An Exploration of Social Status Through the Rouse Hill House Jewellery Collection, 1801 to 1924

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Hidden Jewellery Revealed: an exploration of social status through the Rouse Hill House jewellery collection, 1801 to 1924.

Julie Oliver

A thesis in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree

of Master of Philosophy

School of Art and Design

August 2020 Thesis/Dissertation Sheet Australia's Global UNSW University SYDNEY

Surname/Family Name Oliver Given Name/s Julie Gai Abbreviation for degree as give in the University calendar MPhil Faculty Art and Design School Art and Design Thesis Title Hidden Jewellery Revealed: an exploration of social status through the Rouse HIii House jewellery collection, 1801 to 1924.

Abstract 350 words maximum: (PLEASE TYPE) Rouse Hill House is an early colonial mansion on the outskirts of Sydney built by Richard and Elizabeth Rouse, free settlers from England, who arrived in Sydney in 1801. Six generations of the Rouse family lived in the house between the 1820s and the 1970s, when it was bought by the New South Wales Government and turned into a museum. Hidden in the drawers of what once was the servants' quarters is a collection comprising over 150 pieces of mostly costume jewellery. Through a detailed study of the Rouse jewellery collection, this research project explores the importance of social status for early free settlers in Australia.

Such a collection is rare indeed in Australia. Although the jewellery was itemised when the house was sold, this is the first time that the collection has been discussed in its entirety. This thesis reveals the needs, pleasures and aspirations of a colonial Australian family, seen through the eyes of their jewellery, supported by literature from various sources including art, design, archaeology and sociology.

In addition, the collection illustrates the history of jewellery design in middle-class Australia, including the adherence to British norms in dress and fashion, which became apparent in the early 19th century. Selected items, which illustrate motifs from periods such as Egyptian and Greek revival and Art Nouveau are discussed in detail. Techniques, such as pique, Berlin ironwork and the use of jet illustrate that Australian women were keen to adopt styles from their home country. The collection also shows the emerging Australian identity, which is evident in the jewellery belonging to the Rouses from the beginning of the 20th century.

The theory of jewellery put forward by Dutch collector, Marjan Unger {2019), provides the framework for this research project, allowing classification of significant items in the collection. Portraits, photographs and receipts add to the provenance of the collection.

The aim of this thesis is to 'shine a light' on a neglected part of Australian history, specifically the role which jewellery has played in the formation of identity and social status during the 19th and early 20th centuries.

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Figure 1: Rouse Family Tree 1774 - 1999 ...... xv Figure 2: Rouse Hill House and Farm. Source: Sydney Living Museums ...... 1 Figure 3: Rouse family, September 1859. Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm, SLM ...... 5 Figure 4: Subscription to The Town and Country Journal, 1885. Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm, SLM ...... 10 Figure 5: Spike of Receipts at Rouse Hill House. Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm, SLM ...... 12 Figure 6: John Richard Rouse (1801-1873), eldest son of Richard Rouse. Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm, SLM ...... 14 Figure 7: Richard Rouse of Guntawang (1842-1903), grandson of Richard Rouse. Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm, SLM ...... 14 Figure 8: The sitting room, Rouse Hill House, June 2004. Source: Sydney Living Museums ...... 30 Figure 9: Advertisement in Jackson's Oxford Journal, No. 736, Page 2, 6th June, 1767. Source: Oxfordshire History Centre, Oxford, UK ...... 34 Figure 10: Advertisement in Jackson's Oxford Journal, 29th December 1781, page 3. Source: Oxfordshire History Centre, Oxford, UK ...... 35 Figure 11: Elizabeth Rouse Portrait Miniature. Source: State Library of NSW ...... 38 Figure 12: Reverse side of Elizabeth Rouse mourning brooch. Source: State Library of NSW ...... 38 Figure 13: Eleanor Wingate nee Rouse. Source: Rouse Hill House & Farm, SLM ...... 39 Figure 14 Portrait miniature of Richard Rouse. Source: Rouse Hill House & Farm, SLM ...... 43 Figure 15 Case with flowers. Source: Rouse Hill House & Farm, SLM ...... 43

ii Figure 16: Governor Philip Gidley King, artist unknown, undated. Source: Mitchell Library, State Library of New South Wales ...... 44 Figure 17: Edwin Rouse, c.1865. Source: Caroline Simpson Library, SLM ...... 46 Figure 18: George Rouse, 1873-1879. Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm, SLM ...... 46 Figure 19: Hannah Terry Rouse, c1868. Source: Rouse Hill House & Farm, SLM ...... 47 Figure 20: Hannah Rouse's cameo ring. Source: Rouse Hill House & Farm, SLM Image: © Jamie North, 2013 ...... 47 Figure 21: Edwin Stephen Rouse, c1866. Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm, SLM ...... 49 Figure 22: Edwin Stephen's pocket watch. Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm, SLM Image: © Greg Weight, 2013 ...... 50 Figure 23: Monogram 'ESR' on Edwin Stephen's watch case. Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm, SLM ...... 50 Figure 24: Nina Rouse's belt buckle. Source: Rouse Hill House & Farm, SLM ...... 53 Figure 25: Nina Rouse with unknown man. Source: Rouse Hill House & Farm, SLM ...... 53 Figure 26: Page from Angus & Coote catalogue, 1913. Source: State Library of NSW ...... 53 Figure 27: George Terry's pocket watch. Source: Rouse Hill House & Farm, SLM ...... 56 Figure 28: Monogrammed case of George Terry's watch. Source: Rouse Hill House & Farm, SLM ...... 56 Figure 29: After the Hunt, July 1895. Source: Rouse Hill House & Farm, SLM ...... 57 Figure 30: Bessie Buchanan, 1872, by A. Hayden. Source. Rouse Hill House & Farm, SLM...... 59 Figure 31: Bessie Buchanan's pendant necklace Source. Rouse Hill House & Farm, SLM. Image: © Jamie North, 2013 ...... 59

iii Figure 32: Sarah Cockram's chatelaine, c1890. Source: Rouse Hill House & Farm, SLM ...... 62 Figure 33: Cartoon by Linley Sambourne from Punch, 16th October 1875, p.156...... 63 Figure 34: Letter to the Editor, Geelong Advertiser, 14th December 1880. Source: Trove http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article150653440 ...... 66 Figure 35: Designs for jewellery by John Hardy, 1891. Source: Mitchell Library, State Library of N.S.W ...... 67 Figure 36: Record of Purchase from Hardy Bros, Sydney. Source: Mitchell Library, State Library of N.S.W ...... 68 Figure 37: Bessie Buchanan's necklace, c.1867. Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm, SLM Image:© Jamie North, 2013 ...... 69 Figure 38: Bog oak earrings, c.1867. Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm, SLM Image: © Jamie North, 2013 ...... 69 Figure 39: Bog oak brooch, c.1867. Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm, SLM Image: © Jamie North, 2013 ...... 69 Figure 40: Bessie Buchanan, c.1860s. Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm, SLM Image: © Jamie North...... 70 Figure 41: Pendant with image of Queen Victoria. Source: Rouse Hill House & Farm, SLM ...... 72 Figure 42: Map of Australia on reverse of pendant. Source: Rouse Hill House & Farm, SLM ...... 72 Figure 43: Stick pin of Australia. Source: Rouse Hill House & Farm, SLM ...... 74 Figure 44: Page from Angus & Coote catalogue, Sydney, 1908. Source: State Library of NSW ...... 75 Figure 45: Kathleen Rouse, c.1900. Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm, SLM ...... 75 Figure 46: Portrait brooch of Edwin Stephen Rouse. Source: Rouse Hill House & Farm, SLM ...... 76 Figure 47: Victorian mourning brooch. Source: York Museums Trust (York Castle Museum) ...... 76

iv Figure 48: Victoria, Princess Royal, 1845, by Sir William Ross. Source: Royal Collection Trust, RCIN420340 © Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II 2020...... 77 Figure 49: Elizabeth Buchanan. Source: Rouse Hill House & Farm, SLM ...... 79 Figure 50: Elizabeth Buchanan's jet bracelets. Source: Rouse Hill House & Farm, SLM Image: © Jamie North, 2013 ...... 79 Figure 51: Portrait of Mrs John Thomas by Richard Noble, 1858. Source: National Gallery of Australia, Canberra ...... 80 Figure 52: Portrait of Mrs George Frederick Read by Benjamin Duterrau, 1834. Source: Collection: Tasmanian Museum and Art Gallery ...... 80 Figure 53: Elizabeth Buchanan, late 1880s. Source: Rouse Hill House & Farm, SLM ...... 82 Figure 54: Bessie Rouse's French jet necklace. Source: Rouse Hill House & Farm, SLM Image: © Jamie North, 2013 ...... 82 Figure 55: Bessie Rouse's Christmas brooch, 1886. Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm, SLM Image: © Jamie North, 2013 ...... 84 Figure 56: Receipt for Pearl Brooch, 24th December 1886. Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm, SLM ...... 85 Figure 57: Bessie Rouse wearing the Christmas brooch. Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm, SLM Image: © Jamie North, 2013 ...... 86 Figure 58: Receipt for jewellery purchases and repairs, 1892. Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm, S.L.M ...... 88 Figure 59: Mourning brooch for John Terry. Source: Rouse Hill House & Farm, SLM Image: Jenni Carter, 2008 ...... 89 Figure 60: Engraved reverse of John Terry brooch. Source: Rouse Hill House & Farm, SLM Image: Jenni Carter, 2008 ...... 89 Figure 61: Phoebe Rouse, daughter of Edwin and Hannah, c. 1863. Source: Rouse Hill House & Farm, SLM ...... 91 Figure 62: Jane and Eleanor Rouse. Source: Rouse Hill House & Farm, SLM ...... 91 Figure 63: Hannah Rouse's brooch. Source: Rouse Hill House & Farm, SLM Image: © Jamie North, 2013 ...... 92

