. The Parismina

Watershed (situated in the province of Limon) is home to several banana and pineapple

plantations, with the small farmers filling in around the fringe on the most marginal land.

The watershed is part of an area that was most recently cleared for agriculture, and has

been named the "last frontier" (Programa Estado de la Nacion, 1997). From 1979 to

1992, the province of Limon experienced a loss of 128,000 hectares of natural forest,

with much of the deforested land converted into pasture and crop land (Camino et. al,

2000). In addition, the area has recently experienced an increase in the production of

pineapple, which is known to cause reduced water quality, pest problems, and soil

degradation. Overall, the rapid change in land use has contributed significantly to the

deterioration of the quality of environment in the area. The Food and Agriculture

Organization (F AO) has categorized soil degradation in the province as "very severe".

The agricultural potential in tropical regions is often unsustainable because the production capacity of the land is rapidly exhausted after deforestation due to nutrient leaching and soil erosion (Weinberg, 1991 ). These problems are exacerbated by the demand for food in these often impoverished areas (National Research Council, 1993).

Long term sustainability is not a priority for the small farmer whose immediate concerns are providing food for the family and assuring quality of life in the short-term (Eswaran,

Virmani and Spivey, 1993 ). Many of the small producers in the Parismina Watershed

4 experience these same problems, many of these are resource poor and find themselves

continually experiencing low yields.

Some institutions, such as the Escue/a Regional de las Tr6picos Humedos

(EARTH University), in Guacimo, Costa Rica, have taken up the challenge to find

sustainable solutions that balance agricultural production and environmental preservation.

Through research at EAR TH, new technologies and conservation practices continue to be

developed to help farmers in the humid tropics improve their quality of life and preserve

the delicate environment in which they live. In addition to a strong science orientation,

EAR TH has an active extension component. Both faculty members and students work in

neighboring communities to disseminate information among farmer groups, various

organizations, and schools.

Statement and Significance of Problem

Within disciplines such as agricultural and ecological engineering, there has been

a longstanding interest in designing farm technologies or practices that are more

environmentally friendly. Once these technologies or practices are developed, the task of disseminating information and inducing adoption still remains. The social sciences - particularly rural sociology - have developed a large body of research on the adoption of innovations.

Since the 1970s, the adoption-diffusion literature has featured a specific dimension focused on the adoption of environmental innovations, usually among farmers.

A growing body of research investigates this theme in developing countries, but most of

5 it has been carried out in North American locations. In addition to introducing a

generalization problem owing to location-specific assumptions (Holden, 1972), this

North American bias is unfortunate because some of the most pressing agro­

environmental problems are located in the developing world, including sensitive areas

such as the humid tropics.

In particular, the adoption of conservation technologies and practices is poorly

documented in Latin America (Vera, 2001). Previous studies demonstrate that small

holder farmers are aware of the environmental problems that result from the use of

pesticides and other unsustainable agricultural practices (Agne and Waible, 1997).

However, resource poor farmers are often unwilling or unable to adopt a new technology

due to the financial risk involved (Geertz, 1963; Holden, 1972). Other important factors

that are known to play into adoption of conservation technologies include the perception

nature and severity of the environmental problems, the perception of profitability of any

given agricultural innovation, and the amount and quality of information available to the

producer (Vanclay and Lawrence, 1994; Saltiel et al, 1994; Nowak, 1987). An increased rate in adoption of environmental technologies may be achieved if additional barriers to adoption are identified.

Little research has been done on conservation technologies in the context of Latin

America. In fact, there is little understanding of how small holder farmers in this context perceive their environment. A considerable body of research has established that when farmers perceive an environmental problem, they are more likely to adopt innovations that aid in the management of those problems (Vanclay and Lawrence, 1994). However,

6 little research regarding environmental concern has been carried out among small

producers in the Latin American context. This is an important issue to address because

the perception of an environmental problem is very complex and involves many factors.

Little research has been carried out on how concern for the environment translates into

adoption of environmental technologies in Latin America.

Purpose and Objectives of Study

The present case study was designed to investigate the relationship between

EARTH University extension activities in the rates of adoption of a set of conservation

technologies which they promote. It focuses on the adoption, rejection and

discontinuation rates of these technologies, as well as a clearer picture of communication

networks that are already in place in the community. Environmental attitudes will be

assessed in order to discern if greater environmental concern translates into higher rates

of adoption.

Project Objectives

• To identify factors related to the adoption of conservation technologies and

practices.

• To determine the relative importance of other extension organizations versus

EARTH extension contact in the diffusion process.

Hypotheses

• Socioeconomic status as measured by income and level of education is positively

related to adoption of conservation technologies and practices.

7 • Fann size is positively related to adoption of conservation technologies.

• Gender and age are positively related to the adoption of conservation

technologies.

• Living in a community with current EARTH induced contact is positively related

to the adoption of conservation technologies and practices.

• EAR TH University is an important disseminator of information of conservation

technologies in the watershed.

• There are significant differences in technology adoption due to the nature of

contact that respondents have with EAR TH University.

• EAR TH has more success at promoting certain conservation technologies.

• Greater concern for the environment is positively related to the adoption of

conservation technologies.

Summary

Costa Rica is a dynamic tropical country that faces many environmental challenges. Recent land use changes have presented additional environmental problems, particularly in the study area. Little is known about the perception of these environmental problems by small holders in the area, and about the adoption of conservation technologies in a Latin American context. This study will shed light on these topics through empirical field work. It is a case study of the diffusion and adoption of conservation technologies in Parismina Watershed.

8 CHAPTER2

THE DIFFUSION OF INNOVATIONS

The literature on the diffusion of innovations is extraordinarily extensive and

complex, having occupied a prominent place within the discipline of rural sociology for

consecutive decades, and more recently being taken up by other fields including

and economics (Rogers, 2003). Rural sociologists have tended to favor the

innovation-diffusion model made popular by Everett Rogers, in which the diffusion of

innovations is explained as the spread of some new product, idea, or behavior over time

through a social system (Rogers, 2003). Typical diffusion studies cover topics such as

how technical innovations are diffused in a social system, what the characteristics of the adopters are, and the role of interpersonal networks and other communication channels in determining rates of adoption (Rogers, 2003 ).

Innovation-diffusion research can best be understood by examining its origins.

This type of research was first undertaken to address specific agricultural issues. This has affected the diffusion model and the limitations that have come to be recognized in diffusion research. Diffusion research became popular in the 1940s, just as many new agricultural technologies were being introduced to farmers. As there was a backlog of agricultural innovations, there was much concern about these technologies being adopted

9 quickly by producers. Questions arose about producers' willingness to change their

fanning practices and how the adoption process could be expedited (Van Es, 1983 ).

Although diffusion studies had taken place previously, the 1943 Ryan and Gross

hybrid com study started an important research agenda in rural sociology (Ruttan, 1996).

This study served as an "academic template" for classical diffusion research that persisted

until the 1970s (Ruttan, 1996), with a focus on the linear socio-psychological factors that

are related to adoption (Fliegel, 2001). With this approach, rural sociologists focused on

farmers' adoption behavior, the various information flows to the farmer, and the

individual farmer characteristics related to adoption (Fliegel, 2001 ). Even with this

limited research design, the model has been tremendously successful in predicting the

adoption of a wide array of agricultural technologies in the United States (Nowak, 1983 ).

In these early years of research that followed the classical model, the slow

response of farmers was seen as a problem. Research focused on identifying the factors

that would slow adoption such as lack of information, the inability to translate information into action, and unwillingness to adopt. In those studies, rural sociologists tried to determine if the antecedents of adoption of a given innovation were the same as the antecedents to adopt other innovations (Fliegel, 2001). Later research then focused on whether the farmer's adoption of one innovation could serve to predict that farmer's behavior with respect to other innovations (Fliegel, 2001 ). Both of these approaches concentrated on the farmer's individual characteristics, and heavily influenced the development of the classical diffusion model. The main idea behind this model was that a farmer's decision to adopt any given innovation was a voluntary act. Later, this

10 assumption of voluntary action would be called into question with regard to certain types

of technologies. However, it is important to understand the history of the classical model

and diffusion research to fully conceptualize the original assumptions upon which the

model rests.

In the 1950s there was a proliferation of studies using this classical model. In the

1960s there was an expansion of diffusion research to the developing world, and the

1970s marked the beginning of a period of criticism for diffusion research (Rogers,

2003). From the 1970s forward, many of the assumptions that the model relies on were

challenged, and certain applications of the model were called into question. Much of this

criticism came from within the discipline of rural sociology (Ruttan, 1996). Several

uncertainties were brought forward, including the model's ability to explain the diffusion

of conservation practices and technologies and the applicability of the model to the

developing world. These debates raged in the 1970s and 1980s, and the basic points

made by the model's critics during this period continue to be drawn from today.

The quantity of diffusion research declined in the 1980s and it plays a lesser role

than it had previously. Rogers (2003) argued that this decline in diffusion research can be attributed to the fact that most of the major research problems related to the model had been solved. He believed that the drop in numbers of studies was not due to the inadequacy of the model itself. Ruttan (1996) noted that many rural sociologists turned away from the diffusion model in order to address other important research needs, and also because technological change in farming communities began to be viewed as a source of inequity and as destructive of rural communities. This decline of diffusion

11 studies in rural sociology coincided with the upswing of diffusion studies in economics

(Ruttan, 1996).

The North American Bias

When the diffusion model is transferred to the developing world, many of the

assumptions of the model do not hold up (Holden, 1972). At the outset of the debate,

(Bordenave, 1976) and still more recently, (Rogers, 2003), scholars reminded us that the

classical diffusion model was created in a substantially different socio-cultural context

than that found in countries in the developing world. They argued that great care must be

taken when transferring the adoption model to a less developed country. Agricultural

production in the third world is often marked by a lack of the same technical

infrastructure and state support that many North American and European countries take

for granted. Access to land, markets, and legal protection are not nearly as commonplace

or easy to obtain for developing country peasants (Fliegel and van Es, 1983).

Furthermore, information channels may vary greatly, the innovation may challenge the norms of the society, and subsistence farming simply presents a different market climate not necessarily conducive to the development or spread of productivity-enhancing technologies or practices (Holden, 1972).

The case of conservation technologies and limitations of the classical model

The above historical analysis of the model shows that early diffusion research placed a heavy emphasis on certain types of technologies, which had allowed the model

12 to rest on certain assumptions. The case of conservation technologies is very different

because some of those assumptions may be seen to be false, which limits the model's

ability to contribute to the discussion on conservation technologies.

This section of the paper will highlight some of these issues regarding the

traditional innovation-diffusion model and its applicability to conservation technologies.

Conservation versus commercial technologies

Farmers are faced with a bewildering array of agricultural technologies from

which to choose. One of the main contradictions in these technologies is that some are

designed to increase production with little regard for environmental conservation, and

other technologies focus on environmental conservation with little concern about

increased production (Heffernan, 1984). There has been some debate in the literature

over the generalizability of the classical diffusion model's ability to explain adoption of

different types of innovations. It has been argued that a universal theory is not

appropriate because of the fundamental differences between different types of

innovations (Downs and Mohr, 1976).

Agricultural innovations can be divided into two main classes: environmental and

commercial (Pampel and van Es, 1977). Vanclay and Lawrence (1994) describe a commercial innovation as an innovation that has been developed for commercial reasons.

The choice of non-adoption affects no one other than the adopting farmer, and adoption is in the farmers' self interest. Thus, it is assumed that adoption will eventually occur

(Vanclay and Lawrence, 1994). The classical diffusion model has been tremendously successful in predicting adoption of commercial technologies. This is because the model

13 was developed during a time when many commercial innovations were being diffused.

Many rural sociologists used and developed the model based on the concept of voluntary

adoption of commercial technologies.

Environmental innovations are described as the use of techniques, methods and

approaches to improve land management rather than to increase farm productivity

(Vanclay and Lawrence, 1994). Often with environmental innovations, the costs of

adoption are borne by the individual farmer, and the benefits are mainly social. Often,

such adoption is not in the farmer's economic interest, and the result is usually large­

scale non-adoption (Van clay and Lawrence, 1994 ). Environmental innovations were not

generally studied until after the model had been in use for several decades. By this time,

the model was fairly developed and rested on assumptions that only applied to

commercial innovations. The issue of environmental innovations challenges several

aspects of the model, including the assumption of voluntary adoption. Fundamental

differences can be seen between reasons for the adoption of environmental innovations and commercial innovations.

The issue of differences between types of innovations becomes more complex when related to the idea of innovativeness and other personal characteristics that are the focus of the classical model. Pampel and van Es ( 1977) note that "farmers appear to be innovative either with respect to commercial practices or with respect to environmental practices, but not both" (p. 67). They also claim that commercial innovations are simply easier to predict using the classical model. That is, a regression analysis using a standard set of independent variables (farm size, income, age, etc.) explains a much higher portion

14 of the variation m adoption of the commercial innovations than of environmental

innovations, which are left largely unexplained. Interestingly, they found that the single

strongest predictor of environmental innovations is farmers' age which is not a significant

predictor of commercial innovations. Age has a positive relationship to adoption of

environmental innovations, but an insignificant relationship to commercial innovations.

The authors close by cautioning against the use of the traditional adoption model to

explain the adoption of environmental innovations. In the past, these traditional

assumptions have been used to justify a voluntary approach to environmental practices,

but the empirical ground on which to base this justification may be quite thin.

