Eastern Mediterranean Geopolitical Review
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Call for Papers "Geopolitics & Values: What Is the Real Power of the EU
Call for Papers "Geopolitics & Values: what is the real power of the EU?" Progressive realism as a model for Europe’s new foreign policy Author: Stefan Drexler Brussels, December 2020 Geopolitics & Values: what is the real power of the EU? Progressive realism as a model for Europe’s new foreign policy © Institute of European Democrats, 2020 Rue Montoyer, 25 1000 Brussels Belgium Web: www.iedonline.eu This Research Paper was elaborated on the basis of independent research. The opinions expressed here are those of the Contractor and do not represent the point of view of the Institute of European Democrats. With the financial support of the European Parliament 2 Geopolitics & Values: what is the real power of the EU? Progressive realism as a model for Europe’s new foreign policy EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Does Europe need more hammers to hit dangerously protruding nails into the ground or should it just be more cautious and better avoid sharp objects at all? Not wanting to spend too much time dealing with things that might hurt someone is never wrong, but to spend some money in materials that make it possible to construct some tools being useful in times of a crisis is neither. This is why this paper argues that Europe needs to adapt its foreign policy concept to the not necessarily peaceful 21. century by adding some aspects of hard power and realistic thinking to its current soft power approach, ending up as smart power. The article will therefore follow a concept called Progressive realism and examine the possibilities of future cooperation with the rest of the world by identifying so called success values, meaning aspects of shared interest between Europe and the respective partner. -
The Status of Turkish Cypriots Under European Law
THE STATUS OF TURKISH CYPRIOTS UNDER EUROPEAN LAW A Thesis Submited to The Management and Governance in the Universiteit Twente Master of Social Sciences in European Studies By FETINE YILDIRIMTURK S0214817 1 Table of Contents List of Abbreviations 3 Abstract 4 Introduction 5 CHAPTER 1: The History of Division of Cyprus 10 1. Introduction 10 1.1. Division of Cyprus (1960-1983) 11 1.2. Cyprus and European Union (1990) 14 1.3. Vision of EU and Agenda 2000 15 1.4. Period of Peaceful Resolutions (2000-2004) 16 1.5. Accession of EU (2004 -present) 18 2. CHAPTER 2: European Citizenship 20 2.1. Introduction 20 2.2. Background of the Concept of European Citizenship 21 2.3. Fundamental Logic of the European Citizenship 23 2.4. European Citizenship and Case of Cyprus 26 2.5. Conclusion 32 3. Chapter 3: Citizens of Cyprus 33 3.1. Introduction 33 3.2. Citizens of Cyprus: Republic of Cyprus 33 3.3. Citizens of Cyprus: Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus 37 3.4. Citizens of Cyprus versus Citizens of Europe 39 3.5. Conclusion 44 4. Chapter 4: Is it only the South in EU? 46 4.1. Introduction 46 4.2. Rights Arising from European Citizenship 47 4.2.1. Democratic Rights 47 4.3. Social and Economic Rights 51 4.3.1. Education 51 4.3.2. Culture and Sport 52 4.3.3. Economic 53 4.4. Conclusion 56 Conclusion 57 References 58 2 List of Abbreviations CEEC – Central Eastern European Countries. EC - European Community. ECJ - European Court of Justice. -
Russia’S Presence Eldin Inthe the Military Fi That October, Russia Dispatched Two Tu-160 Strategic Middle East and Africa Has Been Growing
Part 1 Security Environment Surrounding Japan Section 4 Russia ❶ General Situation ● President Vladimir Putin, who has been seeking the revival sanctions—has emerged among some of the countries with of Russia as a strong and infl uential power, successfully a close economic relationship to Russia. On the other hand, achieved reelection in 2018. In his inaugural address in May Russia’s ability to withstand sanctions has been growing, of that same year, President Putin stated that Russia is a as it has promoted import substitution, while on the foreign strong, active and infl uential participant in international life, policy front, President Vladimir Putin has taken the stance and that the country’s security and defense capability