v Figure 64: Hannah Rouse. Source: Rouse Hill House & Farm, SLM ...... 93 Figure 65: Hannah's brooch. Source: Rouse Hill House & Farm, SLM ...... 93 Figure 66: Hannah Rouse in deep mourning. Source. Rouse Hill House and Farm, SLM ...... 95 Figure 67: Hannah Rouse in a later stage of mourning. Source. Rouse Hill House and Farm, SLM ...... 95 Figure 68: Receipt for Repairs to a locket and bracelet. Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm, SLM ...... 99 Figure 69: Office in the old servants' quarters. Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm, SLM ...... 100 Figure 70: Drawer containing jewellery in the office. Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm, SLM ...... 100 Figure 71: Blue velvet choker. Source: Rouse Hill House & Farm, SLM ...... 102 Figure 72: Bessie Rouse as a young woman. Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm, SLM ...... 103 Figure 73: Bessie Rouse as an older woman. Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm, SLM Image: ©Jamie North , 2013 ...... 103 Figure 74: Pique Crucifix. Source: Rouse Hill House & Farm, SLM ...... 104 Figure 75: Tortoiseshell box. Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm, SLM ...... 106 Figure 76: Interior of tortoiseshell box. Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm, SLM ...... 106 Figure 77: Maireener shell necklace. Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm, SLM ...... 107 Figure 78: Maireener shells. Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm, SLM ...... 107 Figure 79: Portrait of Truganini (Tasmania, ca.1866). Source: National Library of Australia Image: C.A. Woolley, 1866 ...... 108

vi Figure 80: Alfred Kennerley, c.1865. Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm, SLM ...... 109 Figure 81: Jane Kennerley, nee Rouse, c.1855. Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm, SLM ...... 109 Figure 82: Nina and Kathleen Rouse, c.1885. Source: Rouse Hill House & Farm, SLM ...... 111 Figure 83: Kathleen Rouse's scarab necklace. Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm, SLM ...... 112 Figure 84: Scarab from Kathleen's necklace. Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm, SLM ...... 112 Figure 85: Kathleen Rouse in evening dress, c.1900. Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm, SLM ...... 115 Figure 86: Kathleen Rouse, late 1800s. Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm, SLM ...... 115 Figure 87: Bedroom at Rouse Hill House. Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm, S.L.M Image: Julie Oliver ...... 122 Figure 88: Empty jewellery boxes at Rouse Hill House. Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm Image: Julie Oliver ...... 123 Figure 89: Bessie's studio Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm, SLM Image: Scott Hill ...... 124

vii List of Abbreviations

SLM: For reasons of space, Sydney Living Museums is abbreviated to SLM in captions for images.

All images have been photographed by this author, except where otherwise stated.

viii Abstract

Rouse Hill House is an early colonial mansion on the outskirts of Sydney built by Richard and Elizabeth Rouse, free settlers from England, who arrived in Sydney in 1801. Six generations of the Rouse family lived in the house between the 1820s and the 1970s, when it was bought by the New South Wales Government and turned into a museum.

Hidden in the drawers of what once was the servants' quarters is a collection comprising over 150 pieces of mostly costume jewellery. Through a detailed study of the Rouse jewellery collection, this research project explores the importance of social status for early free settlers in Australia.

The theory of jewellery put forward by Dutch collector, Marjan Unger (2019), provides the framework for this research project, allowing classification of significant items in the collection. Portraits, photographs and receipts add to the provenance of the collection.

ix Table of Contents

Acknowledgements ...... i

Table of Figures ...... ii

List of Abbreviations ...... viii

Abstract ...... ix

Table of Contents ...... x

Rouse Family Tree ...... xv

1 Introduction ...... 1

1.1 Overview ...... 1

1.2 Research Questions and Definitions ...... 4

1.3 Theoretical Framework ...... 6

1.4 A Theory of Jewellery ...... 8

i. Artistic or Visual Value ...... 8

ii. Historical Value ...... 9

iii. Social Value ...... 9

iv. Emotional or Personal Values ...... 10

v. Material and Financial Value ...... 11

1.5 Research Methodology ...... 11

1.6 Jewellery Design in Australia, 1801-1924 ...... 13

1.7 Men's Jewellery ...... 13

1.8 Limitations of the Research Project ...... 14

1.9 Chapter Outline ...... 16

2 Literature Review ...... 18

2.1 Overview ...... 18

2.2 The Role of Artefacts in Cultural Studies...... 18

x 2.3 Personal Ornamentation ...... 20

2.4 Men's Jewellery ...... 22

2.5 A Theory of Jewellery ...... 22

2.6 Signs of Class in Victorian England ...... 23

2.7 Gender Roles in Colonial Australian Society ...... 24

2.8 The Role of Personal Ornament in Australian Cultural Studies ...... 27

2.9 The Role of Jewellery in Early Australia ...... 29

2.10 Australian Jewellery Publications ...... 29

2.11 The Jewellery Collection at Rouse Hill House ...... 30

2.12 Conclusion ...... 32

3 Identity and Social Status ...... 33

3.1 Overview ...... 33

3.2 Portrait Brooch of Elizabeth Rouse ...... 37

i. Artistic Value ...... 38

ii. Historical and Emotional Value ...... 39

iii. Social Value ...... 40

iv. Financial Value ...... 41

3.3 Portrait Miniature of Richard Rouse ...... 42

i. Artistic and Financial Value ...... 43

ii. Historical and Emotional Value ...... 43

iii. Social Value ...... 44

3.4 Hannah Rouse's Cameo Ring ...... 45

i. Artistic and Financial Value ...... 47

ii. Historical, Personal and Emotional Value...... 48

iii. Social Value ...... 48

3.5 Edwin Stephen Rouse's Pocket Watch ...... 49

xi i. Artistic Value ...... 50

ii. Historical and Personal Value ...... 51

iii. Social Value ...... 51

iv. Financial value ...... 52

3.6 Nina Rouse's Belt Buckle ...... 52

i. Artistic Value ...... 54

ii. Historical Value ...... 54

iii. Social and Personal Value ...... 54

3.7 George Terry's Pocket Watch ...... 54

i. Artistic and Financial Value ...... 55

ii. Historical Value...... 56

iii. Social and Personal Value ...... 56

3.8 Bessie Buchanan's Pendant Necklace...... 58

i. Artistic Value ...... 59

ii. Historical Value ...... 60

iii. Social and Personal Value ...... 60

iv. Financial Value ...... 61

3.9 Sarah Cockram's Chatelaine ...... 61

i. Artistic Value ...... 61

ii. Historical Value ...... 62

iii. Social and Personal Value ...... 63

3.10 Conclusion ...... 64

4 Reminders of Home and Family ...... 65

4.1 Overview ...... 65

4.2 Reminders of Home ...... 66

Example 1 Bessie Buchanan's Parure ...... 68

xii Example 2 Double-sided Pendant ...... 72

Example 3 Stick pin depicting Australia...... 74

4.3 Reminders of Family ...... 76

Example 1 Portrait Brooch of Edwin Stephen Rouse...... 76

Example 2 Bessie Rouse's Jet Bracelets ...... 78

Example 3 Bessie Rouse's French Jet Necklace ...... 82

Example 4 Bessie Rouse's Christmas Brooch ...... 84

4.4 Mourning and Memorial Jewellery ...... 89

Example 1 Mourning Brooch for John Terry ...... 89

Example 2 Mourning Brooch for Edwin Rouse ...... 92

4.5 Conclusion ...... 96

5 Remnant Jewellery ...... 97

5.1 Overview ...... 98

5.2 Pique Crucifix ...... 104

i. Artistic Value ...... 104

ii. Historical Value ...... 105

iii. Social and Emotional Value ...... 105

iv. Financial Value ...... 105

5.3 Maireener Shell Necklaces ...... 107

i. Artistic Value ...... 107

ii. Historical Value ...... 108

iii. Social, Emotional and Financial Value ...... 110

5.4 Kathleen Rouse's Scarab Necklace ...... 111

i. Artistic Value ...... 113

ii. Historical Value ...... 113

iii. Social, Emotional and Financial Value ...... 113

xiii 5.5 Conclusion ...... 115

6 Research Results and Conclusion ...... 117

6.1 The Influence of Great Britain ...... 117

6.2 Economic Reality ...... 118

i. Inherited Jewellery ...... 118

ii. Obtaining Faux Jewellery ...... 118

iii. Home-made Jewellery ...... 119

iv. Jewellery Repairs ...... 119

6.3 The History of Jewellery Design ...... 119

i. Jet and Its Imitations ...... 120

ii. Mourning, Memorial and Sentimental Jewellery...... 120

6.4 Changing Allegiances ...... 121

6.5 Limitations ...... 121

6.6 The Future of the Rouse Hill Jewellery Collection ...... 122

Glossary ...... 125

Reference List ...... 128

Appendix ...... 135

xiv Rouse Family Tree

Figure 1: Rouse Family Tree xv 1 Introduction

Many items, usually of middle-class origin, languish limply in tissued museum drawers as sad and sometimes faded reminders of grand society balls or weddings, or perhaps worn out or stained from use. The precise agency and experiences involved in the wearing of these individual items of dress may never be entirely known.1

1.1 Overview This research project came about as a result of my discovery of the contents of an early 19th century house in western Sydney (Figure 2).

Figure 2: Rouse Hill House and Farm. Source: Sydney Living Museums

1 M.Maynard, Fashioned from Penury: Dress as Cultural Practice in Colonial Australia. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, England, 1994, p.6.

1 The house had been inhabited by six generations of the Rouse family until it was sold to the NSW State Government in the 1970s.2 Inside the house was a treasure trove of furniture, keepsakes, portraits and jewellery.3 The large collection of jewellery is mostly kept in drawers in offices and bedrooms, with the more valuable pieces displayed in locked cabinets throughout the house. The collection spans over 150 years of history, from the arrival of Richard and Elizabeth Rouse as free settlers in 1801.4

My interest in studying antique jewellery resulted from my studies of gemmology and my experience collecting and selling antique jewellery. In an attempt to gain further knowledge about early Australian jewellery, I searched for publications. International publications about jewellery of the 19th century are plentiful. Many describe European jewellery in detail, including materials, design and makers.

For example, the work of British jewellery historians, Judy Rudoe and Charlotte Gere, provides a thorough description and analysis of Victorian jewellery and its local and overseas influences. In contrast, Jean Arnold is concerned with the social implications of jewellery, including the connection between jewellery, status and identity as it is referenced in British literature of the 1800s.

Although overseas publications provide an excellent base for further research, Australian jewellery of the Victorian period requires a nuanced approach and so I investigated local research over the last thirty years.