Vanclay and Lawrence (1994) claim that the conflict between environmental and

commercial innovations is not always present. At times, conservation technologies may

be adopted for commercial reasons such as labor and energy savings, as well as cost

effectiveness, rather than for environmental benefits (Vanclay and Lawrence, 1994).

While environmental benefits do take place regardless of the motivation for adoption, this type of adoption does not ensure that these benefits will be maximized (Vanclay and

Lawrence, 1994).

Economic constraints

This leads to a second critique of the classical model, which revolves about the economic constraints related to the adoption of new technologies. As noted previously, much diffusion research has been based on scientific, reductionist values oriented to profit (Frank, 1992a). When evaluating a new agricultural technology this vital issue to needs to be considered. According to the classical model, farmers will be reluctant to

15 adopt any new innovation unless they view it as profitable to their farming operation.

Profitability is not an objective fact, but a perception on the part of the farmer that may

vary with the farmer's scale, style of farming, and ecological context. What is important

is not the "true" economic profitability of an innovation, but a farmer's perception of its

profitability (Saltiel et al, 1994). Therefore, economic issues related to the adoption of an

environmental technology are very complex and are subject to many different factors.

When faced with financial stress sufficient to cause a change in farming practices,

the first move for many economically stressed farmers is to reduce their adoption of new

technology in order to reduce costs and to maximize short run output (Swanson et al,

1986). In fact, during periods of economic stress, farmers often ignore new conservation

practices and discontinue current conservation practices if they are not seen to contribute

to short-run profits (Swanson et al, 1986). Only if the financial stress continues after the

cost reduction strategy fails will they begin to consider the adoption of alternative

technologies (Frank, l 995a, 1995b ). It is only at this point that some farmers may adopt more "ecological" practices, such as substituting internally generated fertilizers for synthetic ones in order to increase liquid assets (Vera, 2001).

As mentioned above, short-term survival of the farm takes precedence in times of economic stress while long-term environmental conservation becomes a lesser priority

(Swanson et al, 1986). "The ratio between short term and long term benefits will also affect the decision to adopt, with the adoption of practices having a higher ratio of short term benefits taking precedence over practices having only long term benefits" (Vanclay and Lawrence, 1992). However, there is some debate about whether environmental

16 innovations provide any economic benefit to the farmer (Quiggin, 1987; Fleigel and van

Es, 1983). It is safe to say that economic benefit from environmental innovations is

unclear, and that if farmers were to base their adoption decision solely on economic

criteria, little adoption of environmental innovations would take place (Vanclay and

Lawrence, 1992). Fortunately, farmers utilize a variety of criteria during the decision

making process and are not strictly rational (Vanclay, 1992).

In addition to the economics of the innovation, another important issue to

consider is financial flexibility. Some farmers have the financial flexibility to implement

new changes that may cost money and carry with them a certain amount of financial risk.

Considerable capital outlay is often required when adopting a new technology, and the

farmer may have to forgo income until the new innovation produces an income (Vanclay

and Lawrence, 1994). Many farmers in non-North American or European countries are

subsistence or near subsistence farmers. If markets exist for their products, they are

likely to be oversaturated with products. Thus, the financial situation facing such farmers

is volatile and not conducive to taking risks (Holden, 1972). Even when the economic reasons to adopt are clear, many marginal farmers simply do not have the financial

flexibility to adopt new technologies (Geertz, 1963 ).

Economic considerations are undoubtedly very important to understanding technology adoption, mainly because most resource conservation options are viewed as nonproductive expenditures by farmers (van Es, 1983). Even if long-term benefits exist, such as those provided by conservation programs, the short term farm budget still needs to be take into consideration (van Es, 1983). This is because individual farmers cannot

17 pass on additional costs to the consumers. Therefore, the additional costs of a

conservation technology must be absorbed by the farm-firm (van Es, 1983). In sum, the

economic questions that arise with conservation technologies in agriculture are found to

be extremely complex and deviate from the economic pattern of other agricultural

technologies. The classical diffusion model fails to address adequately the economic

complexities concerning conservation technologies.

Appropriateness of technology

A third critique pertains to the bias towards any given innovation. The pro­

innovation bias is a serious shortcoming in diffusion research because it implies that an

innovation should be diffused and adopted by all members of a social system (Rogers,

2003). The general idea of innovation is a positive notion associated with improvement

(Down and Mohr, 1976; Rogers, 2003 ). Since many of the innovations that are studied,

especially in agriculture, augment productivity and thus profitability, many studies fall

victim to this assumption. These values infer that technological innovations are

desirable, suitable for adoption, and directly applicable to the personal environment of the target audience (Frank, 1995a). While the pro-innovation bias is latent and largely unintentional, it is still a limiting factor of diffusion research (Rogers, 2003).

New technologies, including conservation technologies, are not universally applicable. Each farm, based on its environmental situation, will need to employ appropriate environmental management strategies (Vanclay and Lawrence, 1994). It simply doesn't make sense to analyze a farmer's conservation behavior without first analyzing their conservation needs. Conservation practices cannot be grouped together

18 and generalizations made about their profitability (Heffernan, 1984). The farming system

as well as soil type, topographic conditions, and climate are just a few of the factors that

need to be taken into consideration (Nowak and Korsching, 1983; Heffernan, 1984). In

addition, type of farm enterprise, farm size, land tenure and planning horizon have been

found to influence adoption (see Buttel, 1990). A farmer takes a diverse array of factors

related to their farming environment into consideration when evaluating a new

technology.

The personal and farm objectives that farmers hold are very important

considerations when discussing the appropriateness of any given technology. V anclay

and Lawrence (1994) note that farmers are more likely to adopt innovations that are

compatible with other farm and personal objectives. They also point out that new and

often complex innovations represent major changes in the management of the farm, and

may not be compatible with other farm operations. Because of the nature of the family

farm, farmers take into consideration their personal capital needs, such as household

expenditures and education of their children, as well as their farm-firm needs.

Environmental technologies tend to be associated with fundamental changes to current agricultural practices. Therefore, most environmental innovations are deemed to be not compatible with current farm management practices or farm and personal goals (V anclay and Lawrence, 1994).

Perception of the problem

Rogers (2003) notes that the adoption process often begins with the recognition of a problem or need. If water quality, soil erosion and other environmental concerns are not

19 defined to be urgent problems by farmers, they will not attempt to fix them (Nowak and

Korsching, 1983 ). While farmers have often been viewed as "the problem" within the

environmental movement (Heffernan, 1984), they cannot be expected to adopt

technologies that they perceive to be less profitable and more inefficient in order to fix

problems that they do not recognize. In short, farmers may view environmentally friendly

practices as solutions to non-existent problems (Nowak and Korsching, 1983).

Much research has established that when farmers perceive an environmental

problem, they are more likely to adopt innovations that aid in the management of it

(Vanclay and Lawrence, 1994). As Nowak (1983) points out, perception of an

environmental problem is complex because producers tend to evaluate the environment

themselves. They often underestimate their own environmental problems, even if they

acknowledge that there are serious environmental problems at the national, state, and

community levels. Farmers may even think that their neighbors may have a serious

environmental problem, but the problem is not present on their own farm.

Education efforts have often been counterproductive as a means to help farmers identify their environmental problems (Nowak, 1983). In the case of soil erosion, extension efforts often utilize dramatic pictures of the Dust Bowl, exposed tree roots, and other extreme examples of erosion, that farmers do not see taking place on their own farms (Vanclay and Lawrence, 1994). They believe that they do not have a problem because they do not see the same type of extreme degradation taking place on their own farm (Nowak, 1983). When farmers do acknowledge the problem on their own farm,

20 they often develop a fatalistic attitude, rather than changing their management practices

(Vanclay and Lawrence, 1994).

Knowledge

There is also the issue of knowledge with regards to a new technology. Access to

knowledge about a new technology affects adoption, in addition to knowledge about the

environmental problem itself (Saltiel et al, 1994). Both Saltiel et.al. (1994) and Nowak

( 1987) surmised that the role of information is to help reduce perceived risk on the part of

farmers. New technology usually brings with it debate about its applicability and

effectiveness (V anclay and Lawrence, 1994 ).

In most cases in North America, information concemmg new innovations is

widely available, easily obtainable, trustworthy, and easily decipherable. This is not the

case in underdeveloped countries according to Holden (1972). In less developed

countries there may be only one channel of information, and this channel may be

unreliable, or perceived as unreliable by local producers (Holden, 1972).

Furthermore, in either context, awareness and knowledge do not always lend themselves to eventual adoption. Particularly with environmental innovations, farmers may be aware and knowledgeable about environmental problems and their solutions, but fail to adopt because of other factors affecting the decision making process (Vanclay and

Lawrence, 1994). The classical model assumes that farmers seek new technology to solve their problems, when in fact this may not be the case. In addition, farmers may have knowledge about a new technology, but adoption may not occur because the technology may not be appropriate for their needs as discussed above.

21 Social factors

Aside from economic and environmental considerations, farmers are constrained

by other structural factors. For example, the socio-behavioral context of the adoption

environment must be taken into consideration. Most farmers give great importance to

local norms that defines a "good farmer" (Heffernan, 1984 ). Social acceptance of an

innovation by neighbors has been categorized as an additional benefit to the adoption of

an innovation (Frank, 1995a), but the lack of acceptance can just as easily serve as a

deterrent until openness to a given technology achieves a critical mass among a local

group of farmers. "Except for a small number of maverick innovators, most farmers

would not want to be the only one to undertake a new practice, or grow a new crop"

(Vanclay and Lawrence, 1994).

People are naturally cautious when approached with a new idea or technology.

However, less risk is associated with it when potential adopters become familiar with it.

Familiarity with the outcome of an innovation is often acquired by observing other actors in a network (Wejnert, 2002). Because farmers often rely on other farmers for information, the "social infrastructure" must be in place until there is sufficient interest in an innovation for there to be wide spread adoption among farmers in a particular area

(Vanclay and Lawrence, 1994). Leaming through observation of other farmers in the local area lowers the risk associated with a new innovation, and this social aspect can influence the rate of adoption.

22 Non-adoption

This debate has culminated in recent years with a handful of articles that

essentially sum up the debate with a single, fundamental point: the non-adoption of any

given technology, far from being a case of laggardness or antiquarianism as previously

insinuated, is a rational act on the part of a farmer given the informational,

socioeconomic, and environmental context in which he/she finds his/herself.

"Individuals assess the utility of new practices by relating their perception of the practice

to their experience, and interpreting the value of that practice to their needs at a particular

place and time" (Frank 1995a: 292).

Those not seeking out new innovations may simply not feel economic pressure or

perceive environmental problems. They are satisfied with their situation and have good

reasons for deciding to not adopt (Frank, 1995b ). Especially in the case of conservation

technologies, when the advantage of a given innovation is not apparent, the farmer's

decision to not adopt is an active and rational act (Frank, 1995a).

Conclusions on the Diffusion of Innovations and Conservation Technologies

The above analysis has considered the North American bias found in diffusion literature, as well as many of the shortcomings of the classical diffusion model when applied to conservation technologies. The model is better suited to commercial technologies, which assumes voluntary adoption and private benefits. Because of the historical context in which the model was developed, the classical model inadequately accounts for the adoption of conservation technologies as an entire class of technologies.

Secondly, economic issues surrounding the adoption of conservation technologies are

23 complex because of varied perceptions of profitability and the fact that farmers rarely

profit or perceive a profit from voluntary adoption of these technologies. In addition, the

appropriateness of a technology for a given farming system and ecological environment

needs to be considered. The pro-innovation bias that has pervaded the innovation

diffusion tradition has not adequately prepared researchers to address these issues. Also,

perception of an environmental problem and the knowledge of technology to solve it

assume that farmers are seeking new technology to solve their problems, while that may

not be the case. Finally, the classical model has defined the term non-adopters in a

negative light, when actually their reasons for non-adoption may be quite valid. It is for

all of these reasons that the classical diffusion model and the assumptions upon which it

is based have been called into question.

Extension and the Diffusion of Innovations

While the adoption model was being critiqued within academia, a parallel critique

was confronting the more applied world of agricultural extension. Extension and the traditional adoption/diffusion model have both been based on the assumptions that technological innovations are inherently desirable and that all eligible individuals will eventually adopt them. The model also assumes that adoption is largely a voluntary phenomenon whose calculation need not incorporate social structural variables. These assumptions have been called into question during the last two decades.

Criticism of the application of diffusion of innovations to international development has also risen to the forefront of the literature. In order to effectively foster

24 innovation adoption, questions remain concerning what knowledge to communicate, how

it should be communicated, and who it should be communicated to. Extension efforts in

developing countries appear to have addressed these questions through a process of trial

and error. Worldwide, the institution of agricultural extension is increasingly called into

doubt (Roling, 1995). Vanclay and Lawrence (1994) assent that the entire extension

apparatus, is in a state of multiple crises: dwindling financial support, an apparent loss of

relevance to farmers, and, most notable in the present case, limited success at fostering

the adoption of environmental technologies.

The Beginnings of Agricultural Extension in the Developing World

After World War II, the United States was a leading supporter of agricultural

development in developing countries, and exported its agricultural extension model to

those countries (Rogers, 1989). Extension programs in these developing nations were

often non-existent or severely lacking in funds. More importantly, they were often not

effectively connected with the local agricultural universities (Rogers, 1989). The result

was that the agricultural system experienced contact with local farmers, but results of

these contacts were not influencing researchers (Rogers, 1989). Historically, the

extension service served a vital role in the transmission of agricultural innovations to producers, but also provided a mechanism for feedback to researchers (Umali and

Schwartz, 1994). This feedback to researchers was largely missing in the developing world, and in combination with a lack of inadequate farmer contact, was found to be relatively ineffective.