are that “there are other organizations which play an important Chapter reliably secured. He also stated that quality of life, wellbeing, role in world affairs” and the country has been demonstrating 2 security and health were his main goals, and that Russia has a growing presence in the G20 and multilateral diplomatic risen like a phoenix a number of times throughout history, forums in which Western countries do not participate, such Defense Policies of Countries Defense Policies and believes it would achieve a breakthrough again. as the SCO and the association of fi ve major emerging At the annual presidential address to the Federal economies (BRICS: Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Assembly of Russia in March of that same year, held prior to Africa). the presidential election, President Putin said, “Russia ranks In addition, Russia’s presence in the military fi eld in the among the world’s leading nations with a powerful foreign Middle East and Africa has been growing. -
The Challenging Future of Strategic Planning in Foreign Policy
01-0306-8 ch1.qxd 3/26/09 2:44 PM Page 3 daniel w. drezner 1 The Challenging Future of Strategic Planning in Foreign Policy “Avoid trivia.” —Secretary of State George Marshall’s advice to George Kennan, the first director of policy planning Strategic planning for American foreign policy is dead, dying, or moribund. This, at least, has been the assessment of several commentators and policy- makers in recent years.1 Michèle Flournoy and Shawn Brimley observed in 2006, “For a country that continues to enjoy an unrivaled global position, it is both remarkable and disturbing that the United States has no truly effective strategic planning process for national security.”2 At an academic conference in 2007, a former director of the State Department’s policy planning staff complained that, “six years after 9/11, we still don’t have a grand strategy.” Aaron Friedberg, who was director of policy planning for Vice President Richard Cheney, writes in this volume, “The U.S. government has lost the capacity to conduct serious, sustained national strategic planning.” Admiral William Fallon, the CENTCOM commander until the spring of 2008, told the New York Times that the United States would need to focus more on policy planning: “We need to have a well-thought-out game plan for engagement in the world that we adjust regularly and that has some system of checks and bal- ances built into it.”3 In this volume, Council on Foreign Relations president Richard Haass argues that the United States has “squandered” its post–cold war opportunity, concluding, “Historians will not judge the United States well for how it has used these twenty years.” These sorts of laments have become common in the past decade, in no small part because of the foreign policy planning of the administrations of Bill 3 01-0306-8 ch1.qxd 3/26/09 2:44 PM Page 4 4 The Challenging Future of Strategic Planning Clinton and George W. -
Statistics in Focus
Maritime Transport in the MED Countries, 2000 An increase of 13% in the transport of goods since 1998 lllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllll Georgios Xenellis Figure 1: Share of each country in the overall MED maritime transport of goods Jordan (JO) Egypt (EG) (2) 2.5% Statistics (1) 11.3% Lebanon (LB) Tunisia (TN) 1.1% Syria (SY) 6.0% 5.4% Israel (IL) in focus 8.9% Morocco (MA) 11.0% Cyprus (CY) 1.5% TRANSPORT Malta (MT) 1.2% Algeria (DZ) 20.6% Turkey (TR) THEME 7 – 9/2002 (3) 30.6% NB: For footnotes, please refer to Table 1. Contents Highlights Highlights...................................1 With 58 major ports the overall tonnage of cargo loaded and unloaded in the MED region reached 487 million tonnes in 2000, increasing by 12.8% since 1998. General Developments .............1 Most countries experienced positive average annual growth rates, the outstanding performances being in Malta (16%) and Turkey (11%). However, Inwards and outwards Lebanon suffered a decrease (-5.5%) and Jordan’s maritime economy remained tonnage ......................................2 stable (-0.5%). The 15 biggest ports in the region achieved freight turnovers of well over The top-15 ports in the 11 million tonnes each. Bethioua in Algeria handled the largest quantity of MED region on the basis of maritime cargo reaching 36.4 million tonnes in 2000, followed by Izmit in Turkey the gross weight of goods .......3 with 31.4 million tonnes and Alexandria in Egypt with 28.4 million tonnes. The largest MED port would feature at the 15th position in a EU-MED list. Main type of cargo handled......4 The EU ranks as by far the largest maritime partner for a number of MED countries, and particularly for the Maghreb region. -