In Australia books which research jewellery between 1801 and the early 1900s deal mostly with the design and materials of jewellery, as well as the jewellers who made the pieces.5 These books have a heavy emphasis on Gold Rush jewellery as a result of the huge amount of interest generated in this area over the last thirty years.6 The unique nature of such items

2 C.Rouse Thornton, Rouse Hill House & the Rouses. Caroline Thornton Publishing, North Sydney, 2015, p.310. 3 Some information in this chapter has been discussed in the following publication: J.Oliver,'The Role of Jewellery in Establishing and Maintaining Social Status in New South Wales between 1801 and 1924', 2017, which has been acknowledged and detailed in the ‘Inclusion of Publications Statement’ for this thesis. 4 Rouse Thornton, p.12. 5 See A.Schofield & K.Fahy, Australian Jewellery: 19th and Early 20th Century. David Ell Press Pty Ltd, Sydney, 1990. See also K.Cavill, G.Cocks & J.Grace, Australian Jewellers: Gold & Silversmiths, Makers & Marks. C.G.C. Gold Pty Ltd, Sydney, 1992. 6 E.Czernis-Ryl, Brilliant: Australian Gold and Silver 1851-1950. Powerhouse Publishing, Sydney, 2011, pp. 15- 28.

2 as diggers' brooches with depictions of mining tools and Australian flora and fauna has made this jewellery increasingly valuable and highly sought after.

There is, however, little regard for jewellery which was homemade or of little material value. The Rouse Hill jewellery collection consists of a huge diversity of material including fine pieces as well as less valuable jewellery. My research project investigates the connections between fine jewellery, costume jewellery and the economic circumstances of the Rouse family at those times. These connections provide valuable information about the way in which early Australians lived and how they adapted in times of social stress.7

This research fills a gap in the history of jewellery in several ways. Firstly, the study of jewellery belonging to free settlers in NSW, or indeed in any state or territory of Australia, is rare. There are few private collections in existence and jewellery was often sold or melted down to make ends meet.8

Secondly, the relationship between jewellery and social status of free settlers has not been considered significant. The role of dress as an indicator of social status has received attention in Australia and clothing is accepted as providing evidence of the needs and habits of early Australians.9 However, jewellery has so far remained a relatively unimportant adjunct in the study of dress.

This research project is specific in its application to jewellery and bodily ornament. It will show that jewellery provides a significant contribution to our knowledge about individual and class identity and about the way in which early Australians strived to maintain social status in a highly competitive and previously unknown environment.

7 J.Arnold, Victorian Jewelry, Identity, and the Novel: Prisms of Culture. Ashgate Publishing Ltd, Surrey, England, 2011, pp.4-5. 8 Czernis Ryl, p.16. 9 L.Cramer, 'Keeping Up Appearances: Genteel Women, Dress and Refurbishing in Gold-Rush Victoria, Australia, 1851-1870'. Textile, vol.15, no.1, 2017, pp.48-67, accessed 4 April 2017 http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14759756.2016.1209876

3 1.2 Research Questions and Definitions The question proposed is "how did men and women in the Australian colony of NSW between 1801 and 1924 use jewellery to assist in establishing as well as maintaining their social status?"

For the purposes of this study jewellery is defined as 'personal ornament'.10 The use of a broad definition allows the research to encompass all bodily decoration. During Victorian times adornment of clothes and the body was prolific and highly valued.11 Early Australians of English descent followed the trends of their country of origin closely, particularly in the first half of the 19th century.12

Hair ornaments, hat ornaments and decoration of clothing were fashionable at various times during the 1800s. Beads made of glass and jet were often sewn onto dresses, which, along with conventional jewellery, completed the display of success for well-to-do women. The definition of jewellery as personal ornament in this thesis has allowed me to research the vast array of types of bodily decoration in the Rouse Hill collection.

Social status is defined as " a person's standing or importance in relation to other people in a society".13 Australia in the early 1800s provided opportunities for people to escape the English class system and establish a new identity.14 As a result the new colony was made up of members of the British middle-to-upper classes, merchants, free settlers, convicts and emancipated convicts.

Competition for high social status and the advantages it provided was enormous. Migrants from Britain who had previously enjoyed elite status as a result of family wealth and reputation became increasingly concerned at the ambition and success of the newly- wealthy. This research investigates the role which status played in early Australia and the

10 Lexico, Oxford English and Spanish Dictionary and Thesaurus. 2020, accessed 13 May 2020 https://www.lexico.com/definition/jewellery 11 J.Elliott, 'The politics of Antipodean dress: Consumer interests in nineteenth century Victoria'. Journal of Australian Studies, vol.21, no.52, 1997, pp.20-33, accessed 4 April 2017 http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14443059709387294 12 Schofield & Fahy, p.20; Maynard, pp.44,50. 13 Lexico, accessed 13 May 2020 https://www.lexico.com/definition/social_status 14 Cramer, p.50.

4 way in which jewellery contributed to the creation and maintenance of social status. My project is based on the Rouse family and their descendants, some of whom are pictured below (Figure 3).

Figure 3: Rouse family, September 1859. Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm, SLM

The starting date for my thesis is 1801, when Richard and Elizabeth Rouse arrived in New South Wales as free settlers. Richard was assigned land and a limited supply of goods to enable the family to survive for the first twelve months after their arrival. In time Richard became a successful farmer and landowner. Rouse Hill House was completed in the mid- 1820s and six generations of the Rouse family subsequently lived in the house.15 The Rouse Hill jewellery collection, consisting of over 140 items, is the result of the accumulation of family pieces over 150 years.

The finishing date used in this research project is 1924, the year of the death of Bessie Rouse.16 Bessie owned and wore a large number of the items in the Rouse Hill jewellery collection and it was through Bessie’s hands that most of the jewellery was passed on

15 Rouse Thornton, pp.8-13, 33-43. 16 Ibid, p.268.

5 through the family. The provenance of the collection is most vividly illustrated by photographs and portraits of Bessie wearing her jewellery.

After 1924 there is very little evidence that jewellery in the collection was connected to any individual member of the Rouse family; that is, the provenance is no longer there. For this reason the closing date for my thesis was chosen as 1924.

The proposition of this project is that the Rouse family felt the need to display their increasing wealth in Australia in order to be accepted into the higher echelons of colonial society. Since Richard was made Superintendent of Public Works and Convicts at Parramatta in 1805, he and his family were probably required to mix with the Governor of NSW and other high-ranking officials at dinners and balls.17 My research argument proposes that appearance, including jewellery, was important in establishing and maintaining their position in society. Ornamentation played a significant role in Victorian society in England, and the reliance on personal display to indicate success was also evident in colonial Australia.18

1.3 Theoretical Framework The theory for my research project originates in the study of material culture. Material culture consists of objects which are man-made, such as toys, clothing and ornaments. In the past such objects were rejected in favour of art and literature as indicators of the way in which people lived. More recent research has described material culture as being 'at the heart of the construction of identity'.19 Rather than being inert objects which we view from a distance in a sterile environment, material culture has an intimacy with the person who used it and appreciated it. Professor Alan Mayne, a social historian at the University of South Australia, sums up the contribution which material culture can make:

….paying attention to small things from the past, to non-verbal expressions of social life in the past, and to the ongoing processes of earning a living and of constructing and displaying identity in the past, taken together,

17 Rouse Thornton, p.19. 18 Maynard, p.58. 19 A.Mayne, 'Material Culture', in L.Faire & S.Gunn (eds.), Research Methods for History. Edinburgh University Press, Edinburgh, 2016, p.52.

6 provide a way of more fully studying agency and resilience within subaltern lives.20

Jewellery comprises a small but significant subset of material culture. In 2008 archaeologist and academic Carolyn White discussed the importance of jewellery discovered on archaeological digs. White contended that although jewellery was once considered an inferior discovery to glass and ceramics, today archaeologists appreciate the personal potency of a piece of jewellery found buried close to its owner.21

This potency has become very obvious to me as I have analysed the Rouse collection. From the small gold and pearl brooch given as a Christmas present from husband to wife, to the degraded set of faux pearls worn by the Rouse women during times of financial hardship, this jewellery reflects the feelings and desires of an early Australian family. It has a personal intensity which is not found in paintings, architecture and furniture.

White maintains that personal adornment contributes evidence about the formation of identity of the individual, and it also shows how an individual is affiliated with a group or class.22 Evidence of group allegiance is plentiful in the Rouse collection, including a masonic badge, a membership badge for a horseracing club and several receipts for subscriptions to local magazines and club membership fees.

Although people in the past strived for acceptance into groups based on gender, social status, age and ethnicity, it is ironic that human beings often felt, and still feel, the need to be seen as individuals. Personal adornment provides the opportunity to display group affiliation and also allows people a relatively safe way of expressing their individuality.

The intensity of the need to express individuality and class allegiance is exemplified by sumptuary laws introduced by Queen Elizabeth 1 of England during the 16th century. These laws attempted to prevent the newly rich merchant classes from displaying their wealth by personal display and ornamentation. The aristocracy felt insecure about the perceived influx

20 Mayne, p.53. 21 C.L.White, 'Personal Adornment and Interlaced Identities at the Sherburne Site, Portsmouth, New Hampshire'. Historical Archaeology, vol.42, no.2, 2008, pp.13-37, accessed 28 March 2017 http://www.jstor.org/stable/25617494 22 White, pp.17-18.

7 of merchants into the elite classes and attempted to distinguish between people according to their social status. Sumptuary laws were largely unsuccessful as they were extremely difficult to enforce.23 The determination of members of a society to use personal display as an indicator of success is a potent reminder of the importance of personal adornment in maintaining social status.

This research investigates why and how jewellery was important to colonial Australians. It also discovers the types of jewellery which were used to enhance one's chances of social acceptance in a competitive new environment. Was precious jewellery a necessity to prove one's worth or would costume jewellery suffice? Was it necessary to cover oneself with earrings, necklaces and rings or were fewer pieces considered more tasteful? This project researches jewellery in detail to discover how one might be accepted into a high social class.

1.4 A Theory of Jewellery The methodology for my thesis is based on a model by the esteemed Dutch jewellery academic and collector, Marjan Unger. Unger wrote her doctoral thesis in 2010 in Dutch, however it was not until 2018, shortly before her death, that she gave permission for it to be published in English.

In this dissertation, Unger proposed a theory of jewellery, which I have applied during the course of my research.24 Her approach to jewellery was an inclusive one — she valued costume jewellery as well as valuable pieces. In this theory five universal standards are proposed to serve as a method for defining quality in jewellery. i. Artistic or Visual Value Properties such as shape, colour, materials and design contribute to artistic value. Unger believed that by comparing pieces of a similar age, the artistic value of jewellery becomes more apparent. This is particularly important in the absence of hallmarks, date stamps and makers' marks.

23 D.Scarisbrick, Tudor and Jacobean Jewellery. Tate Publishing, London, England, 1995, pp.31,33. 24 M.Unger, Jewellery in context. A multidisciplinary framework for the study of jewellery. PhD thesis and book, Leiden University, Arnoldsche Art Publishers, Stuttgart, Germany, 2019, translated by Ton Brouwers, pp.147- 160.