25 Similarly, the United States agricultural extension model, which had been

relatively successful in the United States, was found to be only partially transferable to

different contexts (Rogers, 1989). Without modification, the extension model was not

successfully transferred to the developing world, thus forming the root of many of the

agricultural development issues that later occurred.

The Green Revolution and Early Extension Practices in Developing Countries

Beginning with the Green Revolution, agricultural extension was inspired by the

classical diffusion of innovations model. It was rooted in a paradigm that emphasized

linear technology transfer and the increase of production. During the Green Revolution,

diffusion of innovations research was prevalent in the literature, as social scientists

worked to uncover barriers to adoption in order that the diffusion of innovations could

occur as efficiently and quickly as possible (Van Es, 1983). Indeed, dramatic changes in

production did occur through increased yields and greater income of farmers (IFPRI).

However, the rapid diffusion of innovations in the context of the Green Revolution was not without criticism, particularly in the developing world.

A large body of literature that addresses the impacts on the developing world resulting from extension efforts adopted during the Green Revolution exists. Impacts included changes in cropping patterns, agricultural productivity, the structure of class relations, and food self-sufficiency (Das, 2000). Adoption of new technologies and practices occurred mainly in favorable production environments that had ready access to markets, meaning that adoption did not occur uniformly, and bypassed many areas in the

"first generation" of technological change (Norman and Matlon, 2000).

26 In addition, concerns regarding the equality of the diffusion process were brought

forward. Critics argued that large producers were the main adopters of the new

technologies, while small and relatively resource-poor farmers were met with a variety of

barriers including access to credit, infrastructure limitations and knowledge of the new

technologies (Rogers, 2003). The diffusion of new innovations was actually seen to

increase inequality in some cases, thus puzzling diffusion researchers and challenging the

classical model.

As the focus of worldwide agriculture shifted from simply increasing yields to

sustainability and environmental compatibility, the traditional assumptions of the model

again were challenged. Up until this point, classical diffusion of innovations model

tended to focus on the adoption of individual technologies. A holistic approach that

considers the complete farming system was not prevalent, with an incrementalist, "add­

on" approach being favored (V anclay and Lawrence, 1994). Rather than the incremental

adoption of "add-on" commercial innovations, environmental technology adoption is

typically part of a larger suite of activities often referred to as whole farm planning. It is more of a cumulative process than simply the adoption of a given innovation (Roling,

1995). So an extension apparatus, which approaches dissemination of environmental innovations in the same way as commercial innovations, will achieve only limited success.

Approaches to Extension

The classical diffusion model initially fostered a linear approach to the diffusion of innovations in which researchers generate knowledge which extension workers convey

27 to producers (Roling, 1995). This approach generally provides technologies in a "one

size fits all" fashion, with little regard for the non-technical factors that affect the

adoption of innovations (Davidson and Ahmad, 2003; Adhikarya, 1996). In addition, the

lack of a feedback loop tends to only consider innovations generated by research

institutions, largely ignoring innovations developed on-farm (Davidson and Ahmad,

2003). This approach has been largely discarded throughout the world and is widely

regarded today as "nai:Ve and counterproductive" (Davidson and Ahmad, 2003; p. 23).

Eventually, a more participatory approach to agricultural extension emerged in the

United States as well as the developing world. The power structure of partnerships

among development agencies, experts and farmers were addressed, leading to

fundamental changes in the system. Through this participatory approach, a new

innovation came to be viewed not simply as a new technology delivered to a target group,

but rather as a new practice developed through exchanges of information among

stakeholders (Norman and Matlon, 2000). The fundamental reasoning behind this was that researchers could work directly with farmers to address their specific concerns.

Farmers were seen more as partners who posses valued knowledge (Buhler et. al, 2002).

The participatory approach allowed new innovations to be continually and more easily adapted to new contexts and needs, and guides research through a stronger feedback loop

(Buhler et. al, 2002).

The new participatory approach was first introduced in the late 1970s and the early 1980s. It has experienced changes and modifications as time has passed.

Limitations of participatory research have been encountered and are still debated in the

28 current extension literature. However, improvements to the approach have also been

made through attention to an increasing number of variables. For example, interactions

between farm and nonfarm activities, management of risk and uncertainty, environmental

degradation, and social equity are currently being addressed (Norman and Matlon, 2000).

Economic, social, and environmental dimensions are now part of the model, with the

ultimate goal not simply technology transfer and an increase in production, but an overall

sustainable livelihood for the producer (Norman and Matlon, 2000).

Conclusions

The relevance of the foregoing discussion for researchers is that a traditional,

quantitative social science approach to adoption of environmental technologies with the

diffusion of innovations model will not reveal all of the facets and intricacies of adoption,

due simply to the nature of the model. Attempts to discover the "independent variables"

that "explain" adoption are seen as ineffective because the geographic, socioeconomic,

and communication contexts matter a great deal in any given innovation-adoption

scenano. The quest to uncover a universal set of predictor variables appears to be the wrong approach to the diffusion puzzle (Brown, 1981 ). A multivariate regression analysis, for example, will typically have a low R-squared and thus leave more unexplained than explained.

A more effective approach may be to supplement the traditional approach with a more in-depth, qualitative examination of certain factors that may have more bearing on adoption of environmental technologies in a context of imperfect information channels in

29 a developing country. For example, in keeping with the earlier discussion of farmers' perceptions, one understudied factor among adoption studies is the question of farmers' concern for the environment. Another example is the more in-depth examination of the specific role that an environmentally-oriented extension agency such as the extension component at EAR TH University plays. In addition, the context of the adoption environment needs to be taken into consideration. These structural variables need to be considered, rather than just focusing on the individual-level characteristics of producers.

The classical innovation diffusion model, while highly criticized for many of the assumptions that it makes, continues to be highly valuable in terms of communication aspects. Keeping in mind the limitations that it presents, this study will utilize the model as part of the broader approach that was discussed above.

30 CHAPTER3

EARTH UNIVERSITY PROGRAM OF ECOTECHNOLOGY DISSEMINATION

In this chapter, the Parismina watershed, which is the region where EAR TH

University carries out its extension activities, will be described. Profiles of producers in

the watershed will be presented, along with general description of EAR TH University.

The components of EARTH's extension program are also discussed as are the principal

ecotechnologies disseminated by EAR TH.

The Parismina Watershed

The Parismina watershed is located in the humid tropics of Costa Rica in the

province of Limon. The study site was defined using this natural boundary, because

EAR TH extension efforts are limited to it. The watershed includes the counties of

Guacimo and Siquirres, and the larger settlements of Pocora and Guacimo.

The watershed can be divided into three sections: lower, upper and middle watershed areas. Altitude in the upper watershed varies from 200 to 400 meters, in the middle watershed from 75 to 200 meters, and in the lower watershed from 15 to 75 meters. The middle and lower watershed are characterized by more fertile soils, and contain most of the commercial agriculture. The upper elevations have marginal, rocky

31 soils, with much of the land in pasture or forest. Land use and agricultural activities vary

slightly based on elevation and soil types. Main agricultural activities of the small

producers include the production of staple crops such as cassava and other root crops,

maize, plantains, and beans. Other crops such as heart of palm, papaya and coffee are

produced for both self-consumption and market sales. Animal agriculture in the area

consists of chicken, pork, and beef production. Tilapia production is also becoming

popular.

The watershed is part of the Atlantic plain, and host to several multi-national

companies producing bananas and pineapple on large plantations. Costa Rica is the

world's second largest banana producer (FAO, 2004). Much of the banana production takes place on the Atlantic plain. Pineapple production has recently expanded in the area. It has surpassed coffee to become Costa Rica's second largest agricultural export behind bananas (FAO, 2004). The presence of both banana and pineapple production has made plantation work a major source of employment in the area.

The region was the site of colonization efforts beginning in the 1960s. They were both government-sponsored and spontaneous, and continued through the 1980s.

Historically, the province had been geographically isolated from the Central Valley where San Jose, the capital is located. The Cordillera Central served as this barrier.

Land passage to the province was only possible by a circuitous land route through

Turrialba or by air. Access to the region increased in the mid-l 980s when a highway was constructed through the mountain range connecting the capital with the Atlantic coast.

32 This important artery crosses the watershed and most of the larger town settlements are

situated along it.

The main highway is in fairly good condition, but the roads that network the rest

of the watershed are in relatively poor condition. There are two paved highways that

extend off the main highway that lead to larger communities in the upper and lower

watershed. However, the majority of the roads in the watershed are gravel. While cars

and trucks are able to pass over them, they generally inhibit travel.

The communities in the watershed are linked to other communities and cities

through a bus network. The bus system in Costa Rica is relatively reliable and is widely

used. Many public busses pass through smaller communities, although residents in rural

areas often have to walk quite a distance to catch the bus.

Because of the recent colonization and the even more recent road construction,

the watershed is host to fairly young communities inhabited by many residents coming

from other provinces in Costa Rica (Merida, 1997). These newly formed communities have electricity and most have access to potable water and telephone service. They are home to various community institutions such as churches (often Catholic and

Evangelical), primary schools, and community buildings. Typical community organizations include a women's group, farmers' association, sport committee, health committee, and educational committee (Merida, 1997).

33 Producer Profiles

In congruency with the "broadened view" of the classic model and adoption of

conservation technology this study aims for, qualitative data was also collected by the

researcher during the survey interview process and formulated into producer profiles.

Quantitative data is very useful in providing an overall picture of the situation in the

watershed, but little insight is gained on individual farmers, the composition of their

farms, and the issues that they currently face. It is very valuable to study the cases of

individual producers in order to better understand the composition of the various types of

producers that are found in the watershed. The following profiles were selected from

residents from various parts of the watershed in order to represent common types of

producers found in the area.

Producer 1

Producer 1 is a 76 year-old farmer who has been living in this area for the past 27

years. Originally from San Vicente Moravia (in the province of San Jose), he came to visit this area 27 years ago, and decided to stay. His main reason for leaving Moravia was that it was becoming urbanized, and he felt that the surrounding area was becoming environmentally contaminated as a result of this. He also remarked that many new people had moved to the area, and that it felt more like a city than the town he once knew.

He says that he is a farmer because it is a family tradition, because he likes the work and that is what he is used to doing. He also notes that he loves living in the

34 countryside, and commented that "there is nothing better than cultivating your own land."

Because of his advanced age, he has an employee who helps him with the farm duties.

Currently, Producer 1 owns 12.75 hectares of land in the Argentina area that he

bought when he moved to the community. He cultivates 1 hectare of palmito, and also

has about half a hectare of pasture. He has various fruit trees, and most of the fruit is

consumed by the family or given away to neighbors. Three beef cows, three horses, five

goats and 120 chickens can also be found on the farm. (While he does have three horses,

he said that his main form of transportation is walking and that he rarely leaves the

community.)

One interesting comment that he made was that when he first moved to Argentina,

no one locked their doors and people worried more about dogs and chickens wandering

into the house than thieves. He notes that when the highway opened up in the late 1980s,

the community rapidly changed and people had to start being more careful.

Producer 1 represents the category of producers which came to the area from

another province before the highway was opened. The characteristics of his farm are

very typical for the area, a medium-sized plot of land with a fairly diverse array of

animals and crops. Also very typical of the area, he has several hectares that he leaves forested and relatively untouched based on the value he places on nature.

Producers 2 and 3

Producers 2 and 3 are a married couple who share equally in the farm work and make important farming decisions together. The wife says that she is in charge of

35 planting and caring for the animals, while the husband is in charge of selling what they

produce. The husband told us: "I care for my land with my heart."

Their farm currently occupies one hectare of land that they bought ten years ago.

However, they do not have the actual title to the land, and are in the process of working

with a lawyer to try to obtain it. They explained that the land that they are currently on

was an abandoned plantation, and that they bought the land from a third party, and now

are being accused of being squatters (as are all their neighbors). Until the legal battle is

over, they have decided to hold off on making improvements on their farm, for fear that

they will be evicted.

However, they are interested in organic production and implementing eco­

technologies. They have a biodigestor, which was installed three months ago and is fed

with the manure of their nine pigs. The wife noted that between the gas and fertilizer

production, the biodigestor "has really helped us economize."

The farm borders EARTH. The wife's brother currently works on the banana

plantation in EARTH, but neither husband nor wife has been on the EAR TH campus.

They view their contact with EARTH as being very positive, and are excited to learn more about eco-technologies that they can implement on their farm.

Currently they are cultivating malanga, yucca, plantain, banana, forraje and oranges. They have three milk cows, and besides selling milk they also make cheese and sour cream. They have nine pigs, two goats, thirty chickens, fourteen turkeys, three geese, and five ducks. (The survey questions had to be shouted over the din of all the squawking poultry.)

36 Producers 2 and 3 represent a category of producers who occupy a small plot of

land that they do not own the title for. Like many people in the area, they are interested

in implementing organic production and many of the technologies that EARTH promotes,

and have a very favorable opinion of the university and the work that they do. Also,

Producers 2 and 3 are representative of many couples surveyed that stated that they make

farming decisions together.

Producer 4

Farmer 4 currently owns 80 hectares in the middle watershed where EARTH

presently does not have much influence.