Putin's Trick in Donbass
MONTHLY January 2018 CONTENTS 6 16 24 NEW YEAR, RUSSIANS BOTHER MOSCOW PLAYS SAME WAR U.S. ALLIES THE OSSETIAN CARD RUSSIA’S INVESTIGATIVE BLACK CLOUDS COMMITEE FACES 3 OVER BASTRYKIN 15 IMMINENT REVOLUTION PURGES RUSSIANS BOTHER 5 IN LUHANSK 16 U.S. ALLIES NEW YEAR, FSB “CLEANS UP” AFTER 6 SAME WAR 18 THE FAILED OPERATION PUTIN’S TRICK WHY MOSCOW LEFT KURDS. 8 IN DONBASS 19 FIVE REASONS HOW RUSSIA AVOIDS ANOTHER “LIBERAL” 10 SANCTIONS. EPISODE 2 21 IS GOING TO JAIL ROSGVARDIYA’S RUSSIA STRENGTHENS ITS 11 IRON FIST 22 FORCES ON THE BATIC SEA NO CHANCES OF RUSSIAN MOSCOW PLAYS 13 MILITARY BASE IN SUDAN 24 THE OSSETIAN CARD www.warsawinstitute.org 2 © KREMLIN.RU 3 January 2018 BLACK CLOUDS OVER BASTRYKIN In the last days of December, officers of the Investigative Directorate of the FSB detained another important person in the case against Zakhar Kalashov aka Shakro Molodoy. As a result, a former colonel of the Investigative Committee was charged with corruption. His detention occurred one and a half years after other high-ranking officers had been arrested. Such a state of affairs may mean the beginning of massive personal purges within the Investigative Committee and further weakening of the position, and perhaps even resignation, of the influential head of the service, Alexander Bastrykin. ntil July 2016, Colonel Alexey Committee. In addition, the investigation on UKramarenko had been the Head of bribes from Shakro Molodoy was initiated the Main Investigation Directorate of the by the FSB and not by the Investigative Investigative Committee (ICR) of Russia in Committee. -
The Government and Politics of Cyprus
The Government and Politics of Cyprus Edited by JAMES KER-LINDSAY AND HUBERT FAUSTMANN Peter Lang (Bern, 2008), 293 pp. ISBN: 978-3-03911-096-4 I recommend this book, especially to undergraduate students requiring an introduction to the government and politics of Cyprus; however I do so with certain reservations. The editors, James Ker-Lindsay and Hubert Faustmann, state that the book’s scope is the government and politics of Cyprus. To them ‘Cyprus’ means the Republic of Cyprus, although in recognising a second entity on the island they include a chapter on it – Turkish Cypriot politics. They give no clear explanation for this discrepancy, although imply that this is because “the Greek- Cypriot-dominated Republic of Cyprus is … a member of the United Nations and the European Union” and the internationally unrecognised Turkish Republic of North Cyprus (TRNC)1 is not. They make no case for this discrepancy on the grounds of space or lack of qualified experts, in what seems a political rather than a scholastic decision. Thus, the scope of the book is problematical because it largely excludes the Turkish Cypriot community, which, according to the 1960 constitution, is an equal community with the Greek Cypriot community and which, like them, implemented the ‘law of necessity’ in order to govern themselves and their people in 1964. Whether this is recognised internationally or not is irrelevant to a scholarly book that claims in its title to deal with Cyprus. Erol Kaymak’s brilliant chapter on Turkish Cypriot politics somewhat rectifies the omission. The book attempts to fill a void in the historiography of the government and politics of Cyprus and, aside from the above, it mostly succeeds. -
Cyprus and the Eastern Mediterranean