8 ii. Historical Value Historical value includes consideration of the social status of the owner. How does the piece 'capture the spirit of its time'? 25 Historical value is particularly relevant for the Rouse collection as it encompasses the origins of the jewellery and tells us a great deal about national allegiances. Many pieces in the Rouse collection came from England, either bought by members of the family on a visit 'home' or imported. However, in the second half of the nineteenth century the establishment of local jewellery businesses enabled people to buy or commission jewellery from artisans based in Sydney.26 Based on Unger's theory my project will use historical value to answer questions such as:

Did social status also depend on strict allegiance to the 'mother country'? When was it deemed acceptable to buy one's jewellery locally? Was jewellery, bought or commissioned locally, copied from European fashion books? At what period in the 19th or early 20th centuries did Australian people begin to buy Australian-made jewellery? iii. Social Value Unger states that social value may be the most important of all the defining qualities of jewellery. Social value reflects individual and group identities, the desire for respectability and to be perceived as successful and as a valuable member of the community.

Receipts in the Rouse Hill collection reflect the desire of the Rouse family to be generous in their support of charities. Some receipts also indicate the desire to stay in touch with rural and local affairs, including subscriptions to rural newsletters and magazines (Figure 4). As a family living in rural New South Wales the Rouses realised the value of belonging and, in supporting local groups and businesses, their group identities were realised.

25 M.Unger, 'Temptation', in Thinking Jewellery: on the way towards a theory of jewellery. W.Lindemann & F.H.Trier (eds.), Arnoldsche Art Publishers, Idar-Oberstein, 2011, p.315. This chapter elaborates on the theory of jewellery proposed in Unger's PhD thesis. 26 Czernis-Ryl, p.17.

Figure 4: Subscription to The Town and Country Journal, 1885. Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm, SLM

Receipts also indicate that large amounts of money were spent on food, farming equipment, alcohol, clothing and jewellery, especially in the mid-19th century at the height of prosperity for the Rouse family. The social value of high-quality clothing and jewellery was to illustrate the success of the family and to highlight the social status of each individual member. iv. Emotional or Personal Values The personal value of jewellery considers whether the piece was made, bought or received as a gift. If the jewellery was given as a present, personal value explores the significance of the relationship between the wearer and the giver, whether it is a friend, lover or a member of the family.

Little information is known about the origins of most of the jewellery in the Rouse collection, as I have been unable to access it (see limitations), but in the few cases where evidence is available it has been included in the main text of the thesis.

The symbolic value of a piece of jewellery also plays a part in this section. In Victorian society the materials of which a piece of jewellery was made often had a significant symbolic meaning. For example, pearls have been valued and admired for many years and their symbolic meanings have varied from purity and virginity to love and tears.

10 v. Material and Financial Value Unger claims that a disproportionate amount of time has been devoted to jewellery which has a high financial value.27 Understandably we are fascinated by gems of great worth, but Unger stresses that jewellery of little material worth is significant in the way in which it informs us.

An important part of my research project involves linking the jewellery worn by members of the Rouse family to their economic situation at any particular time. Over the 150 years of continual habitation at Rouse Hill the family experienced financial prosperity as well as hardship.28 The design, materials and origin of jewellery worn at these times provides information about the role of jewellery under different economic conditions.

1.5 Research Methodology Each of the 120 pieces selected from the Rouse collection has been analysed using the above model. The properties of each piece of jewellery are included in a table in an appendix at the end of the thesis, together with photographs. Properties tabulated include materials, dimensions, hallmarks, makers' marks, condition and provenance. Those pieces with special provenance, such as photographs of the wearer or receipts proving purchase, are further investigated in the body of the thesis.

Some of the jewellery in the collection has not been included in my research project. Many items lie outside the dates specified in the title of the thesis, and other items have been judged by me to be too degraded to be analysed in an effective way.

This research involves the study of family papers and photographs at the State library, the Caroline Simpson library at the Mint Museum and Rouse Hill House. As a result of my research individual receipts on metal spikes at Rouse Hill House have been separated for the first time and each receipt has been enclosed in a cellophane envelope and stored (Figure 5). Where possible jewellery receipts have been photographed and cross-referenced with the relevant piece of jewellery.

27 Unger, 'Temptation', p.306. 28 Rouse Thornton, pp.191-194, 220-226.

Figure 5: Spike of Receipts at Rouse Hill House. Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm, SLM

Throughout the course of my research project I have travelled widely to investigate aspects of the Rouse Hill jewellery collection. Apart from many visits to Rouse Hill House, I ventured to Tasmania, where I gained valuable knowledge about colonial jewellery. On my visit to Ireland I was able to view bog oak jewellery similar to that which was owned by Bessie Rouse. In England I was able to research the family history of Richard Rouse in Oxford and to visit York Museums Trust for a private viewing of their jet jewellery. A trip to Whitby in England, the traditional home of the finest jet, allowed me to date pieces from the collection.

Unger suggested a multi-disciplinary approach and a balanced consideration of the way in which the five qualities of jewellery relate to each other. Her vast experience in the world of jewellery-collecting lead her to the following conclusion:

The basic need of people is first of all a sense of belonging, of establishing an identity, and only when that is accomplished, they can also afford to communicate something that sets them a little apart and stresses their own position, likings and personality.29

29 Unger, 'Temptation', pp.307-308.

12 1.6 Jewellery Design in Australia, 1801-1924 Despite the fact that most of the jewellery in the Rouse collection is costume jewellery or in poor condition, it reveals a great deal of information about the history of jewellery design in Australia. Most of the designs originated in Britain until the early 1900s, when uniquely Australian designs emerged and were increasingly appreciated.30

The popularity of particular designs in Australia closely followed the fashion in Britain, although in the early part of the 19th century, lagged behind the mother country. As the number of ships arriving in the colony increased, information about what was fashionable in the UK was known to Australians more quickly.31 In addition, the arrival of magazines from overseas and the emergence of Australian media meant that Australian women no longer felt so isolated.

This research project reveals evidence about design features pertaining to Greek, Roman and Egyptian revival jewellery, mourning jewellery, cameos and the Arts and Crafts period, to name just a few. The chronological order of these design periods has become increasingly obvious as I explore the Rouse Hill House jewellery collection.

1.7 Men's Jewellery The majority of pieces in the Rouse Hill House jewellery collection comprise women's jewellery. The items which did belong to men include pocket watches, cufflinks, shirt studs and tie pins. There are also several buckles and buttons which may have belonged to either sex. These items are typical of the kind of jewellery which middle-class men owned and wore in the 19th century. Photographs in the Rouse collection confirm the understated approach of men to ornamentation of their bodies (Figure 6 & Figure 7).

30 Schofield & Fahy, p.4. 31 Maynard, p.45.

Figure 6: John Richard Rouse (1801-1873), Figure 7: Richard Rouse of Guntawang eldest son of Richard Rouse. (1842-1903), grandson of Richard Rouse. Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm, SLM Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm, SLM

American academic, Jean Arnold, sums up the contrasting approaches to men's and women's jewellery in the 19th century: '….while working class women's lack of jewelry may have evinced their disadvantage, men's lack of jewelry evinced their privilege'.36

I have described the two wonderful men's pocket watches in the main text of the thesis, and the rest of the men's jewellery is included in the appendix. In some ways the dearth of men's jewellery in the collection gives us important information about the male members of the Rouse family's approach to jewellery, and the importance of specific rules in determining one's social status.

1.8 Limitations of the Research Project There are some limitations of the use of visual data in sociological studies. The interpretation of portraits, photographs and written material is affected by the researcher’s background and environment as well as the assumption of a desired outcome.37 Realisation of this bias is essential and necessitates constant vigilance, so that research is based on fact and not assumption. Researcher and author E. McClung Fleming confirmed that evaluation

36 Arnold, p.4. 37 J.D.Prown, 'Mind in Matter: An Introduction to Material Culture and Method., Winterthur Portfolio, vol.17, no.1, 1982, p.4, accessed 30 April 2015 http//www.jstor.org/stable/1180761

14 of artefacts requires self-discipline: 'He [the scholar] stands under the same imperative to be objective, to be skeptical, to use public standards, and to use intuition with caution'.38

Ethical considerations are also significant in my study as the history of Rouse Hill House contains a rift in the family, resulting from financial difficulties, and leading to the resumption of the house in the mid-1970s.39 Caroline Rouse Thornton, who is a great- granddaughter of Bessie Rouse, has written several books on her family and I am very grateful for the amount of information, which I have gained from these publications.

Rouse Thornton holds many treasured diaries and papers written by Rouse family members. Unfortunately, I have been unable to access them. Although I have profited greatly from Rouse Thornton's work, as an academic researcher I have had to address possible bias by researching independently. As a result, my research project relies on jewellery and documents which are in public hands.

This lack of access limits the conclusions I can make regarding the relationship between the Rouse family and their jewellery. I am also aware that I have only gained partial knowledge about the Rouse family and its history. Despite this limitation I have had access to over 100 pieces of jewellery as well as photograph albums, oral histories and Rouse Hill House itself. I have followed in the footsteps of the Rouses, from Oxford in England, to Tasmania, to the house itself, and finally by reading the inquest into Kathleen Rouse's death, accessed from British archives.

Another limitation which must be considered is the bias of archives. Firstly, the Rouse Hill collection belonged to a wealthy Australian family. Realisation that such a collection cannot be considered as 'typical' of the belongings of early Australians is essential. An advantage of this particular collection, however, is that the Rouses suffered financial difficulties at times and jewellery sourced at these times serves to make comparisons possible.

38 E.McClung Fleming, 'Artifact Study: A Proposed Model'. Winterthur Portfolio, vol.9, 1974, p.160, accessed 28 March 2017 http://links.jstor.org/sici=0084-0416%281974%299%3C153%3AASAPM%3E2.0.CO%3B2-F 39 Rouse Thornton, p.327.

15 Social scientists Michael Emmison and Philip Smith elaborate on this point by discussing the problem of 'the selective survival of materials'.40 The Rouses may well have owned many more pieces of jewellery, which have not survived the process of time. Certainly, the collection is incomplete as various pieces are in private hands. In my research I have concentrated on what is available and delved into the history of this jewellery alone.

Finally, making inferences about the social value of jewellery can be problematic. To speculate about why jewellery is worn is a necessary part of a theory of jewellery, but one which must be applied with caution.41 My research project relies on historical evidence relative to the lives of the Rouse family over a period of 120 years, and attempts to match that evidence with their jewellery, or with jewellery which is similar to it and has been previously collected and/or analysed.