He is quite pessimistic about farming in his community, noting that production

costs are much higher than market prices. In fact, he has turned away from farming -

saying that it isn't worth the effort to plant anything anymore. If it isn't the prices,

people will steal right out of your fields, he says. He even used to have a fish pond where

he attempted to raise fish for sale and family consumption, but it was some distance from

the house which allowed people to easily steal the fish. After some time he abandoned

the idea.

When asked if individuals can make a difference in the environment, he continues on his pessimistic train of thought and told us "Here, we are invisible."

While this farmer still owns his land and has some crops planted currently

(papaya and ornamental plants), he has invested in a tractor and contracts out. In his opinion, this is a more reliable and profitable source of income.

37 Producer 4 is representative of some of the more pessimistic attitudes that are

prevalent in the watershed. While he has produced many of the newer and trendier

commodities such as tilapia and ornamental plants, he still finds it very hard to make a

living from farming. While continuing to reside on his farm and engaging in crop

production activities, he is representative of many of the producers who turn to other

sources of employment in order to sustain their livelihood.

Producer 5

Producer 5 is situated in the middle watershed, and his farm is located across the

road from a large pineapple plantation. He produces a variety of fruit, vegetables and

even organic rice. He sells his products at the farmers' market in Cariari.

In the past he had concentrated his farming efforts on cattle, but he had to sell

them shortly after the pineapple plantation was created in his community. The plantation

has brought a biting fly problem to the community, which is completely out of control.

He said that he couldn't stand to see his cows so miserable, so he sold them and

concentrated on crop production. Apparently, he has spoken with the pineapple plantations about compensation for his loss.

He is excited about new ideas and has tried a variety of new technologies and production practices. He learns about new ideas through contact with other innovative farmers and through the University of Heredia, EAR TH and a variety of other organizations.

He says he "is a friend of low-cost production", and is excited about

"recuperating" his soils. One of the ideas he has implemented through University of

38 Heredia is to encourage ant colonies in his papaya stands - the ants eat the larvae of

insects that frequently damage papaya. The ants serve as a natural form of insecticide.

Another practice he uses is through planting macuna, which is a fast-growing legume.

The legume first chokes out all the weeds in the area in which it grows, and then he can

harvest it, compost it and use it as a nitrogen source on his other crops.

Overall, Producer 5 is very excited about farming. He says "I feel really proud to

be a farmer - I've been one my whole life. I'm a farmer because it is the first thing I saw

how to do. I tried to work other jobs, but I couldn't do it - I didn't feel good about it."

However, he acknowledges what a struggle agriculture is: "Agriculture in this country is

not a secret from anyone - it is really hard to make it."

Producer 5 is representative of a class of producers who are very innovative and

have tried many new technologies, getting information from a variety of sources. This

class of producers tends to be highly concerned about environmental impacts. Also,

Producer 5, like many people in the watershed, has clearly experienced the impacts of the

expansion of pineapple production in the area. Many producers have been forced to

abandon cattle production due to the biting fly problem that the pineapple plantations have brought to the area. It is interesting that Producer 5 is extremely concerned about his own environmental impact, when there are such devastating environmental problems taking place in the area due to the pineapple plantations.

39 Producer 6

Producer 6 owned a total of eleven hectares that had been obtained through one of

the government organizations, Instituto de Desarollo Agrario (IDA). The family had

been on the land for 56 years.

Currently, EAR TH does not have much contact with producers in their

community. Producer 6 had not heard of many of the technologies mentioned in the

survey, but had heard of several of them through educational programming on television.

This producer noted that they gained most of their knowledge about EARTH through

conversations with other people.

Pineapple plantations are found nearby. Recently, representatives from the

pineapple companies have come to the house asking ifhe will sell the farm.

The family currently produces yucca, plantain and maize, but current prices for

these commodities are so low that they can't sell anything. Currently they have no farm

income, even though they have crops available for sale. Right now they are consuming

their crops and also giving them away to neighbors so they don't "rot in the fields". In order to sustain the family livelihood, Producer 6 had to go to work on a nearby pineapple plantation. A government pension that goes to the grandfather of the household also helps to sustain the family.

It should be noted that Producer 6 listed "walking" as his mam form of transportation. Without a means of transportation to get crops to market, producers such as these fall victim to intermediaries to buy their products and transport them to market.

40 It may be due to the transportation problem that Producer 6 finds it particularly difficult

to sell his crops.

Producer 6 is representative of a class of producers that have turned to nearby

plantations as a source of income due to the fact that the income generated by the farm is

not sufficient. Working off-farm may also limit the time that producers have available to

dedicate to farm changes and improvements, which may be reflected in rates of adoption

of agricultural practices. In addition, the problem of transporting products to market is a

common characteristic of many small producers in the area. Producer 6 is also

representative of a class of producers who have obtained their land through IDA.

EARTH University

EARTH University, located near Guacimo, Costa Rica, has an international

reputation for a strong commitment to the sustainable management of resources in the

humid tropics. It is a private non-profit institution that was founded in 1990. EARTH's

academic program focuses on agricultural sciences and natural resource management,

offering undergraduate degrees in agricultural engineering. Truly an international

university, faculty and students are drawn from all parts of the world.

EARTH University occupies a 3,000 hectare property that contains the university campus, teaching farms, agro-commercial businesses, extensive areas of production

(banana and pineapple), a 1,000 hectare biological reserve, a small hotel for visitors, and residences for professors and students.

41 EAR TH has had a profound impact on the surrounding community since its

founding seventeen years ago. As a world renowned institution, it has drawn many

professionals and their families to the community, and has given the opportunity for a

high quality education to many Costa Rican students. In addition, the university itself

provides many jobs for residents that live in nearby communities, and also provides direct

support to local producers by purchasing their products (e.g. milk, coffee and produce).

EARTH also implements a dynamic outreach program, which focuses the communities in

their watershed.

Perhaps one of the largest impacts that the university has made is through the

national and international visitors that are attracted to the university. Many of these

visitors come to learn about EARTH's work on sustainable agriculture and natural

resource conservation projects, while others come to conduct research or teach. Visitors

usually stay on campus, but they often eat at local restaurants and patronize local

businesses. In addition, many visitors visit local farms as agro-ecotourists.

While there are many positives surrounding the presence of EARTH m the

community, some residents have developed some negative reactions certain aspects of

EARTH's presence. For example, there is one main entrance to the campus that is situated on the main highway. This entrance has a gate that is guarded 24 hours a day and unless a person has specific business in the university or have arranged a tour, they are usually not allowed inside. In addition, all visitors that are allowed to enter must register at the gate with their passport or identity card. This system has caused some

42 people in the community to feel that the university is very isolated and closed off from

the community.

Since its founding, residents have had both positive and negative contact with

EARTH. Various rumors pass through the community, and some hint there is unequal

treatment of farmers. Some producers indicate that they would like students to come to

their farms (as described in the next section), but note that there are simply not enough

students to go around. In addition, some producers have participated in research projects

that they feel were abandoned or failed, leaving them with a bad impression of the

university.

Most of these negative opinions are inevitable, but are important to acknowledge.

It is likely that a large institution such as EAR TH that has a wealth of contact with the

local community will not be uniformly popular with the entire local population.

EARTH Extension

Data were collected through survey interviews in eight communities in the area

surrounding EARTH University. The eight communities were chosen to correspond to

one of two categories: four were identified as having a significant amount of direct

EARTH induced contact (within the past 5 years), while the other four have not had recent EARTH contact. A community that was categorized as having direct EARTH contact experienced EARTH agricultural extension programs implemented in the community through their Area de Desarrollo Agropecuario (ADE) division. This agricultural development program 1s a branch of the overarching extension program

43 Programa de Educacion Permanente (PEP), which also has programs that address

community development and small business formation.

The ADE mission is to increase the quality of life of EARTH neighbors in the

watershed, by promoting sustainable agricultural practices, participant research projects,

and the formation of production strategies that link producers with commercial markets.

For example, two specialized programs link the production and commercialization of

milk and coffee. EAR TH sponsors the initiative to increase the quality of the product and

connect producers with markets. Another featured program is the "Open Classroom"

which educates producers about sustainable agricultural practices that optimize their

production systems. EAR TH faculty members, assisted them with farm planning and

organization and also provide them with knowledge and tools to increase production on

their farms in environmentally sustainable ways (EARTH, 2005). Another component

of the agricultural development extension program is the "Work Experience Module".

This module matches third-year EARTH students with a producer in the community. It

assumes that information will be exchanged between them. EAR TH students are sensitized to the needs and experiences of producers in the community and are given the opportunity to share their knowledge of technologies and management principles that learned in the classroom. Students frequently help farmers implement new projects on their farms, providing the extra manpower and knowledge needed to get the projects started. Recently, students participating in the work experience module spend half of the module working with a producer as described, and the other half of the module working

44 in a local school. In the school, EAR TH students provide environmental awareness

education through a variety of activities and fieldtrips.

The Technologies

EARTH faculty and students are seriously involved in the discovery and

development of innovative new and sustainable agricultural practices and technologies.

They also work on the improvement and modification of already known technologies,

particularly those from other countries that can be adapted to the humid tropics. In doing

so, they consider the availability of local materials as well as the specific needs of the

local people. These technologies are passed on to local producers through the extension

processes outlined above. The producers often modify and improve the technologies

used on their farm through participant research that results from a continuing dialog with

EARTH.

Ten technologies and one management practice are currently being promoted in

the community through EAR TH extension programs. They represent components of an

integrated production system, but can also be used singly by farmers. Pedraza and Chara

(1997) explain an integrated production system (as cited in Cabezas and Botero 2001, pp.

2) as a system in which "each component takes advantage of the other, using everything that is produced as an input." Products that may typically be defined as waste become inputs for another part of the system in order to form a complete cycle that reduces the negative impact on the environment and is more sustainable. The Food and Agriculture

Organization of the United Nations defines the integration process as both" ... horizontal,

45 seeking improved management across components of the farming systems (including

resources, crops, livestock, forestry and fishery) and vertical, seeking improved

management of commodities through the production, processing, distribution and

marketing stages" (F AOa). The holistic approach of integrated production systems is

consistent with the sustainable agriculture goals of EARTH and with the mission of

improving the lives of producers in the watershed.

A previous study of the watershed (Dragon, 2005) focused on 31 producers who

participated in the work experience module in order to gain a better understanding of

their adoption, non-adoption and discontinued use of the various components of the

integrated production system that EARTH promotes. The current study focused on the

same technologies as the Dragon (2005) study in order to allow rates of adoption of those

who participated in the work experience module to be compared with the larger

watershed population. Findings from this study are compared with those from the other

study when appropriate (Dragon, 2005).

A description of each of the technologies follows. They are generally easy to use, maintain, and to modify to producer needs.

Animals and Crops

Generally speaking, animal and crop production are both important elements of an integrated production system because they lay the foundation for the rest of the system.

Both are important because they provide nourishment and/or income to producers, and the waste products become inputs to other parts of the system. Animal agriculture is a source of manure, which is then transformed into useful products through other elements

46 of the integrated production system. Crop production is also important because it

provides forage for animals, and the residuals can be used as inputs into the other parts of

the system.

Biodigestor

A biodigestor is a technology that allows the use of farm by-products, such as

animal manure, to be converted into methane gas and organic fertilizer (Botero, 2004).

EARTH disseminates information about small-scale biodigestors that are relatively

inexpensive and easy to install.

Animal manure is mixed with water and fermented in a large plastic bag that is

partially submerged in the ground. The water-manure mixture enters at one end,

ferments in the plastic bag, the methane gas collected, and eventually exits at the other

end. This affluent can be used as organic fertilizer, while the methane gas collected can

be used for cooking.

Residual waters from the biodigestor can also be further cleansed by passing

through various stages of a water decontamination system. The affluent waste water

can be pooled in channels and used for the production of aquatic plants. Aquatic plants

are characterized by high production of biomass, efficiency in cleaning polluted water

and adaptation to stress conditions. The water that has passed through channels with aquatic plants can then be used for the production of fish, such as tilapia (Cabezas and

Botero, 2001). The production of fish is another way to continue to decontaminate the affluent, and can also serve as a source of additional income and food.

47 Producers in the watershed have made modifications to these systems to fit their

needs. Some have made changes to the physical structure of the biodigestor, or have

tried various other inputs such as whey from cheese making and used cooking oil.

The biodigestor is an important aspect of the integrated production system

because it takes apparent waste products, such as animal manure, and converts them into

useful products which can be fed back into the system. The biodigestor helps to resolve

problems like management of human and animal excrements that pollute the ecosystem,

and creates a fuel that can be burned in place of firewood or purchased propane. In

addition, the production of aquatic plants can be a useful source of high protein animal

feed, and fish can serve as a source of additional income and food. Environmental

impacts are greatly mitigated after biodigestor affluent has passed through the various

stages of the system.

Nutritional Blocks

Nutritional blocks are a low-cost non-protein nitrogen supplement for ruminant

animals. They are composed of a diverse array of ingredients that are either mixed by the

farmer or can be bought pre-mixed. The main benefit of nutritional blocks is to increment the flora of the rumen to allow the animal to more efficiently utilize the nutrients that they consume (Botero, 2001 ).

Traditional Compost

According to the United States Composting Council (2002) compost is the product resulting from the controlled biological decomposition of organic material that has been stabilized to the point that it is beneficial to plant growth. It has the ability to

48 improve the chemical, physical, and biological characteristics of soils or growing media.