th 10 of March 2018 (Concept note #5) Port-2-Port Communication Enabling Short Sea Shipping: Cyprus and the Eastern Mediterranean by Mikael Lind1, 4, Michael Bergmann1, Sandra Haraldson1, Richard T. Watson1, 2, Michalis Michaelides3, Herodotos Herodotou3, Sotos Voskarides3 1RISE Viktoria, Sweden, 2University of Georgia, USA, 3Cyprus University of Technology, Cyprus, 4Chalmers University of Technology, Sweden Short Sea Shipping (SSS) is commonly defined as commercial waterborne transportation that does not transit an ocean. The EU has a strategic interest in ensuring the continuous performance of SSS. It remains central to the comprehensive strategy for a clean, safe and efficient European transport system set out in the Commission’s 2001 White Paper, European transport policy for 2010: time to decide. Some of the main challenges identified include promoting reliability, quality and safety and removing unnecessary costs and delays at the ports. Cyprus, which is an EU member, being also an island in the Eastern Meditteranean Sea, has an important role to play in this, since more than 90% of its seaborne transport can be classified as SSS. Many ports in the world, including the port of Limassol in Cyprus, seek to become accredited transshipment hubs. This means that large shipments from other Mediter- ranean and Black Sea countries could be consolidated and sent to Cyprus, from where they could be efficiently distributed to various nearby ports, e.g. in Egypt, Israel and other countries in the Middle East, using smaller vessels and SSS operations. To be a successful transshipment hub, a port should be able to plan its operations precisely and ensure relevant information are Figure 1: Limassol EU Port in the Eastern Mediterranean available to visiting ships. -
Generations in World Politics : Cycles in Us
GENERATIONS IN WORLD POLITICS : CYCLES IN U.S. FOREIGN POLICY, THE CONSTRUCTION OF THE “WEST,” AND INTERNATIONAL SYSTEMS CHANGE 1900-2008 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Tim Luecke, A.B. Graduate Program in Political Science The Ohio State University 2013 Dissertation Committee: Alexander Wendt, Advisor Richard Herrmann Randall Schweller © Copyright by Tim Luecke 2013 ABSTRACT In this dissertation, I examine the explanatory value of the concept of “generations” and the role of political generations in foreign policy and international politics. In the wake of the attacks on September 11, 2001, the economic recession of 2008, the “Arab Spring,” and the “Occupy Wall Street” movement, debates over the emergence and possible effects of new generations have increased dramatically. Yet, despite the fact that several scholars in the field of International Relations have either pointed towards the potential importance of generational processes or even used the notion of generations in their own research the concept has not been conceptualized in a systematic manner. The dissertation fills this gap in the literature in two steps. First, I resolve the definitional problems surrounding the concept of generations by arguing that a generation in its most abstract form constitutes a temporal unit of analysis that locates individuals or groups in the process of time. This temporal location is constituted by the nexus of individual life stage (i.e. age) and collective history and it fundamentally shapes the political worldviews of those who occupy it. Based on the concept of generations, I ii develop a theory of political generations, which I define as cohorts in the age of youth that develop a generational consciousness and distinct political worldview in response to a set of formative experiences. -
Putin's Private Army
Saturday, February 17, 2018 7 Putin’s private army shadowy mercenary group known as “ChVK Wagner” has come to play a crucial role in Russian operations in Syria. The actions of Wagner Acoincided with the Kremlin’s intervention in Syria in September 2015. Family grieves While Russia was expanding its military presence in Syria, security con- tractor Wagner was recruiting hundreds of ex-soldiers online, posting advertisements in military-themed chat rooms, according to Fontanka.ru, a St Petersburg-based independent news site. Training and selection took place at Molkino in southern Russia, home to the Spetsnaz GRU — the special forces of the foreign military intelligence maid found agency. The first units flew to Russia’s newly completed Khmeimim Air Base in Syria in October 2015. Wagner personnel were paid 240,000 rubles/month (€3,300, $4,100) and figured heavily in operations against so-called Islamic State (IS) around Palmyra in 2016. They served as “shock troops” alongside the Syrian army, says Mark Galeotti, an expert on Russian security