Finally, authentication is an important component of the study of antiques and this is particularly relevant for jewellery.42 In Victorian times, as is the case today, cheap reproductions and fake jewellery were prolific, so vigilance in this area is important. Authentication is made more difficult because it was common for Victorian jewellery to be unmarked, both in terms of hallmarks and makers' marks.43 Towards the end of the 19th century distinctive Australian marks made identification easier and in the early 20th century a serious attempt was made to establish a method of assaying and stamping Australian jewellery.44 Several of my trips to the United Kingdom involved viewing similar jewellery to that in the Rouse collection in order to date as much of the collection as possible.

1.9 Chapter Outline Throughout my research for this thesis several concepts have repeatedly emerged and it is on these concepts that my chapters are based. Chapter 2 investigates the role of previous research in the fields of archaeology, material culture, art history and sociology in providing

40 M.Emmison & P.Smith, Researching the Visual. Sage Publications, London, 2000, p.149. 41 Emmison & Smith, p.150. 42 McClung Fleming, p.156. 43 Cavill, Cocks & Grace, p.12. 44 Ibid, p.281-286.

16 information about the lives of people in the past and the ways in which they created and maintained their personal and group identities.

Chapter 3 recognises the role of jewellery in expressing the identity of the wearer. Identity includes allegiance to groups or classes and also the need to express individuality. Social mobility was recognised as a real possibility and a threat in new colonies such as Australia and could determine the social status and financial success of an individual and family.45 By considering specific pieces of jewellery in the Rouse collection and applying Unger's theory of jewellery to them, aspects of the desired group and individual identity of the wearer/owner can be formulated.

In Chapter 4 the importance of home and family is discussed. 'Home' in the Rouse family had a different definition according to the individual and the time in which he or she lived. Many pieces of jewellery in the collection were of British origin even late into the 19th century. It was not until the beginning of the 20th century that allegiances began to change — not only national allegiance, but also allegiance to one's community and family. The change in the type of jewellery worn by members of the family between 1801 and 1924 is discussed in this chapter. Mourning jewellery and memorial pieces are also analysed in Chapter 4.

In Chapter 5 the concept of 'remnant' is explored. Many pieces of jewellery in the Rouse collection now exist as remnants or broken pieces. Does the remnant impart less knowledge about the wearer than complete jewellery? Does hand-made or worn jewellery tell us less than fine jewellery? Consideration of the 'life' of jewellery and the way it informs history are the foundations of this chapter.

Chapter 6 summarises the results of my research project and forms a conclusion. Although studies about the role which men and women played in the construction of early Australian society are readily available, little research has been done about the social and cultural significance of personal ornamentation in the 19th and early 20th centuries. My research project will use extant jewellery, accompanied by rare provenance, to add valuable information to the history of Australian jewellery design.

45 Cramer, pp.52-53.

17 2 Literature Review

…for me there will never be any fascination like the work of human hands: the little pyxis of ivory with musicians and their instruments carved round it; the winged boy; the wonderful head of a woman, ugly, full of energy and personality. 46

- Agatha Christie

2.1 Overview In this chapter I will be discussing the contribution made by previous literature to the study of jewellery in early colonial Australia. References range from literature based on broad topics such as material culture and personal ornament internationally, to family artefacts and ornament in Australia during the 19th century. Finally reference material specifically about Australian jewellery of the 1800s and early 1900s is analysed.

2.2 The Role of Artefacts in Cultural Studies. Before the 1950s personal artefacts were considered inferior as indicators about the lives of people in the past. Architecture, art, glass and ceramics have always been studied by scholars interested in past societies at the expense of dress and jewellery, which were seen as frivolous accessories.47

Since the 1950s interest in the role of artefacts in the formation of identity has gained momentum. Glassware, ceramics and personal ornaments have been uncovered in archaeological digs for over two hundred years. However, it has only been in the last sixty years that the significance of these objects from a sociological perspective has been considered.48 49 This research project studies the role of personal adornment in the

46 Agatha Christie, An Autobiography. William Collins & Sons, 1977, p.67, accessed 17 March 2020 https://litube.net/agatha-christie/page,67,127245-agahta_christie_an_autobiography.html 47 White, pp.17-20. 48 M. Pointon, Brilliant Effects: A Cultural History of Gem Stones & Jewellery. Yale University Press, New Haven, 2009, p.2-3. 49 C.L. White & M.C. Beaudry, 'Artifacts and Personal Identity', in International Handbook of Historical Archaeology. T. Majewski & D.R.M. Gaimster (eds.), New York, 2009, p.211, accessed 17 October 2017 https://www.researchgate.net/publication/226553310_Artifacts_and_Personal_Identity

18 formation of individual identity and in the formation and maintenance of group or class identity.

Jules David Prown was one of the early proponents of the importance of material culture, which includes all man-made items including glassware, pottery, toys, art, clothing and ornaments.50 These objects are not just visual manifestations of human history, but provide information about fashion, religion, attitudes, materials, economy, status and the search for identity.51 52

Archaeologists and social historians are moving away from defining objects as inert. British archaeologists, Chris Fowler and Oliver J.T. Harris, view material culture as the products of time and the relations between the object and its owners over time. For example, the wear and tear to which objects are subjected informs us about society as much as the object itself.53

Material culture practitioner and scholar, Melissa Laird, takes this theory one step further by examining fragmentary remains of objects discovered at Hyde Park Barracks Museum in Sydney. These small, seemingly insignificant items form a historical perspective about the lives of the early colonial women who used and wore them.54

There is often a tendency to dismiss humble objects in favour of the belongings of the wealthy inhabitants of society. Today's museums and galleries are full of historical objects which belonged to society's elite. It is equally important that we value the possessions of working-class people as these items are often rare and informative about personal and class identity.

50 J.D.Prown, p.3. 51 L.Young, 'Subversive jewellery: Challenges to conservative power from the Victorian goldfields', reCollections, vol.7, no.1, 2012, pp.3-4, accessed 31 May 2016 http://recollections.nma.gov.au/issues/volume_7_number_1/papers/subversive_jewellery 52 M.Maynard, pp. 2, 53. 53 C.Fowler & O.J.T.Harris, 'Enduring relations: Exploring a paradox of new materialism,' Journal of Material Culture, vol.20, no.2, 2015, pp.141-142, accessed 23 August 2018 https://doi.org/10.1177/1359183515577176 54 M.Laird, 'Remnant and Reliquary: Fragmentary traces reconciled as object and knowledge', PhD thesis, UTS Digital Theses Collection, 2009, pp.15-16, accessed 23 August 2018 https://opus.lib.uts.edu.au/handle/10453/36654

19 Historian, Associate Professor Tanya Evans, claims that information about the role of women in early Australia is enhanced by the study of artefacts belonging to them, since most written sources were penned by men.55 She also decries the lack of surviving material culture belonging to the poor.

Evans emphasises that women were instrumental in the formation of families in colonial Australia and that their possessions are an intimate part of the history of those families.56 In my study I am fortunate to have the opportunity to view artefacts owned and bought in times of prosperity, and poverty, belonging to the same family.

Another way in which artefacts play a role in cultural studies was discussed by visual culture historian, Ozlem Savas, in 2015.57 Her research concerned the significance of material objects which accompanied Turkish migrants as they made new homes in Vienna during the 1960s. Objects such as tea glasses helped to establish a sense of belonging in a new country and to reduce feelings of isolation.

This study is particularly relevant when one considers the harsh realities of moving from England to Australia in the early 1800s for free settlers. Space on the boats, which carried new settlers, was at a premium, so personal objects carried vast distances would have had special significance for their owners.

2.3 Personal Ornamentation Personal ornamentation of the body is a significant subset of material culture. It includes jewellery, dress ornaments, body piercing and tattoos. This bodily ornament has had specific meaning all over the world from Neanderthal times and has provided a wealth of information regarding individuals' identities and status and the importance of belonging to a group or class.58

55 T.Evans, 'The use of memory and material culture in the history of the family in colonial Australia', Journal of Australian Studies, vol.36, no.2, 2012, p.209, accessed 6 November 2019 https://doi.org/10.1080/14443058.2012.678584 56 Evans, p.208. 57 O.Savas, 'Taste Diaspora: The aesthetic and material practice of belonging', Journal of Material Culture, vol. 19, no.2, 2014, pp.185-208, accessed 24 March 2017 http://journals.sagepub.com.wwwproxy1.library.unsw.edu.au/doi/pdf/10.1177/1359183514521922 58 Oliver, p.26.

20 Decoration of the body is one way in which a person can express his or her individuality. One is restricted in this ornamentation by cost and social convention, but despite attempts to control bodily ornamentation by government laws, history shows that individuals continue to decorate their bodies. Elizabeth I's sumptuary laws attempted to ensure that luxurious clothing and jewellery were only worn by the elite. However, with the emergence of the merchant classes the desire to display one's wealth overcame the threat from the Court.59 As a result, sumptuary laws were eventually repealed. Such triumph over stifling limitations confirms the importance of bodily decoration to the individual.

Personal adornment is also important as an indicator of affiliation to a particular group or class. Dutch art historian, Marjan Unger, stated that jewellery worn by the elite was not so much a sign of social superiority as a sign of allegiance to a social group.60 Rather than proving to those they considered inferior that they could never belong in a higher social class, Unger believes that personal display was used to cement one's position in this hierarchy.

According to White, affiliations to social groups were usually based on ‘gender, class, age and ethnicity’.61 During the 19th century the fashion for adornment of the body reached new heights, in part because items of adornment were cheaper and mass-produced.

In Britain jewellery became accessible to the lower classes and it was no longer possible to delineate between classes on the basis of appearance alone.62 63

White's research in 2008 was based on an archaeological site in New Hampshire, USA. She discovered that items of jewellery were worn according to gender, but also according to age.64 For example, fragments of gold bead necklaces were found at the site of a house belonging to a middle-class family. Similar necklaces were discovered in the portraits of the family but were only seen in portraits of mature women.65 Several portraits of members of

59 Scarisbrick, p.31. 60 Unger, Jewellery in Context, p.15. 61 White, 'Personal Adornment', p.18. 62 Arnold, p.5. 63 Cramer, p.53. 64 White, 'Personal Adornment', pp.26-29. 65 Ibid, p.30.

21 the Rouse family also exist and this dissertation will investigate the relationship with jewellery and the age of the person depicted.