While it does contain plant nutrients, it is typically not characterized as a fertilizer.

Worm Compost

Worm composting is the process through which waste materials are transformed

into a material rich in nutrients that are readily available to plants with the aid of

earthworms. The addition of earthworms speeds the composting process. Like

traditional compost, worm compost can be added to agricultural land to improve soil

structure and fertility. It allows an immediate supply of plant nutrients, it also builds

reserves for future crops (Aranda, 1999).

Effective Microorganisms (EM)

Developed in Japan, EM is a mixture of naturally occurring microorganisms that

provide natural benefits. The mixture of microorganisms is formulated such that the

individual effect of each microorganism is magnified, and when applied to a system, it

reestablishes microbiological equilibrium.

EM provides a wide variety of benefits and can be applied in many different

ways. When applied to crops, it can increase production and help protect the crops from

insects and disease and it also improves soil conditions. When applied to animal production systems, it can be used to reduce odors and insects, decrease the amount of water needed to wash areas that the animals inhabit, and decrease animal stress and sickness. It also has beneficial qualities when fed to the animals as a supplement

(Fundaci6n de Asesorias, 2006).

49 Bokashi with EM

Bokashi is a fermented organic fertilizer made with animal manure that has a

variety of advantageous qualities. The use of bokashi with EM in areas where animals

are present keeps the odor down, limits the presence of insects, eliminates the need to

wash the stable floor which contaminates water, reduces labor, and decreases the

incidence of both mastitis and lameness in the animal population. When the bokashi is

finished fermenting it can be sold as organic fertilizer (Botero, 2002).

Forest Species

Trees are an important element of integrated production systems because they

offer many benefits such as the incorporation of organic matter in the soil, nitrogen

fixation, nutrient recycling, decreased erosion, and protection against the sun, rain and

wind. In addition, it helps to maintain a habitat for the flora and fauna native to the area.

For the farmer it represents a potential for the production of fruit, wood, charcoal, and

firewood (Cabezas and Botero, 2001; Botero and Russo 1997).

Agro-ecotourism

While the exact definition of ecotourism is problematic, it can be characterized as

"environmentally responsible travel to experience the natural areas and culture of a region while promoting conservation and economically contributing to local communities" (Furze, Lacy, and Birckhead, 1996: 149). Agro-ecotourism focuses specifically on the agriculture of a particular area, often through visits to local plantations, farms, and processing facilities.

50 Agro-ecotourism is a non-consumptive use of resources and has the potential to

serve both conservation and local development roles. "In terms of local development,

tourism can provide a vehicle or conduit for translating the values that others hold for a

natural area into benefits for those who live in or near it, and may therefore bear costs

associated with conserving the resource" (Furze, Lacy, and Birckhead, 1996: 146).

In the context of an integrated production system, agro-ecotourism provides direct

financial benefits that can be used for the maintenance of the system and the

implementation of other sustainable agriculture practices. While agro-ecotourism is not

in itself a technology, it is an important dimension of sustainable agriculture because it

communicates important information and values to visitors. In addition, it provides

producers with positive feedback for their sustainable agriculture and conservation

efforts.

La Argentina is a community near EAR TH University that has an association of

producers who offer agro-ecotourism services to national and international visitors.

Many of the farms feature different elements that go beyond sustainable agriculture practices or the integrated production system. These elements include hiking trails,

cabins, and offering typical food cooked with biogas (from a biodigestor).

Summary

The study focused on the Parismina watershed, located Costa Rica's province of

Limon. This watershed is characterized by several large plantations, with small producers occupying the more marginal land adjacent to them. Through a variety of

51 EARTH University activities, efforts are made to develop and diffuse environmentally friendly technologies to the small producer population in the watershed. The technologies chosen for this study are part of an integrated production system, which

EARTH is currently promoting. These technologies had been previously identified and studied in an earlier study of the watershed (Dragon, 2005).

52 CHAPTER4

METHODOLOGY

Basic methodological considerations that are related to statistical analyses found

in this thesis are presented in this chapter. It begins with a discussion of the data that

were used in the study, including the actual process of data collection and the sampling

procedure that was used to identify respondents for the field survey. This discussion is

followed by the presentation of a general model, including a series of empirical

hypotheses, which was used to guide the statistical analyses, a discussion of how the

variables in the model were measured, and the statistical method used to test the

hypotheses.

Sampling Procedure

Households were selected for interviews using a modified purposive sampling design. Upon entering a community, a farm household was selected at random, and every other farm household was surveyed after that until all houses had been approached or until dark.

A key informant was utilized during the survey process. This person also assisted with the distribution of the interviewers based on distance and density of farms. His

53 knowledge of the local area was very important to the process because many of the small

dirt roads in the watershed were not indicated on the map. The key informant input

ensured a more representative sample.

Data Collection

The Sample

In all, household data were collected through interviews with 185 individuals in

eight communities in the area surrounding EARTH University. These communities were

selected because they represent one of two categories: four have had a significant

amount of direct interaction with EARTH personnel within the past 5 years, while the

other four had not had EARTH contact over that period. "Influenced" communities

feature EARTH programs implemented through the Area de Desarrollo Agropecuario

(ADE), as explained in the previous chapter.

Interviews were conducted with self-identified heads of households on self­

identified farms. If the head of household was not home, the location was not used and

the interview team moved on to the next appropriate residence. Interviews lasted on

average from 30 to 60 minutes. All of them were conducted in Spanish. They were conducted by EARTH students who were native Spanish speakers.

Pre-survey Preparation

Communities included in the survey were identified with the aid of EARTH faculty and PEP staff. The research team studied the layout of the watershed prior to the field survey. This involved visits by the principal investigator (PI) to all parts of the

54 watershed in the company of a local driver who also served as the key informant. As part

of this initial survey process, the key informant introduced the PI to many farmers in the

community and indicated the types of crops that were being produced at the different

locations in the watershed. The key informant also discussed the size, location and types

of plantations and farms in the region. He shared information about the types of

organizations that had been active in the region and discussed many of the problems

confronting producers in the watershed.

Survey Instrument

Respondents were asked to provide data on household demographic

characteristics, their attitudes towards environmental conservation, farm tenure and

agricultural practices, and prior interactions with EARTH University. One of the more

important segments of the interview consisted of a series of questions about nine different

environmental technologies currently promoted by EARTH. In addition to the nine

conservation practices specified in this section, respondents were also asked to name any

other conservation practices currently being used by them.

Attitudes about natural resource conservation and management were assessed

using questions from the Health of the Planet Survey (Dunlap, Gallup and Gallup, 1993).

They were translated into Spanish for use in this study. Selection was based on previous use. All had been previously used in both industrialized and developing countries.

Additional data on the diffusion-adoption process for eco-technologies in the watershed was collected by the interviewers. These data were essentially embellishments of responses to the specific survey questionnaires found in questionnaire used for the

55 study and were also provided by heads of households. These data were summarized at

the end of each day, and were used to develop farmer profiles.

The survey instrument was pre-tested several times and changes were made to

ensure that the questions were clear to respondents and reflected the type of information

that was being sought. Questions were reworded for clarity, and organized to allow for

better flow. Those deemed unnecessary were omitted to assure a reasonable survey

length.

Interviewers

The survey team consisted of EARTH students who expressed a desire for full­

time work during their two-week vacation in August. All interviewers attended several

orientation sessions at which they became familiar with the survey instrument. They

were instructed on the basic principles of administering a survey and practiced interview

techniques. They were also taught the sampling procedure, how to identify the head of

household, and other germane topics.

General Model and Hypotheses

The model found in Figure 4.1 guided the data analysis. The model consists of a series of hypotheses of relationships between the adoption of conservation technologies and other variables found in the Rogers' model. The left side of the model represents relationships found in the classical adoption diffusion model. Independent variables related to the adoption of eco-technologies are socio-economic status, gender, level of concern about the environment, residence in a community impacted by EAR TH

56 Contact with EARTH Extension Program

-~---.,,,.,...,_,-- '------......

~--~o"oo_E_:~-:~~~-----·/)

/_,..-"' ____..._,..._ . ------....._.., ..---·------.. J ,.,.- EARTH Employment by ~\ Gender ·~~"~ Household Member _.,,.,,! (-""'- ___,,, I /(,_ .. -- 0-:=--::,~I I ~~-;.::.:;, u:::;~) ------~---- / .1 J.,__ Campus _,.,./... ,,------,, ...--- . ----'t_J--1 "'----~~------( SES )--t>( Technology Adoption ) ~--- __ _ Vl -....) '~~~--:,.//1''·------~\"\,/-----~~ttendanceat an EARTH~--,)

!/·-- · ---., \ "- Meeting or \\'orkshop ___,,, \ Fann Size "' "-.._.____ ------· -··~---_..__,,.,,___....--"'..,.,.,.,~... ------\ \ ------<"~THfatenst~~----\\ \(_. ..-- Residence in EARTH --.,,, 1 '"~-Cootact __,,,/ · Extension Influenced ) \\ Conununity ~- ",, ..______------__,..,..,, /./

\ ~..,.------.....-- ...... , \ / Priman· Source of -), ( Lt' • ·,_ .ullonnabon _,., ...... -.._ ..._____ , ______,,_,_------

Figure 4.1 The General Model programs, and farm size. The specific hypotheses found in this portion of the model are

listed below.

• Socioeconomic status is positively related to adoption of conservation

technologies and practices.

• Level of concern about the environment is positively related to the adoption of

conservation technologies.

• Living in a community affected by EARTH's extension program is positively

related to the adoption of conservation technologies and practices.

• Farm size is positively related to adoption of conservation technologies.

• Gender and age are positively significantly related to adoption of conservation

technologies.

The right side of the model represents the hypothesized influence of EAR TH

University outreach programs in the adoption of conservation technology behavior. Non­

parametric statistics will be used asses the impact of different aspects of EAR TH

University's influence on the adoption of conservation technologies in the selected

communities. The specific hypotheses that will be tested using the non-parametric statistics are:

• Type of contact that respondents have with EARTH University is related to

technology adoption.

• The EARTH University extension endeavors vary according to conservation

technology.

58 • Overall, EARTH University is an important disseminator of information of

conservation technologies in the watershed.

Measurement of Variables

Most variables found in the model were measured using standard indicators. The

indicators have been used by other researchers in the conduct of previous field research.

Prior adoption research has shown that gender, socio-economic status (SES), age, and

farm size are important control variables

Gender

Gender was measured using a dummy variable with male being coded as 0 and

female as 1.

Farm size

Different forms of land use are evident in the watershed including renting, the use

of family land, and partnerships. They complicate the measurement of farm size. For

the purpose of this study, farm size was measured by the number of hectares under

cultivation by the household.

Concern about the environment

Concern about the environment was measured using an index consisting of the summer of responses to three questionnaire items. The questionnaire contained four related questions which are found in the Table 4.1. As shown in the table, three of the items tend to cluster while a fourth - rating of quality of community environment - largely fails to cluster with the others.

59 Environmental Concern Questions 1 2 3 4 Index 1. How concerned are you peronsally about environmental problems?

2. Overall, howm>uld you rate the quality of the environment in your community? 0.205* 3. How much, if at all, do you believe environmental problems affect your health? 0.325* 0.202* 4. How much, if at all, do you believe environmental problems will affect the health of our children and grandchildren in the next 25 years? 0.347* 0.072 0.415*

Index 0.718* 0.223* 0.783* 0.718* *Correlation is significant at the O.Ol level in a 2-tailed test

Table 4.1 Inter-item Correlation Matrix of Environmental Concern

Each question offered four alternative responses which varied from 1 - lowest level of concern for the environment to 4 - highest level of concern for the environment.

Individual index scores represent the sum of the scores from each item, thus ranging from

3 (lowest concern) to 12 (highest concern).

60 Socioeconomic Status Index

The socioeconomic status index consists of the sum of scores for monthly income and education level achieved. Raw scores for both variables were collapsed into low

(coded as 1), medium (coded as 2), and high categories (coded as 3). The frequency distributions for years of formal education are found in Table 4.2, as are the collapsed scores used for the index.

Score Education Frequency Score Freguenc:t 0 18 18 1 83 2 50 2 148 3 15 4 15 3 19 5 4

Table 4.2 Education Frequencies and Index Scores

Income is measured in co/ones generated by the household and included revenues generated from work outside of the residence as well as sale of crops.

61 Income Frequency Score

6,250 - 40,000 27 1

45 ,000 - 240,000 127 2

250,000 - 3,000,000 31 3

Table 4.3 Income Frequencies and Index Scores

Table 4.3 displays the frequencies and index scores for the income variable which were collapsed into three categories. As suggested by data in the table, the distribution approximates a normal distribution. As was the case for the environmental concern index, scores for education and income are summed across individual households yielding an index that ranged from a low of 2 to a high of six.

Education Income SES Index Education

Income 0.216*

SES Index 0.721 * 0.832* *Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed)

Table 4.4 Inter-item Correlation Matrix of Socioeconmic Status

62 Table 4.4 contains the inter-item correlation matrix of the variables in the socio­

economic status index. The variables are correlated with each other at the .01 level.

Conservation Technology Adoption Index

The conservation technology adoption index was constructed using responses to

questions about the use of different technologies that households could have been using

at the time of the interview. The specific technologies included in the questionnaire are

listed below.