at the Institute of International Relations in Prague. dead in Kuwait Although the Russian constitution bans private security contractors Wagner’s commanding officer, Dmitry Utkin, a former Spetsnaz lieuten- ant colonel and his deputy, Andrei Troshev, attended a Kremlin reception hosted by President Vladimir Putin in December 2016. In 2017 Wagner’s role was expanded to include seizing IS-held gas and oil facilities for Evro Polis -- a Russian company linked to St. Petersburg entrepreneur Yevgeny Prigozhin, a close friend of Putin. Wagner’s Syrian operations suffered their worst blow on February 7 dur- ing an attack to seize an oil refinery at Khusham from U.S.-backed Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF). -
Syria and the Russian Armed Forces
RUSSIA’S WAR IN SYRIA SYRIA AND THE RUSSIAN ARMED FORCES AN EVALUATION OF MOSCOW’S MILITARY STRATEGY AND OPERATIONAL PERFORMANCE MICHAEL KOFMAN All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. Author: Michael Kofman This report is part of FPRI’s edited volume Russia’s War in Syria: Assessing Russian Military Capabilities and Lessons Learned, ISBN: 978-0-910191-00-5, available at: https://www.fpri.org/article/2020/09/about-the-book-russia-war-syria/ The views expressed in this report are those of the author alone and do not necessarily reflect the position of the Foreign Policy Research Institute, a non-partisan organization that seeks to publish well-argued, policy- oriented articles on American foreign policy and national security priorities. Editing: Thomas J. Shattuck Design: Natalia Kopytnik © 2020 by the Foreign Policy Research Institute September 2020 SYRIA AND THE RUSSIAN ARMED FORCES • RUSSIA’S WAR IN SYRIA OUR MISSION The Foreign Policy Research Institute is dedicated to producing the highest quality scholarship and nonpartisan policy analysis focused on crucial foreign policy and national security challenges facing the United States. We educate those who make and influence policy, as well as the public at large, through the lens of history, geography, and culture. Offering Ideas In an increasingly polarized world, we pride ourselves on our tradition of nonpartisan scholarship. We count among our ranks over 100 affiliated scholars located throughout the nation and the world who appear regularly in national and international media, testify on Capitol Hill, and are consulted by U.S. -
Putin Prioritizes Syria. Biden Should Too. | the Washington Institute
MENU Policy Analysis / Articles & Op-Eds Putin Prioritizes Syria. Biden Should Too. by Anna Borshchevskaya Mar 24, 2021 Also published in Georgetown Journal of International Affairs ABOUT THE AUTHORS Anna Borshchevskaya Anna Borshchevskaya is a senior fellow at The Washington Institute, focusing on Russia's policy toward the Middle East. Articles & Testimony Moscow has intensified its military deployments in sensitive areas and continued its counterproductive diplomatic track, exhibiting a long-game mindset that Washington needs to match. either massive domestic protests and economic woes, nor the pandemic and growing upheavals on Russia’s N borders have stopped Russian president Vladimir Putin from increasing Russia’s presence in Syria on military and diplomatic fronts. Over the years, Russian officials made no secret of their preference for American forces to leave the country. Moscow is in Syria for the long haul and continues to indirectly undermine US efforts there. Growing Presence in Northeastern Syria S tarting in late December 2020, amid a backdrop of a presidential transition in the United States—a time the Kremlin will always use to test Washington—Vladimir Putin began increasing the Russian presence in northeastern Syria, a mixed Kurdish-Arab zone that borders Turkey and Iraq. Approximately three hundred Russian military police arrived at Hassakeh, a Kurdish-led province in the northeast. Moscow reportedly deployed additional units to Qamishili and the town of Ain Issa in Raqqa, amidst growing fighting in that area. More broadly, these deployments come against a backdrop of friction over the summer between Russian and American troops in eastern Syria. The latest stationing of military police was a message to the United States but also to Turkey that Moscow does not want to concede this space.