2.4 Men's Jewellery Although men in the 1800s wore jewellery sparingly, Unger claims that men's interest in jewellery should not be underestimated. Although there have been brief periods of time when men were disinclined to ornament their bodies, Unger believes that men have always used jewellery to indicate power, physical attributes and to display signs of their individuality.66

White found examples of buckles and buttons, which she was able to attribute to men. She asserted that these items are significant in providing information about the identity of the wearer. Although the sample size of White's research is small, making generalisations difficult, such findings are becoming more prevalent, enabling researchers to formulate a picture of how individuals and communities presented themselves to the world. In Australia these studies are much rarer.

2.5 A Theory of Jewellery One of the first tasks involved in the production of my research project was to investigate theorists specifically involved with jewellery. This proved to be a difficult job, as I struggled to find many scholars who had devoted time to this task, particularly in Australia.

I then discovered the extensive work done by the Dutch scholar, art historian, writer and collector, Marjan Unger, who died in 2018. Unger devoted many years of her life studying modern jewellery, but she was also interested in the reasons why people wore jewellery in the past.

In her doctoral thesis of 2010, Unger insisted that the study of jewellery must include a multi-disciplinary approach, relying on contributions from the fields of art history, psychology, sociology, material culture, political science, fashion and theology, amongst others.67 My research is concerned with information-gathering, which has led to obtaining

66 Unger, Jewellery in Context, p.63. 67 Ibid, pp.171-172.

22 knowledge from all these fields — it is as if the study of this jewellery collection envelops an organic collaboration of many cultural faculties.

Unger also stressed the importance of the connection between jewellery and fashion and this is particularly relevant to the Rouse family. Despite the hardship resulting from establishing a new home in an undeveloped country, the adherence of both men and women of the Rouse family to the British fashion of the day is remarkable, as is evidenced by photographs in the Rouse Hill House collection.

Finally, Unger analyses the connection between symbolism and jewellery. In her thesis she discusses the different types of symbolism represented by jewellery and links the symbolism to different stages of a person's life:

For example, jewellery for small children can be seen as a form of protection, for adolescents as a sign of reaching sexual or legal maturity, for adults as a sign of availability as a spouse, as a symbol of marriage, as a reward for childbirth, but also as a sign of infertility or rejection of sexual relations, as a sign of social position or a religious function, as a sign of the highest position a person has reached in life, as a warning of death and as a sign of grief.68

Throughout the course of my thesis, some of these symbols emerge on a consistent basis.

2.6 Signs of Class in Victorian England During the 19th century England experienced great change, which was reflected in the vast increase in consumerism during the Victorian period. A great deal of literature has emerged which confirms that British women, although taught by their parents to be understated in dress and pious in demeanour, embraced consumerism with fanatical vigour.69 70 71

In Australia, colonial women, who aspired to middle-class respectability, followed English fashion with great interest. This became easier over time as newspapers and magazines

68 Unger, Jewellery in Context, p.132. 69 A.Beaujot, Victorian Fashion Accessories, Berg, London, 2012, pp.5-6. 70 Arnold, pp.3,7. 71 C.Gere & J.Rudoe, Jewellery in the Age of Queen Victoria: A Mirror to the World. British Museum Press, London, 2010, p.82.

23 were imported from Britain as well as the establishment of the Australian press. Professor Ariel Beaujot is a public historian whose book, 'Victorian Fashion Accessories', sheds light on the priorities of Victorian women:

People of the middle class shared certain values that were often predicated on the difference between themselves and other classes. They thought of themselves as the moral centre of society — a group separate from the drunken, lazy, uncouth working class, and the debauched, womanizing aristocracy.72

This desire for separation was particularly relevant in Australia, where a colony had been established specifically to house convicts exiled from Britain. My research project examines how the women of the Rouse family worked hard to distinguish themselves from others by not just their behavior and decorum, but by their appearance. Despite living on a relatively isolated rural property, early photographs illustrate the desire of the family to following British norms (see Figure 2).

2.7 Gender Roles in Colonial Australian Society The roles which men and women played in the establishment of family and reputation must be considered in this research project. In some ways these roles were unique to British colonies, especially for rural families.

Historian, Kirsten McKenzie, has researched the complex machinations of establishing and maintaining social status in early New South Wales. According to McKenzie the role of men in early Australia was to provide financial stability for their families. This role also necessitated behaviour which exhibited propriety and good taste in partnership with a compatible and supportive spouse.73

72 Beaujot, p.5. 73 K.McKenzie, Scandal in the Colonies: Sydney and Capetown, 1820-1850. Melbourne University Press, Carlton, Victoria, 2004, p.183.

24 McKenzie states that reputations could be easily lost, and although her book, 'Scandal in the Colonies', does not specifically mention the role of jewellery, she does stress that managing the way in which material objects were used contributed to the building of status.74

The role of a colonial woman was as homemaker and respectable wife, and young women were brought up to believe that their lives were inextricably bound up with the aim of getting married and producing children.75 However it was also required that women should provide evidence of their husband's success, and personal display, including jewellery, was an effective way of doing this.

Financial security was extremely important from a practical point of view, but research has shown that the appearance of wealth and success was just as important as the wealth itself.76 Curator Joanna Gilmour's work from 2012, 'Elegance in Exile', offers a fascinating contrast between portraiture of convicts, indigenous people and early settlers in Australia.

In combination with the earlier work of historian, Eve Buscombe, I have been able to compare the Rouse Hill jewellery collection with the jewellery worn in many of the portraits. In doing so I have been careful to consider the accuracy of the portraits, as artists of the day were often required to devise images which may have exaggerated the apparent success of the sitter.77

Personal display contributed in a very significant way to the family's appearance of success. Appropriate clothing was essential, and jewellery added the finishing touches to the image one wanted to convey. However, the stability of Australian class culture was disturbed by the discovery of gold in the mid-1800s. It was now possible for new Australians, regardless of their backgrounds, to flaunt their new-found wealth. As a result of the confusion which ensued over class boundaries, new rules were drawn up for acceptance into high class society.78 79

74 McKenzie, p.47. 75 McKenzie, p.91. 76 J.Gilmour, Elegance in Exile: Portrait Drawings from Colonial Australia. National Portrait Gallery, Canberra, 2012, p.28. 77 Gilmour, p.5. 78 Elliott, pp.24-25. 79 P.Russell, A Wish of Distinction: Colonial Gentility and Femininity. Melbourne University Press, Melbourne, 1994, p.7.

25 Towards the end of the 19th century discipline in the wearing of jewellery became the new norm. Covering the body in rings, bracelets and necklaces showed a lack of taste and the newly rich were scorned for displaying excessive wealth. Suddenly the middle-class family needed to consider the degree to which their personal ornamentation abided by the new rules of propriety. In particular, the wearing of more than one or two pieces of jewellery by men was no longer acceptable, although a signet ring or a discreet watch or tie pin was often appreciated as a sign of good taste.80

Rural families, by necessity, had to juggle practicalities with the need to appear to be successful and reputable members of society. Life on the land was fraught with drought, flood and extremes of heat, so it is questionable how much time and energy men and women could afford to devote to their appearance in society.

The Rouse family were rural new settlers, having come from relatively humble British families. In New South Wales they managed to establish an impressive home and significant wealth from grazing, and they employed staff to cook, clean and work on their land.81 They also established relationships within the upper classes of colonial society. At times over their 150 years at Rouse Hill House they had to dismiss staff, sell their jewellery and do much of the manual work themselves.82 To study their appearance through photographs and portraits is to trace the highs and lows of their lives.

Dress historian, Margaret Maynard, has studied the way in which clothing and jewellery have been dismissed as a serious indication of the way in which women communicate with each other, and in which women communicate with men. In the 19th century it was considered inappropriate to discuss bodily ornamentation and, as a result, the study of dress and jewellery was not accepted as a serious subject for research. As Maynard explains:

In the historiography of Australia such views and the absence of serious attention to dress, have been especially marked. The silences over the

80 Arnold, p.4. 81 Rouse Thornton, pp.57-62, 162. 82 Ibid, pp.191-192, 287.

26 subject, linked as they are to the silences over women and their historical experiences, warrant further scrutiny.83

Maynard's book, 'Fashioned from Penury', was published in 1994 and since this time research about the lives of women in colonial Australia has increased dramatically. Historians such as Penny Russell and Kirsten McKenzie have revealed detailed information about the significant pressures, which early Australian women felt with regard to maintaining the social and financial status of their families. Dress and fashion history have received even greater attention by authors such as Jane Elliott and Lorinda Cramer.

However, the role which jewellery played in establishing and maintaining social status for colonial and early 20th century women has been largely ignored. Australian scholars have been passionate in researching Gold Rush jewellery, with some interesting research regarding the social impact of new-found wealth in Victoria. However, most Australian publications about jewellery involve detailed descriptions of the jewellery itself, its design and the jewellers who produced it.84

2.8 The Role of Personal Ornament in Australian Cultural Studies In Australia in the early 19th century traditional British class divisions were being questioned as a result of opportunities for prosperity for all new Australians-migrants, merchants and ex-convicts. Cramer discusses how Australian women used dress to establish their identity in the case of the newly rich, or in an attempt to maintain class divisions for those with ‘old’ money.85

Early Australian settlers who had come from families in Britain of high social status felt the need to maintain their positions and were vocal in their claims that they constituted a ‘better class of colonist’.86 In Australia this double standard was particularly evident as a result of the Gold Rush in Victoria and New South Wales. The instant wealth acquired by early settlers was often displayed in day-to-day life in their jewellery and clothes, resulting

83 Maynard, p.4. 84 For example, see publications by Schofield & Fahy, Cavill, Cocks & Grace, Czernis-Ryl. 85 Cramer, p.55. 86 Russell, p.5.

27 in indignant cries by government officials and members of society who were from the British upper classes.87

In 1859 William J.P. Kelly made his feelings known:

Even at the mayor's ball there was overmuch of the same leaven to make the entertainment completely palatable to people reared and trained under the commonly understood ideas of British propriety. For preach, and speak, and write as we like about equality and the abolition of social distinctions, the doctrine will never take root in the hearts of those who reach the period of manhood in the sea-girt isles.88

How then did new settlers, who were not from wealthy and elite British families, attain high social status in Australia? Colonial portraits offer an insight into the need for personal display as an indicator of success. Gilmour discussed the reasons for the increase in commissions for portraits in the second half of the 19th century:

Colonial administrators and officials, the social elites and well-born landowners took care to distinguish themselves and assert their social dominance by way of refined and elegant possessions, pursuits and lifestyles. Others were of the class of people who, having overcome the stigma of convictism or worked their way to wealth and social standing, were more energetic and ostentatious in their ways.89

This dissertation will investigate the struggle of an early Australian family to achieve social distinction. Richard Rouse’s family in England had suffered the indignity of losing a great deal of money, and his reasons for moving to Australia may have included the desire for a new start and increased prosperity.90 This research project studies the role that jewellery played in the appearance of prosperity.