Conservation technologies referenced in questionnaire:

• Biodigestor • Nutritional Blocks • Traditional Compost • Worm Compost • Bokashi with EM • Fish Ponds • Decontamination ponds • Agro-ecotourism • EM • Forest Species • Medicinal Plants

"Forest species" and "medicinal plants" were deleted from the index because they were no believed to represent well "conservation" technologies. Responses to these

63 questions were coded 1 if being used by respondents and 0 if not being used by them.

Thus index scores range from 0 which indicates that the person is not currently using any

of the listed technologies, to 9 indicating that the person is using all nine technologies

listed.

EARTH University Influence

Household residence in a community impacted by EAR TH extension was coded

as 1 and non-residence in one of these communities was coded as 0.

Several other forms of influence are specified in the model. The first is whether

or not EAR TH is their primary source of information about each technology that they had

adopted. A dummy variable was created with EARTH as a primary source coded as l,

and other sources coded as 0. Hosting of an EARTH University student on their farm

through the Work Experience Module was another form of influence. This variables was

also coded 0 if the response was no and 1 if the response was yes.

A third form of influence was attendance at meetings or workshops sponsored by

EAR TH University. Consistent with the other items, it was coded as a dummy variable with 0 indicating no attendance and 1 indicating some attendance.

Visits to the EARTH University campus is another form of influence.

Respondents were asked if they had ever been on the grounds of EARTH campus.

Negative responses were scored 0 and positive responses were scored 1.

Employment at EARTH by a household member was yet another form of influence measured in the questionnaire. Lack of this employment was coded 0 and employment was coded 1.

64 Respondents who had adopted a technology were asked to indicate their primary

source of information about the technology. Sources of information other than EARTH

were scored 0 and EAR TH was scored as 1.

Statistical Test of Model and Hypotheses

The raw data from the survey was coded, entered into Microsoft Excel, and then

transferred to SPSS for statistical analysis. Data used to conduct the statistical test of the

model and hypotheses are found in the following section. Initially descriptive statistics

were used to describe the sample population, land tenure characteristics, levels of contact

with EARTH University, levels of concern about the environment, and attitudes towards

natural resource conservation. Formal tests of the hypotheses were based on parametric

as well as non-parametric statistics presented below.

Correlation Analysis

Relationships of independent variables found in the classical model with adoption

of conservation technologies were initially assessed through correlations. Pearsonian

correlations indicate whether or not there are significant linear relationships between variables. Product-moment correlation coefficients are measures of the linear relationships between two variables and the coefficient is one of the most widely used measures of relationships (Fraenkel and Wallen, 1996). It is calculated by summing the products of the deviations of the scores from the mean. It is symbolized in the equation below by the letter r.

L2x:zy r= N 65 The size of the correlation coefficient indicates the strength of the relationship

between the two variables. A perfect correlation has an absolute value of 1, and no

relationship has a value of 0.

The sign of the correlation coefficient indicates the direction of the relationship.

A positive correlation coefficient means that as the value of one variable increases the

other variable increases, and a negative correlation coefficient means that the value of

one variable increases the other decreases.

Multiple Regression

Multiple regression is a statistical technique that measures the relative relationship

of two or more independent variables with a dependent variable (Fraenkel and Wallen,

1996). This technique lowers the error of prediction and accounts for a greater

proportion of the variance of the dependent variable than do simple correlation

coefficients (Kachigan, 1986). This statistic is widely used in the social and natural

sciences. The general multiple regression equation is as follows:

y'= a+ b1x1 + b2x2 + ... bkxk

where Y' is the predicted value of the dependent variable and the independent variables are x 1, x2 ... Xk. The constant (a) and the slope (b) are determined from the sample data. 2 The coefficient of determination is symbolized by r . It indicates the percentage of the variance in scores for the dependent variable scores that can be attributed to differences in the scores of the independent variables (Fraenkel and Wallen, 1996).

This study will use an Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) regression of technology adoption on variables found in the classical adoption model in order to asses the relative

66 importance of these variables in predicting adoption. Age, gender, socio-economic

status, farm size, environmental concern, and community type are regressed on the

technology adoption index.

Chi Square Analyses

Chi square analyses were used to explore further the influence of EARTH on

adoption of conservation technologies. Non parametric techniques are used in this

analysis since the use of parametric statistics should generally be avoided when using

categorical data (Siegel, 1957).

The chi square is typically used to measure relationships among variables

measured with nominal or ordinal data. The statistic is based on a comparison between

expected frequencies and the actual frequencies of occurrence (Fraenkel and Wallen,

1996). Thus, the chi square is useful for determining if obtained frequencies are

significantly different than expected frequencies (Fraenkel and Wallen, 1996). The

equation for the chi square statistic is as follows:

x:i = 2:: (Obse:ived frequency - Expectedfrequency)2 Expected frequency

Variables included in the equation must be mutually exclusive (Kachigan, 1986).

Degrees of freedom are equal to k- 1, or one less the number of values of the categorical variable (Kachigan, 1986).

In this study the number of technologies adopted in communities with and without

EAR TH influence was investigated in order to better illustrate the difference in technology adoption between community types. Residence in a community influenced

67 by EARTH University was coded I while non-residence was coded 0. Adoption rates for

each category were then tabulated and entered into a two by two table.

This was followed by an analysis of the rate of adoption of individual

conservation and its relationship with EARTH University. Positive and negative

responses were calculated and then grouped by residence or non-residence in EAR TH

University influenced community. Chi squares were then performed for each of the

technologies.

In order to further understand the specific source of information from EAR TH,

chi square analyses were then conducted of the relationships between adoption of specific

technologies and the principal forms of EARTH University influence, namely, hosting a

student, attending a meeting or workshop, employment at EARTH, and visiting EARTH

campus). These analyses provide greater insight into the levels and type of influence that

EARTH University has on conservation technology adoption in the watershed.

Summary

An overview of basic methodological tools used in the analyses found in this these are presented in the chapter, beginning with an overview of the data collegian process. This was provided to give the reader a greater understanding of the relative reliability of the data collected. The model used to guide the statistical analysis, including hypotheses that can be tested was also presented. The measurement of the variables found in the model and hypotheses was also described in order to allow the reader to assess relative reliability and validity of the measurement process. Finally,

68 statistical tests used in the following chapter to assess the validity of the model for conservation technology were described.

69 CHAPTERS

RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

This chapter contains data from the Parismina Watershed, which are used to

assess the validity of the model guiding this study along with the hypotheses

contained therein. Initially, descriptive statistics are presented in order to provide the

reader with a fuller understanding of who the respondents were. Data are also

presented which describe land tenure characteristics, the relationship of the

respondents to EARTH University, and their attitudes towards the environment. This

section is followed by a statistical test of the model beginning with a test of the

hypotheses contained therein, followed by a test of the relative importance of

variables as predictors of adoption, using a multiple regression model. This is

followed by an analysis of the relative importance of EARTH University contact on eco-technology adoption using chi-square analysis.

Frequency Distribution of Variables in the Model

Descriptive Statistics

A total of 185 producers were surveyed from communities in the Parismina

Watershed. Demographic characteristics of the respondent pool are displayed in

70 Table 5.1. Respondents range in age from 20 to 85 years, with the average age being

49 years. This distribution suggests that rural households in the watershed are lead by

middle age persons, with the majority ranging from 36 to 62 years of age (one

standard deviation from the mean).

Background Variables Minimum Maximum Mean Std. Deviation

Gender 0 1 0.24 0.43

Age 20 85 49.63 13.91

Siz.e ofhousehold 1 19 4.22 2.07

Household income 6250 3000000 196596.47 319550.44

Table 5.1 Descriptive Statistics of Respondents

The number of household members varies from one to 19, with the average being

four. This again suggests that households in the region have undergone the

demographic transition, with most families consisting of from 2 to 6 people. Average

household income is roughly 196,000 colones per month, or approximately

US$400/month. These households are representative of a rural middle economic class.

71 Level of Education Freguency Percent No fonnal education 18 9.7 Some primary 83 44.9 Primary completed 50 27.0 Some secondary 15 8.1 Secondary completed 15 8.1 University completed 4 2.2 Total 185 100.0

Table 5.2 Education of respondents

Table 5.2 displays the frequencies of the level of education of survey

respondents. Nearly ten percent had no formal education, but the majority of

respondents had at least some primary education. Twenty-seven percent of

respondents had completed their primary education, and sixteen percent had

continued on to complete a portion of or graduate from secondary school. Four of the

respondents had completed a university degree. These data also suggest that the

respondents represent a rural middle class. Children of the respondents have greater

access to education and are likely to take advantage of secondary education

opportunities to a greater extent that their parents for this very reason.

Land Tenure

Land tenure characteristics are displayed in Table 5.3. Size of properties controlled by households varies from less than one to 250 hectares. The amount of 72 Minimum Maximmn Mean Std. Deviation

Hectares Omied 0.25 250 12.12 23.98

Hectares Rented 1 110 12.92 29.30

Hectares Cultivatec 0 210 10.94 22.34

Title 0 1 0.75 0.43

Years in family 0.5 71 19.38 13.24

Government help 0 1 0.23 0.42

Table 5.3 Land Tenure Characteristics

land actually cultivated by individual producers ranged from less than one to 210

hectares, with the average being 10.9 hectares. Of the 185 producers surveyed,

thirteen or about seven percent indicated that they rent land. The amount of land

rented ranged from one to 110 hectares, with the average being about 13 hectares.

Seventy-five percent of producers indicated that they had title deed to the land that

they owned, and 23 percent had obtained the title through the aid of a government program. Respondents were also asked how long their land had been in the family.

Answers varied from one to 71 years, with a mean of 19 years. This mean number suggests that most land owners moved into the region about the time that the road from San Jose to Limon was completed.

73 Contact with EARTH University

The extent to which respondents have had contact with EAR TH University

and the way they have interacted with it are found in Table 5.4. All but ten of the

respondents had heard of EARTH University. Forty-three percent of them had

Yes No !2!!! Type of Contact with EAR1H Freguency Percent Freguency Percent Freguency Percent Heard of EARIB 175 95 10 5 185 100 Hosted a student 63 35 122 65 185 100 Attended a meeting or activity 77 43 108 57 185 100 Visited campus 126 71 59 29 185 100 EARIB employment 46 28 139 72 185 100 Current EARm employment 31 17 154 83 185 100

Table 5.4 EARm Contact Frequencies

attended a meeting or other activity hosted by EARTH, and 71 percent of them had

visited EARTH's campus at least once in the past. Over one-third ofrespondents had

hosted a student on their farm in the past three years through the work experience module. When asked if anyone in their household worked at EAR TH, 46 respondents indicated that a member of their household is currently working or had worked in the past at EARTH. And roughly two thirds of those are currently employed by EARTH.

Thus, it is evident that EARTH University has an important economic impact on the watershed through the employment which it provides as well as its impact on farming and the landscape.

74 Concern for the Environment

As described in the methodology chapter, a concern for the environment index

was constructed using three items that linked the environment to community well

being. Frequencies are displayed in Table 5.5.

Score Frequency Percent

5 1 1 6 1 1 7 3 2 8 8 4 9 6 3 10 13 7 11 25 14 12 35 19 13 49 26 14 30 16 15 12 6 16 2 1 Total 185 100

Table 5.5 Environmental Attitudes lnde x

Values range from 4 to 12, with 12 representing the greatest concern for the

environment. As evident in the table, respondents are generally very concerned about

environment as it relates to their communities of residence. The distribution is highly skewed to the right. Twelve percent of them had maximum scores and about two thirds of them had scores ranging from 10 to 12. This suggests that they are aware of

75 the potential negative environmental impacts of large plantations in the region as well

as the need to conserve the natural resource base of the region.

Adoption of Eco-technologies

The distribution of frequency of use of eco-technologies that are being

proposed by EARTH University is found in Table 5.6.

Number of Frequency Percent Technologies 0 102 55 1 43 23 2 21 11 3 8 4 4 6 3 5 1 1 6 3 2 7 1 1 Total 185 100

Table 5.6 Number of technologies currently in use

The responses range from zero to seven. Across the eight communities surveyed, a majority of the households were not using any of the conservation technologies. Only 23 percent of the households reported using one, and only 11 percent reported using two of them. Those using three or more only accounted for 11 percent of all of the households. These data are inconsistent with those presented

76 above on concern for the environment. The latter suggest a high level of concern, whereas the data on actual practice suggest the opposite.

Statistical Test of Model

Test of Hypotheses in Model

The hypotheses involved in the classical model were initially tested through the use of bivariate correlations which are presented in Table 5.7. Conservation technology adoption is significantly and positively correlated with residence in

EARTH contact communities (r = .11), SES (r = .13), environmental concern (r =.15).

77 X1 X2 X3 ~ Xs ~ X1

EARTH Contact Community- X1 -.14 .06 -.01 -.09 .05 .11 *

Concern for Environment - X2 -.19*** .07 .16** .07 .15**

Gender-X3 -.11 -.07 -.12 -.13**

Age-~ -.33** .02 -.06

Socio-Economic Status -X5 .26** .13**

Hectares Cultivated - X6 .21 ***

Technology Adoption-X1

Mean 0.53 9.75 0.24 49.63 4.03 10.94 0.88 Standard Deviation 0.50 1.70 0.43 13.91 0.79 22.34 1.35 * Correlation significant at p < .05 **Correlation significant at p < .01 *** Correlation significant at p < .001

Table 5.7: Correlation Matrix for Variables in Traditional Diffusion-Adoption Model

and hectares cultivated (r = .21 ). In addition, technology adoption is correlated to gender

(-0.128), with men being more likely to adopt conservation technologies. Age is not significantly correlated with technology adoption, and will be excluded from further analysis.

78 Relative Importance of Variables in the Model

Table 5.8 contains the results of the Ordinary Least Squares Regression of

number of technologies adopted on gender, SES, EARTH influence, concern for the

environment and hectares cultivated.

Independent Variables b s.e {3

Gender -0.270 0.230 -0.086

Socioeconomic status 0.114 0.128 0.067

Corrnmmity influenced by EARTH? 0.353* 0.195 0.131

Concern fur envirornnent 0.099* 0.059 0.126

Hectares under cultivation 0.010** 0.004 0.131

Constant -0.780 R2 0.063 S.E.E. 1.303 N=I85 *Significant at p<.05 for a I-tailed test **Significant at p<.OI for a I-tailed test

Table 5.8 OLS Regression of Technologies Adopted on Gender, SES, EARTH Influence, Concern For Environment, and Hectares Cultivated

For this model, the effects of gender and socioeconomic status did not have statistically significant effects on adoption. However, living in an EARTH University

79 contact community did have a statistically significant influence on adoption. The

interpretation of this statistic is that individuals living in communities in which EARTH

University actively promulgates eco-technologies adopted on average 0.353 more

environmental technologies than individuals in non-influenced communities. Concern

for the environment is also significantly related to the adoption of eco-technologies. For

each additional point on the environmental concern index, an individual adopted on

average 0.099 more environmental technologies. The variable with the greatest impact

on eco-technology adoption was the number of hectares cultivated plot. This suggests

that economic conditions also have an impact on adoption of eco-technologies, despite

the non-statistically significant regression coefficient for SES. On average, it appears

that concern for the environment and contact with EAR TH University extension

programs that related to environmental factors are the most important predictors of

adoption of eco-technologies.

Results from the regression model support three of the original hypotheses,

namely, that living in an EAR TH contact community is related to the adoption of

conservation technologies; concern for the environment is related to the adoption of conservation technologies; and farm size is related to the adoption of conservation technologies. Socioeconomic status and gender do not have statistically significant relationships to the adoption of eco-technologies. In these cases the null hypothesis of no relationship is retained.

The regression model thus proves helpful for understanding patterns of adoption of these technologies, but in another sense it underscores the whole critique outlined in

80 the literature review about the limited utility of such a traditional approach. Confirming

2 the warning from above, the R value indicates that the model accounts for only 6% of

the variation in adoption of environmental technologies, a low figure even by the more

tolerant standards of the social sciences. However, the descriptive statistics and results

from the chi square analysis found in the following section further reveal the impact that

EARTH has on adoption of these technologies.

Impact of EAR TH Contact on Adoption of Eco-technologies

Residence in EARTH Contact Community

Quantitative analysis of the data is continued with a more in-depth examination of

the specific influence that EARTH is having on the adoption of their most heavily

promoted environmental technologies within the surrounding communities. Table 5.9

indicates the number of households within EAR TH influenced and non-influenced

communities who have adopted different environmental technologies.

It shows the frequencies and percentages of adoption of each technology and the

differences in adoption between influenced and non-influenced communities. Overall,

there is a very low rate of adoption of all technologies, regardless of any influence

EARTH has on a community. Biodigestors have the highest rate of adoption of any of the nine named technologies, with 21 individuals or 11 percent of the sample indicating that they currently use a bio-digester. Two technologies, biodigestors and worm compost, are the only two which have a significantly higher rate of adoption in influenced communities than in non-influenced communities. There was no difference

81 between the numbers of technologies adopted in the two types of communities, which may be indicative of the influence of other extension organizations that operate in the area.

Community with direct EAR1H participation? Eco technology Yes No Total Frequenc)' Percent Frequency Percent Frequency Percent

Biodigestor* * 16 16° 5 6 21 llA Nutritional Blocks 7 7 7 8 14 8 Traditional Compost 10 10 11 13 21 11 Worm Compost** 9 9 2 2 11 6 Bokashi con EM 3 3 4 5 7 4 Fish Ponds 8 8 6 7 14 8 Discontamination w/ponds 2 2 2 2 4 2 .A.gro-ecotourisrn 6 6 5 6 11 6 EM 9 9 3 3 12 6 Other ecotechnology 26 27 15 17 41 22 .A.t least one adoption 45 46 38 44 83 45 More than one adoption* 26 27 14 16 40 22 Total innovations adopted 96 62 60 38 156 100 Total subjects interviewed 98 53 87 47 185 100 • Chi square test for difference, p<. l 0 •• Chi square test for difference, p<.05

0 Percentages represent the mnnber of people within a given commllllity type. For example, 16% of subjects in EARTH-infl commllllities adopted biodigestors. "Percentages represent the total nurrber of technologies. For exarJl)le, biodigestors represent 11% of all technologies

Table 5.9: Number of Ecotechnologies Adopted in Communities With and Without Direct Participation by EARTH University

82 EAR TH appears to have more influence on the dissemination of particular

technologies. This is probably due to the fact that these technologies are more heavily

promoted or promoted more effectively than the other technologies. It may be indicative

that other organizations promote some of the technologies but not all, leaving a niche for

EARTH to be the sole promoter of certain technologies. In addition, these technologies

may be viewed as more socially acceptable to producers in the watershed, or may be

characterized by a higher perceived profitability.

The rate of adoption of at least one environmental technology does not differ

significantly between the two community types. However, the level of adoption of at

least two across the two community types is significantly different at the p<. l 0 level,

with over a quarter of all individuals in EARTH-influenced communities adopting

multiple technologies, compared to only 16% in non-influenced communities. Adopting

multiple technologies is a sign of a more proactive environmental approach to farming,

and it is here that we see the influence of EAR TH participation in the communities.

Primary Source of Contact and Eco-technology Adoption

A second way to measure the influence of EARTH is to assess the primary source

of information that spurred them to adopt a given technology. Results are presented in

Table 5.10.

EARTH University outreach activity apparently has a differential impact on the adoption of certain technologies. For example, in the case of traditional organic compost adopters in EARTH-influenced communities were six times more likely to name EARTH as their primary source of information than those in non-influenced communities. A

83 significant influence also exists for pond decontamination systems and the development of agro-ecotourism activities. More importantly, when information sources for all adoptions are considered, the influence of EARTH is clear. Over half of all adopters in

EAR TH influenced communities named EAR TH as their primary information source, compared to less than one-fifth in non-influenced communities.

Residence in EARTH Influenced Community Yes No Total EARTH as Primary EARTH as Primary EARTH as Primary primary source other primary source other primary source other Ecoteclmology source than EARTH source than EARTH source than EARTH Biodigestor 11 5 2 3 13 8 69% 0 31% 40% 60% 62%" 38% Nutritional Blocks 2 5 1 6 3 11 29% 71% 14% 86% 21% 79% Traditional Compost* 6 4 1 10 7 14 60% 40% 9% 91% 33% 67% Worm Compost 5 4 0 2 5 6 56% 44% 0% 100% 45% 55% Bokashi con EM 2 2 2 4 3 67% 33% 50% 50% 57% 43% Fish Ponds 0 8 0 6 0 14 0% 100% 0% 100% 0% 100% Discontamination w/ponds* 2 0 0 2 2 2 100% 0% 0% 100% 50% 50% ~gro-ecotourisrn* 4 2 0 5 4 7 67% 33% 0% 100% 36% 64% EM 6 3 2 1 8 4 67% 33% 67% 33% 67% 33% Other ecoteclmology 13 13 3 12 16 25 50% 50% 20% 80% 39% 61'Yo All adoptions** 51 45 11 49 62 94 53% 47% 18% 82% 40% 60% • Chi square test of difference, p<.05 •• Chi square test of difference, p<.00 I

0 Percentages represent all adopters of the given technology in the given community type. For example, 69% of all biodigestor adopters living in EARTH-influenced communities listed EARTH as their primary source of information regarding biodigestors. "'Percentages represent the total nwnber of technologies adopted in which EARTH wa.s named as the primary source of information. For exarrple, 62% of those who adopted a biodigestor narred EARTH as the primary source of information.

Table 5.10: Primary source of information listed by ecotechnology adopters

84 EARTH Extension Activities and Environmental Technology Adoption

EARTH extension is multi-faceted and information flows from the university to producers through a variety of channels. The main outreach channels are highlighted in

Table 5.11 below, with the corresponding number of adopters and non-adopters that correspond with each category.

Participation in EARIB Activity? Adopters Non-Adopters Extension Activity Yes No Yes No

33 50 30 72 Hosted EARTH student 40% 60% 29% 71%

Member ofhousehold 27 56 20 82 employed by EARTH* 33% 67% 20% 80%

Visited EARTH 66 17 60 42 Campus** 80% 20% 59% 41%

Attended meeting or 49 34 28 74 workshop*** 59% 41% 27% 73% * Chi square test of difference, p<.05 **Chi square test of difference, p<.01 *** Chi square test of difference, p<.001

Table 5.11 EAR m Extension Activities and Adoption of One or More Environmental Technologies

85 Hosting an EARTH student was not differentially related to adoption.

Employment of a household member by EAR TH University is associated with eco­

technology adoption at the .05 level. Visiting the EARTH campus was significant at the

.01 level. And attending a meeting or workshop organized by Earth University was

significantly associated with level of technology adoption at the .001 level. In short, the

specific types of EAR TH contact are shown to have different impacts on the adoption of

environmental technologies. As hypothesized, it was found that the different EARTH

extension activities vary in significance when compared to the adoption of technologies.

Surprisingly, hosting a student on the farm through the work experience module

was not a significant factor related to adoption. During the course of the module,

students in this program specifically promote these technologies to the producers that

they work with. A previous study of the diffusion of technologies through the work

experience module in the watershed (Dragon, 2005) indicated that producers view

students as "access points" but not necessarily as experts in the field (p.177). The study

also found that when a faculty member also interacted with farmers, they were more likely to test a new technology or practice than when they only interacted with students.

Dragon (2005) found that the producers viewed EAR TH students primarily as motivators.

Producers' tendencies to try new things dropped when the students stopped their interaction with them. In fact, many producers in the study discontinued the use of many technologies after the students left. The Dragon (2005) study illuminated some of the issues related to the adoption of technologies among participants in the work experience module, while the present study extends beyond those participants in order to understand

86 the relative importance of the module compared to other extension activities. Indeed, while the work experience module seems to be a positive experience for both producer and student, it is not the most effective strategy for the promotion and adoption of conservation technologies.

Employment of a household member at EARTH was related to adoption, but even more significant was visiting the EARTH University campus. Both employment by

EARTH University and visiting its campus offer the opportunity to see some of the technologies in use, as well as interact with the people who develop and maintain these technologies. Seeing a technology being used in field trials refers to the concept of

"trialability." Rogers (2003) argued that it is a very important aspect related to adoption.

The most significant extension activity related to adoption was attending a meeting or a workshop hosted by EARTH. EARTH offers an array of classes, workshops, and meetings revolving around various topics. Attendance at one of these events involves interaction with EARTH faculty, extension staff and perhaps students. In addition, farmers are exposed to their peers who may have adopted technologies. Attending EARTH sponsored events may be a significant factor affecting adoption because they not only bring various EARTH related personnel together with producers, but also bring the producers themselves together to foster the formation of interpersonal networks.

Summary

87 Data presented in this chapter suggest that the diffusion model propagated by

Rogers and his associated is useful in explaining the adoption of eco-technologies in the

Parismina watershed. All of the variables found in the diffusion model were correlated with adoption, less for age. However, the regression data indicate that attitudes towards the environment and the impact of EARTH University's outreach program have an important impact on the adoption of eco-technologies. The effect of socio-economic status on adoption behavior was not statistically significant in the model. On the other hand, economic factors remain important as evidenced by the important effects of size of farm operation.

The data also indicated that the EARTH outreach program has an important impact on the eco-technology adoption behavior of farm households in the Parismina watershed. These impacts vary depending on the type and intensity of interaction represented by them.

88 CHAPTER6

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

Summary

Considerable debate exists m the literature about the ability of the classical

diffusion model to explain the adoption of different types of innovations. The adoption

of environmental as opposed to commercial technologies is a phenomenon still not fully

understood in the sociological literature. In particular, patterns of adoption of

environmental technologies remain understudied in Latin American countries.

The purpose of this study was to assess the relative importance of variables found

in the classical diffusion model popularized by Rogers and his associates in explaining

the adoption of eco-technologies by farm households in Costa Rica. The study was

conducted in the Parismina watershed, which is located on the Atlantic coast tropical region. It focused on over a decade of outreach and engagement activity by EARTH

University, which is located in this watershed, with the local population. In addition to

89 interpreting the relative importance of factors found in the diffusion model, other factors

were also examined, such as the level of concern for the environment held by farmers and

the outreach activities of EAR TH University. In effect these two variables can be

conceptualized as variations in the operationalization of attitudes towards adoption and

contact with extension agents and their parent organizations. The latter was measured in

a number of ways, including contacts with students, faculty members and direct contact

with the EARTH University campus.

Data for this study are from a survey of farm households in the watershed. Data

were gathered in eight communities, which included four that were classified as "EARTH

University contact communities" meaning that they were targeted for outreach activity by

the university, and had had a significant amount of direct interaction with EARTH

personnel within the past 5 years. The other four communities did not have such

concentrated exposure to EAR TH extension programs.