87 Young, p.7. 88 W.J.P. Kelly, Life in Victoria; or, Victoria in 1853, and ….in 1858. Chapman and Hall, London, 1859 p.32. 89 Gilmour, p.4. 90 Rouse Thornton, pp.5-6.

28 2.9 The Role of Jewellery in Early Australia In 1788, when the first fleet arrived in Australia, the highest priority for convicts and the landed gentry was survival. Food, clothing and the necessities of life were of much greater importance than luxuries such as jewellery. Although there were four convicts who arrived with the fleet who had some experience with jewellery, watchmaking and silver, the general consensus among the population was that any local product was vastly inferior to its British counterpart.91

Most jewellery worn in the early 1800s appears to have been imported from Britain, although there are very few pieces still in existence from this time. Loyalty to Britain was paramount and new settlers were attempting to recreate their homeland in Australia. Wealthy Australians imported furniture, furnishings, clothing and architectural designs from England and local goods were often spurned.

The emotional connection to Britain became less intense as the 19th century progressed and by the middle of the century Australians were beginning to commission pieces from local jewellers.92 93 This new enthusiasm for local jewellery was also a result of the discovery of gold in Victoria and the associated increase in population.94

2.10 Australian Jewellery Publications In 1990 antique jewellery dealer, Anne Schofield and co-author, Kevin Fahy, produced a comprehensive book, 'Australian Jewellery, 19th and Early 20th Century', which covers the history of Australian jewellery from the arrival of the First Fleet. It describes the designs, materials and provenance of jewellery produced by immigrant jewellers, and discusses the emergence of unique Australian jewellery and the makers, who produced it.

Following this publication, researchers Kenneth Cavill, Graham Cocks and Jack Grace produced a reference book, 'Australian Jewellers, Gold and Silversmiths, Makers and Marks,' listing Australian jewellers and their identifying marks from the 1820s to the 1950s. Finally, in 2011 Eva Czernis-Ryl edited a book, 'Brilliant: Australian Gold and Silver 1851-

91 Schofield & Fahy, pp.10,15. 92 Czernis-Ryl, p.9. 93 Cavill, Cocks & Grace, p.20. 94 Schofield & Fahy, p.32.

29 1950', which illustrated the collection of metalwork belonging to the Powerhouse Museum in Sydney.

'Brilliant' provides a thorough history of not only Australian jewellery, but also presentation cups, tableware and trophies made of gold and silver. Some less precious material is analysed, but once again the makers and craftsmen involved in the production of these items are the focus of this publication.

Although these books are comprehensive, none is concerned with the social meaning of jewellery, nor the personal connection between the jewel and its owner, as my research project sets out to do.

2.11 The Jewellery Collection at Rouse Hill House Richard and Elizabeth Rouse arrived in Australia in late 1801 and lived in a tent with their two children until their first home was built. Members of the family then lived in Rouse Hill House until the 1970s. The house is now owned by the NSW State Government, along with furniture, jewellery, photographs and memorabilia, which once belonged to the family (Figure 8).

Figure 8: The sitting room, Rouse Hill House, June 2004. Source: Sydney Living Museums

The house now operates as a museum, with some rooms open to the public on a regular basis. School visits are common and are used to educate students about the lifestyles of early Australian settlers. The jewellery collection is mostly kept in drawers in the office of

30 the house, although some of the more valuable pieces are on display in glass cabinets in various rooms.

The operation of the museum is run by Sydney Living Museums, who offer an informative website of articles pertaining to the contents and history of Rouse Hill House. Portraits of members of the Rouse family are available on the website as are images of significant pieces of the jewellery collection. These images are accompanied by brief descriptions of the jewellery and any known history of the owners.

Caroline Rouse Thornton wrote and self-published a thorough and well-researched book about the Rouse family in 2015. The history of the family from the 18th century to the mid- 20th century is documented along with a family tree. However, little mention is made of the jewellery belonging to the Rouse family.

Thornton's book traces the economic prosperity of the family as well as the various financial and familial disasters, which they experienced. It provides good general knowledge about the Rouse family and Rouse Hill House. However, as a result of the family's diverse feelings regarding the sale of the house, care must be taken to consider possible bias surrounding the publication of this book.

Apart from the Sydney Living Museums website, publications about the jewellery of Rouse Hill House are very rare. Occasionally an article has appeared in 'Australiana' magazine regarding a specific piece of jewellery from the collection 95, but there has never been a study of the collection as a whole. When Rouse Hill House was sold, a catalogue of the contents of the house was produced, including the jewellery collection. This catalogue is kept by Sydney Living Museums and is a thorough attempt to describe the jewellery and to date it wherever possible. However, a research project about the collection and the social history it invokes is necessary.

The Rouse collection consists of both valuable jewellery and costume pieces. Jean Arnold discusses the pre-occupation with material objects which permeated Victorian society in Britain.96 As a result of industrialisation new materials became available and inexpensive

95 S.Carlin, 'The Elizabeth Rouse Mourning Brooch', Australiana, vol.16, no.2, May 1994, pp.49-53. 96 Arnold, p.2-3.

31 jewellery and clothing could be accessed by middle income and low-income families.97 Early Australian settlers, including the Rouses, showed enthusiasm for arts and crafts, including indigenous and home-made jewellery.

2.12 Conclusion Since the 1950s the number of scholars extolling the virtues of studying material culture has increased dramatically. However, not all types of material culture have been treated equally. Jewellery and fashion have often been ignored in favour of ceramics, glassware, architecture and furniture.

Jewellery as an art form has been appreciated, particularly in Europe, where many publications were produced, which turned attention to high-end designers, materials and makers. In Australia the majority of interest has been directed to Gold Rush jewellery. It is time to turn our attention to jewellery belonging to the common man.

Although the Rouse family can scarcely be described as poor, their jewellery represents not only the lives of middle-class colonial Australians, but also illustrates times when they experienced prosperity and poverty. This diversity may well be what makes the Rouse Hill jewellery collection unique.

My research project helps to fill a substantial gap in not only jewellery history, but in sociological and cultural history. It is to be hoped that other colonial collections may be discovered and analysed in the future and will provide further information about how people lived in early Australia.

97 Elliott, p.21.

32 3 Identity and Social Status

3.1 Overview In this chapter I consider how the identities of the Rouse family were created, managed and maintained after the initial arrival of Richard and Elizabeth Rouse in Sydney in 1801.98 For the purpose of this thesis 'identity' is defined as the way we see ourselves as individuals and the way we fit into groups. These groups may be based on ethnicity, religion, politics, age and many other things.

Identity and social status are closely related. Particularly in the first half of the 19th century, it was extremely important for Elizabeth and Richard Rouse and their children to establish their individual and group identities in order for them to be accepted into a social hierarchy: that is, to achieve high social status. Jewellery historians Rudoe and Gere explain the importance of adhering to strict social norms during the 19th century in Britain:

With financial prosperity and rising social status people were anxious to be seen to do the right thing. Conduct and etiquette, including rules on wearing jewellery were regarded as important and widely followed at every social level. Minute gradations in status were demonstrated by the correct ornaments and accessories.99

In order to consider the way in which jewellery contributed to the individual identities of members of the Rouse family, I travelled to Oxford to research Richard Rouse's family history.100

Richard was born in Oxford, England in 1774, the son of Richard Rouse, a carpenter and shopkeeper and his wife, Elizabeth. Evidence of Richard senior's optimistic approach to his business was displayed in an advertisement (Figure 9) offering a variety of goods for 'those who please to honour him with their favours'.

98 Some information in this chapter has been discussed in the following publication: J.Oliver, 'Rouse Hill Jewellery Collection', 2020, which has been acknowledged and detailed in the ‘Inclusion of Publications Statement’ for this thesis. 99 Gere & Rudoe, p.82. 100 I visited Oxfordshire History Centre on 18th May, 2019 to view the newspaper archives relating to the Rouse family and to confirm details noted in Rouse Thornton's book, Rouse Hill House & the Rouses.

33 Richard senior enjoyed some success in his business, since by 1779 he was also the owner of several properties and had taken on apprentices.101

Figure 9: Advertisement in Jackson's Oxford Journal, No. 736, Page 2, 6th June, 1767. Source: Oxfordshire History Centre, Oxford, UK

However, another advertisement appearing in December 1781, declared that Richard Rouse was bankrupt (Figure 10). At the time of the bankruptcy proceedings Richard junior was six years old. Richard was one of five children, although a sixth child, his brother, William, may have died in infancy.102

We do not know the effect on the family of the loss of livelihood, but the trauma must have been substantial. Little else is known about the childhood of Richard Rouse junior, but he appears to have worked as a self-employed carpenter.103 On the 5th June 1796 he married Elizabeth Adams, and their first daughter, Mary was born in 1799. In 1801 the family sailed to Australia on board the 'Nile' along with other free settlers, members of the military, approximately 100 convicts and the crew.

101 Rouse Thornton, p.4, note 'a'. 102 Ibid, p.5. 103 Ibid, p.8.

Figure 10: Advertisement in Jackson's Oxford Journal, 29th December 1781, page 3. Source: Oxfordshire History Centre, Oxford, UK

35 The first mention of jewellery in Rouse family history was written by Richard in a notebook kept during the journey. Richard states that his baby daughter, born en route to Australia, had her ears pierced ('yars bord') and received a pair of earrings as a gift from a fellow- passenger:

My daughter had her yars bord A Percon on Bord made her a present of a pair of yair Ringes…. 104

It is hard to imagine what motivated Richard and Elizabeth to embark on such an arduous journey. Perhaps the desire for a fresh start in a new country was the driving force. Australia was a largely unknown destination in 1801 — inhospitable, undeveloped and largely inhabited by convicts and indigenous people. For a young couple with two small children it was a huge life decision to leave their families and friends and settle in Australia.