A total of 185 household surveys were completed. Data were collected on

household demographic characteristics, attitudes towards environmental conservation,

farm tenure and agricultural practices, and prior interactions with EARTH University. In

addition, a series of questions about nine different environmental technologies currently

promoted by EAR TH were included.

Overall adoption rates of environmental technologies in the watershed were very

low. Many of the producers included in this survey are resource-poor farmers on marginal land. Although mindful of the need to conserve the natural resource base, their primary concern appeared to be short-term survival. Short-term concerns take

90 precedence in times of economic stress and long-term environmental conservation are of

lesser priority during these periods (Swanson et al, 1986). Currently, no government

programs subsidize any of these technologies. Farmers in the watershed adopt

technologies on a voluntary basis, which may help to explain the relatively low levels of

adoption.

Test of Model

Socioeconomic status as measured by income and level of education was

hypothesized to be directly related to adoption of conservation technologies and

practices. The correlation between these two variables was in fact significant. However,

the regression coefficient for adoption on socio-economic status within the model was not

statistically significant. This may be explained by the statistical significance of number

of hectares cultivated in explaining adoption within the model. The correlation between

number of hectares cultivated and socio-economic status was also significant, so the

former could be viewed as another indicator of socio-economic status.

Gender was also hypothesized to be related to the adoption of conservation

technologies. The zero order correlation was significant at the p :s_ .05 level suggesting

that households with male heads are more likely to adopt them. The regression of

adoption of eco-technologies on gender, however, was not statistically significant so its

use as a predictor of adoption of conservation practices is limited.

Attitudes towards the environment were also hypothesized to be related to adoption of conservation technologies. They were measured with an index consisting of items dealing with level of concern for the environment. This variable was also

91 significantly correlated with the adoption of conservation technologies. Furthermore, the

regression of adoption on the index as also statistically significant at the p .:S .05 level,

suggesting that it has an important independent effort on adoption.

The importance of contact with sources of knowledge about practices on the

adoption of them was also tested. In the classical model, this is typically represented by

contact with extension agents. In this case, it was measured by residence in a community

that was targeted by EARTH University to one for outreach and engagement. The

correlation between residence in an EAR TH contact community and level of adoption

was statistically significant at the p .:S .10 level. In the regression model the regression

coefficient was statistically significant at the p .:S .05 level suggesting that it also has an

important independent effect on the adoption of conservation technologies.

EARTH University was found to be important disseminator of information of

conservation technologies in the watershed. Adoption of multiple technologies is

significantly higher in communities identified as having more EARTH influence. In

addition, adopters of certain conservation technologies cited EAR TH as their main source

of information significantly more often than other sources of information.

In order to assess more adequately the impact that EARTH University outreach

and engagement efforts were having on resident populations in the watershed, further

detailed analyses were done of the relative impact of these activities on the adoption behavior of its residents. The general hypothesis that guided this analysis was that there are significant differences in technology adoption due to the nature of contact that respondents have with EARTH University. This study found that hosting a student

92 through the work experience module did not lead to significantly greater conservation

technology adoption. Apparently, farmers in the region consider the students to be

important in raising the level of awareness of these technologies, but not convincing in

their arguments for their adoption, at least when compare to faculty members at EAR TH

University. However, employment of a household member at EARTH, visiting EARTH

campus and attendance at an EARTH meeting or workshop were all significantly related

to conservation technology adoption. In fact, it appears that the more the direct contact

with EARTH related to specific conservation technologies, the more likely it is that

households will adopt them. Attendance at EAR TH meetings was most highly associated

with the adoption of conservation technologies.

In summary, the classical model, which focuses on individual characteristics as

important factors of adoption, was found to be of limited use for the adoption of

conservation technologies in the Parismina watershed. Socioeconomic status, age and

gender were not statistically significant in the model. On the other hand, attitudinal and

extension contact variables related specifically to conservation technologies were

important predictors of adoption of eco-technologies. The outreach and engagement

efforts of EAR TH University on its surrounding communities were shown to have had an

effect over the years. Those activities that directly engage the rural farmers in discussion

of the technologies appear to be most effective.

Concern for the environmental concern was found to be significantly related to

the adoption of conservation technologies in this study. Conflicting findings exist in the literature regarding the relationship between environmental concern and adoption.

93 Considering the nature of EAR TH extension and their focus on the environment, it is not surprising that this environmental concern is transferred to the producers in the surrounding communities. This relationship may have also been more significant in this study because of the relatively higher standard of living of farmers in the watershed, compared to farmers in many other tropical nations.

Study Limitations

Several methodological considerations deserve mention here. Although the eight communities were divided into those directly "influenced" and "not influenced" by

EARTH, in truth the borders between the two community types are porous. Community borders are not well defined, and to define areas of EARTH influence/non-influence is even more problematic. For example, residents from both influenced and non-influenced communities work at EAR TH. And this distinction fails to recognize that an important part of the diffusion process is word-of-mouth contact between farmers who are in all likelihood communicating with each other across all of the communities included in the study.

The measurement of environmental attitudes was also problematic. The attitudinal questions used in this study were taken from the Health of the Planet Survey

(Dunlap, Gallup and Gallup, 1993) and had been translated into different languages and used in surveys in a variety of industrialized and developing countries. However, the questions are subject to a different interpretation by respondents from different countries.

They are influenced by culture, values, and environment. The respondents in this survey often commented on the environment in their community, often rating it as "poor" but

94 then specifically asked the interviewer to mark their answer as "fair" or "good" because they didn't want to appear too pessimistic. This is typical of the Costa Rican culture.

Further Research

EAR TH University has been successful in disseminating sustainable agriculture practices to the population that surrounds its campus. However, it appears that it has achieved more success in promoting certain technologies rather than others. Future studies could investigate the reasons why this is so. Reasons may lie with perceived profitability and risk, or even the social acceptability of the technology. In addition, costs associated with the installation and maintenance of the technologies should be taken into account in future studies. Future research should identify and research other barriers to adoption, including structural factors which were not considered in this study.

Another topic for future adoption studies in a developing country context should be the dissemination of information via farmer-to-farmer networks rather than official extension agents. Differential rates of adoption in countries with information channels quite distinct from those we take for granted may be partially accounted for by the strength or weakness of these informal local ties.

In general, however, the index did prove to be useful and further studies should continue to focus on the importance of There might very well be stronger correlations between environmental attitudes and adoption, but because of this measurement problem the true correlation between these variables is unclear.

95 Attitude towards environmental conservation was shown to be an important factor in the adoption of eco-technologies, and thus, in the promulgation of agriculture that could be viewed as more sustainable in the long run. The index used in this study has been used in other cross-cultural settings. It is recommended that further analyses be done of its reliability and validity for Central America and other Latin American cultural settings. It may require further adaptation for future studies.

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102 APPENDIX

Survey of the Diffusion of Eco-Technologies in the Parismina Watershed

Ntimero de Identificaci6n:

0.2 Entrevistador:

0.3 Fecha:

0.4 Lugar (Comunidad):

0.5 Coordinadas de GPS:

0.6 Tipo de casa: 1 Madera, mala condicion 2 Madera, buena condicion 3 Concreto, mala condicion 4 Concreto, buena condicion 5 Concreto, excelente condicion, grande Pre-encuesta preguntas:

(,Considera Ud que esta es una finca? i,Usted cultiva su tierra o tiene animales? (,Producen algo?

(,Quien toma las decisiones importantes en la finca?

103 Secci6n 1 : Actitudes con respecto al Media Ambiente

1.1 lQue tan preocupado esta Ud. de los problemas ambientales - diria Ud., muy preocupado, preocupado, no muy preocupado, o no estoy preocupado? _ Muy preocupado (1) _ Preocupado (2) _No muypreocupado (3) _ No preocupado (4)

1.2 l,C6mo evaluaria Ud. la calidad del Medio Ambiente aqui en su comunidad? _ Muy buena (1) Bastanta buena (2) Bastanta mala (3) _Muymala (4)

1.3 l,Cuanto cree Ud. que los problemas ambientales afectan su salud? Gran canti dad ( 1) Bastante (2) No mucho (3) Paranada (4)

1.4 l,Cuanto cree Ud. que los problemas ambientales afectaran la salud de nuestros hijos y nietos en los pr6ximos 25 afios? Gran canti dad ( 1) Bastante (2) No mucho (3) Paranada (4)

1.5 En su opinion, l,Cuanta influencia pueden tener individuos o grupos sociales en ayudar a mejorar nuestros problemas con el Medio Ambiente? Gran canti dad ( 1) Bastante (2) No mucho (3) Paranada (4)

104 Secci6n 2: Apego a la finca y la practica de cultivo Le voy a leer varias declaraciones y para cada una quiero que Ud. me diga si esta de acuerdo o en desacuerdo. Quiero que me diga si Ud. esta muy de acuerdo, mas o menos de acuerdo, se siente neutral, mas o menos en desacuerdo, o muy en desacuerdo. 2.14 Porque es agricultor?

0 "Cl 0 0 i.. "Cl "Cl Q,I i.. i.. Q,I -; Q,I ~- =y =Q,I i.. =y = ~ .... y .... ~ Q,I =Q,I = ~ = - Q,I"' ~. ~ z r.l= "Cl ~~ 2.1. La agricultura es la labor mas fundamental, todas las 1 2 3 4 5 demits ocupaciones dependen de ella. 2.2. Un problema en la agricultura desencadena problemas en 1 2 3 4 5 el pais entero. 2.3. La practica

105 Secci6n 3: Preguntas Demograficas

<<3.1 El genero de la persona _Hombre __Mujer>>

3.2 (,Cuantos aftos tiene usted? __aftos

3.3 (,Grado escolar al que lleg6? Ninguno 0 Primaria incompleto 1 Primaria completo 2 Secundaria incompleto 3 Secundaria completo 4 Universidad completo 5

3.4 (,Especificamente a que actividad agropecuaria se dedica? Agricultura 1 Ganaderia 2 Ambos 3

3.5 (,Cual es el mensual ingreso de la casa? ----mensual

3.6 (,Cuanto de ese ingreso aporta la finca? ----mensual

3.7 Incluso Ud., cuantas personas (adultos y niiios) viven en su casa?

3.8 (,Cual es su tipo principal de transporte? Carro/camioneta 1 Camion 2 Motocicleta 3 Bicicleta 4 Caballo 5 Bus 6 Turi 7 Otro: 8 A pie 9

106 Secci6n 4: Caracteristicas de la fine a Ahora hablemos de la finca y de la tierra que Ud. tiene.

4.1 (.Cuanta tierra tiene, yes duefto o alquila esta tierra?

Hectareas 4.1.1 Alquila 4.1.2 Dueno 4.1.3 Otra forma

4.2 (.Cuantas hectareas cultiva en total incluyendo pastos?

4.3 (.Tiene Ud. escritura legal de la tierra? No 0 Si 1

4.4 (.Por cuanto tiempo ha estado esta tierra en manos de su familia? aftos

4.5 (.Ud. recibi6 a esta tierra con la ayuda de alguna organizaci6n del gobiemo? No 0 Si 1

107 Secci6n 5: Relacion con EARTH

5.1 (,Ha escuchado a cerca de la Universidad EARTH? No 0 Continua con seccion 6 Si 1

5 .2 (,Ha hospedado a alg(m estudiante de EARTH para realizar trabajos en su finca? Nunca 0 El aiio pasado 1 Durante los tres aiios pasados 2 Mas de tres aiios atras 3

5.3 (,Ha atendido a alguna reunion u otra actividad organizada por EARTH? No 0 Si 1 5.3.1 (,Cuantas veces durante este aiio? ____

5 .4 (,Ha estado en el campus de EARTH? No 0 Si 1

5.5 Alguien de su casa esta empleado en la EARTH, ahora o antes? No 0 Si 1 5.5.1 Ahora 1 Antes 2

5.6 (,Como evaluaria el trabajo en la comunidad que hace EARTH? Muy positivo 1 Positivo 2 Neutral 3 Negativo 4 Muy Negativo 5 No quiere responder 9

5.7 (,Cual es el base principal de su opinion? Contacto directo con EARTH 1 Ha conversado con otras personas 2 Feria America Tropical 3 Algll.n material que leyo (;, donde? ______, 4 Television o otros medios de comunicacion 5 Otro (especifique): ______6

5.8 (,Tiene usted algll.n comentario a cerca de su experiencia con EARTH?

108 6.12 (,Ha adoptado otras tecnologias que pueden mejorar el medio ambiente? (por ejemplo, agricultura organica)

6.12.1 l Cuales?

6.12.2 (,Principal fuente de informaci6n?

6.12.3 (,Porque esta usando?

Secci6n 7: Biodigestor

Si tiene biodigestor 7. I (,Ha tenido problemas con su Biodigestor? No 0 El estiercol se endurece en la bolsa 1 Un hueco en la bolsa 2 Escape de gas 3 No suficiente producci6n de gas 4 Dificil de mantener 5 Otro: 6 ------~

7.2 (,Ha hecho algunas adaptaciones o cambios a su Biodigestor? No 0 Cambios a las entradas en el BD 1 (,A que? Especificaci6n: ______Cambios a la estructura del BD 2 (,Como? Por favor especificar: ------~

7.3 (,Utiliza lo que sale del Biodigestor? No 0 Como fertilizante 1 Otro: ------~

7.4 l Como elementa su Biodigestor? Estiercol de cerdos 1 Estiercol de vacas 2 Suero 3 Otro: 4 ------~

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