Upon their arrival in Sydney Cove Richard and Elizabeth and their two children lived in a tent and received government rations for one year, including food and clothes. They also received a grant of land and seed for crops.105 It appears that they had little to bring with them for their future life, but the first signs of Richard's business acumen soon became apparent. Richard had brought a large amount of tea to Australia and subsequently sold it to supplement his income.106

In 1802 Richard was granted 100 acres in Richmond Hill, near the Hawkesbury River, north- west of Sydney. This land was traditionally the home of the Bidgigal people, who were a clan of the Darug Aboriginal nation.107 Over the previous ten years the Aboriginal people had resisted the loss of their land and the number of deaths of both indigenous people and free settlers is unknown. However archaeological sites in the Richmond and Windsor area show that Aboriginal people had settled the land for thousands of years before the arrival of Europeans.108

104 Rouse Thornton, p.11. 105 V.L.V.Haigh, Richard Rouse of Rouse Hill, an Early Pioneer, Journal of the Royal Australian Historical Society, vol.12, 1927, p.353. 106 Rouse Thornton, p.17. 107 Ibid, p.26. 108 Ibid, p26.

36 By the time Richard Rouse completed Rouse Hill House in the mid-1820s it is likely that the population of Aboriginal people in the area was significantly depleted. Specific information regarding Richard's relationship with the indigenous community is unknown, and the scope of this thesis does not include a study of this relationship.

Having cleared a large swathe of land Richard acquired livestock and horses, presumably with the help of his wife's inheritance of 100 pounds sterling and the sale of tea.109 In 1805 Richard was appointed Superintendent of Public Works and Convicts at Parramatta, and so began the remarkable story of a self-made family in the colony of New South Wales.

The jewellery included in this chapter has been selected based on certain criteria. Each piece has a personal relationship with a member of the Rouse family, and a story to tell. In particular, the portrait miniatures of the original settlers, Richard and Elizabeth, supply rare information and images of these early Australians. The chatelaine at the end of the chapter is also a rare piece of jewellery, which belonged to a servant of the family.

Similarly, the remaining examples show a personal connection to their owners and their desire to be seen as successful and prosperous. The provenance of these individual items is excellent, and rare in early Australian collections.

Each of the following pieces is analysed according to the jewellery theory and classification of jewellery by Marjan Unger, as detailed in Chapter 1.110

3.2 Portrait Brooch of Elizabeth Rouse There is little information about Elizabeth Rouse in public records. She must have worked very hard in the early years as the family readily increased in size. Curator and author, Scott Carlin, discovered in an inquest document that Elizabeth supervised and perhaps provided meals for a group of around ten convicts, so she was obviously essentially involved in the running of Rouse Hill Farm.111

To my knowledge there are only two portraits of Elizabeth in existence — a mourning brooch now kept at the Mitchell Library in Sydney (Figure 11 & Figure 12) and a much larger

109 Rouse Thornton, p.17. 110 See Chapter 1, page 7. 111 Carlin, p.50.

37 similar painting which now hangs in Rouse Hill House, by a local Paramatta artist, William Griffith.

Figure 11: Elizabeth Rouse Portrait Miniature. Figure 12: Reverse side of Elizabeth Rouse Source: State Library of NSW mourning brooch. Source: State Library of NSW

i. Artistic Value The artistic value of this piece of jewellery, as prescribed by Marian Unger, includes its substantial size, 7.2 by 6cm, and the material of which it is made, which has been documented as either gold or gold-plate.112 Apparent tarnishing suggests that it may, alternatively, be silver gilt. Four crossed ribbons highlight the design and the portrait is painted in watercolour on an ivory background. There are no hallmarks or maker's marks on the brooch, so its origins are unknown.

112 Curator and author, Scott Carlin describes the brooch as gold-plated, while the State Library lists the brooch as gold. See S.Carlin, The Elizabeth Rouse Mourning Brooch, Australiana, May 1994, p.53, endnote 37.

38 Although the portrait is dated circa 1825-1830, the brooch was probably made around 1849, since the inscription on the reverse of the piece states:

Mrs E. Rouse 26th Decr 1849 At 76 Years

The brooch has a glass front and back, the latter which encloses a lock of plaited brown/grey hair. The pin is 5.7cm long and the brooch has a simple C-shaped catch. ii. Historical and Emotional Value The historical significance of the mourning brooch is confirmed in an early photograph, known as a daguerreotype, of Eleanor Wingate, nee Rouse, dated circa 1856 (Figure 13). Eleanor was the seventh child of Richard and Elizabeth Rouse. In this portrait she proudly wears the brooch containing the portrait miniature of her mother, despite the fact that it was seven years since her mother's death. Receipts from May 1852 show that Eleanor was buying mourning apparel.113 Perhaps at this time she also commissioned mourning jewellery, including the brooch.

Figure 13: Eleanor Wingate nee Rouse. Source: Rouse Hill House & Farm, SLM

113 Rouse Thornton, p.83.

39 The portrait miniature was in family hands until 1937, when it was donated to the State Library by a member of the Rouse family. It is in excellent condition and was lovingly kept for over one hundred years, proving that such items were significant to the family. iii. Social Value Information about Elizabeth's identity can be obtained by careful viewing of the portrait miniature. The clothes, which Elizabeth is wearing, are simple with some understated and tasteful embellishment, such as the embroidery and the small rectangular brooch, which fastens her shawl. The brooch is no longer a part of the Rouse Hill collection, so it may be in private hands or lost.

Elizabeth's appearance may have been influenced by several factors. Firstly, the Rouses lived in what was a rural environment in the early 1800s. Access to high quality fashion garments and jewellery was limited due to the lack of regular supplies from Britain and the lack of trust in the local product.114 Local jewellery was often suspected of being stolen or having been reconstituted after melting down currency.115 In addition, access to a variety of clothes and jewellery would necessitate a long trip to the city. As a result, it is likely that Elizabeth's humble brooch at her neckline was brought with her from England.

Secondly, although the taste for ornamentation of the body was emerging, members of British society born in the 18th century still believed that piety and respectability were best served by plain, simple clothing and little jewellery. As historian, Professor Ariel Beaujot, explains:

Victorians continued to believe, along with their early modern forbearers, that the moral character of a woman was communicated through her body and therefore could be read by those around her.116

114 Maynard, p.45. 115 Schofield & Fahy, p.15. 116 Beaujot, p.1.

40 Elizabeth's apparel consists of a cotton dress and a muslin collar with a simple shawl, quite different to the sumptuous fabrics and ornamentation, which middle-class women were able to easily access later in the 19th century.117

However, despite isolation, it was necessary that Elizabeth promoted her husband's success and, in a country where social mobility was increasing, appearance was one way in which women could display their family's prosperity.

Social historian Penny Russell describes 'the genteel performance', which was largely the responsibility of women.118 It involved associating with the right people, morality and codes of ethics and the appearance of such values. As such, when we look at Elizabeth Rouse's portrait, we can see a woman who is tastefully but conservatively dressed, and the little brooch is just the right addition to complete the picture of 'gentility'.

Thirdly, older women tended to dress in a more decorous fashion than the younger generation throughout the 19th century, including fewer items of jewellery and a lack of more ostentatious designs, such as the pendulous earrings preferred by young women. Jewellery historians Rudoe and Gere describe the fading, but still apparent, influence of the older generation:

Any display of Victorian luxury goods is inevitably overshadowed by the moral issues that so exercised the older generation, many of whom were raised on strict Evangelical principles and were therefore strongly opposed to any display of wealth.119 iv. Financial Value Information regarding the value of jewellery relative to the income of a middle-class family in the first half of the 19th century in Australia is difficult to obtain. Research by economic historians Laura Panza and Geoffrey Williamson published in 2017 compared living standards of Australians to that of the residents of London and the United States between 1821 and 1871. Although Australia lagged behind both Londoners and Americans in the

117 State Library of NSW, accessed 5 August 2020 http://archival.sl.nsw.gov.au/Details/archive/110322058 118 Russell, p58. 119 Gere & Rudoe, p.101.

41 early years, by the 1870s the living standards of Australians were well ahead due to 'exceptionally fast growth'.120

In addition, the cost of labour was very cheap in the first half of the 19th century, giving families such as the Rouses a large amount of disposable income.121 This information marries well to the evidence of increased prosperity of the Rouse family between those same years. Receipts show that the family were spending freely not only on food, building supplies and other staples, but on luxuries such as jewellery and embellishments for clothing.

The financial value of jewellery in the Rouse Hill collection can only be based on the materials and, to a lesser extent, the design of the pieces with reference to the fashion of the day. As a result, the cost of Elizabeth's mourning brooch is unknown, but it does show that the Rouse family were now in a position where they could afford such luxuries as jewellery. By 1825 Rouse Hill House was close to completion and the family owned large areas of productive land. Richard and Elizabeth had managed to fulfil their dream of a new start and financial security.

3.3 Portrait Miniature of Richard Rouse Despite his lack of formal education, Richard Rouse became an extremely successful pastoralist. By 1846 Richard owned and managed at least 1200 acres, with the help of his sons Edwin, George, and John Richard. Richard was well known to Governors King, Bligh and Macquarie and he and his wife must have been expected to impress British bureaucrats as well as local 'elites'. The Australian historian, Kirsten McKenzie describes the pressure that new settlers felt:

Elite men and women were obsessed with the attitude of Britain towards every aspect of their lives. Public events and scandals in the colonies, both

120 L.Panza & J.G.Williamson, 'Australian Exceptionalism? Inequality and Living Standards 1821-1871', Discussion Paper series, Centre for Economic History, The Australian National University, 2017, p.31, accessed 24 March 2020 cbe.anu.edu.au/researchpapers/ceh/WP201701.pdf 121 Panza & Williamson, p.32.

42 major and minor, were constantly accompanied by the question of how they would be considered in Britain.122 i. Artistic and Financial Value Kept in a glass case at Rouse Hill House is an 18-carat gold fob case containing a portrait of Richard (Figure 14 & Figure 15). The finial is marked 'K18' and the case is engraved with net hatching on both sides. On one side is a blank cartouche (oval shape) and on the other side the case is decorated with a basket of flowers.123 The portrait consists of watercolour and oil painted on ivory.

Due to the use of 18-carat gold and the fine workmanship exhibited in this piece it would have been an expensive piece of jewellery in the mid-19th century.

Figure 14 Portrait miniature of Richard Rouse. Figure 15 Case with flowers. Source: Rouse Hill House & Farm, SLM Source: Rouse Hill House & Farm, SLM ii. Historical and Emotional Value The portrait is once again similar to a larger painting of Richard by William Griffith, dated 1847, which hangs in Rouse Hill House. Since Richard died in 1852 the miniature may have been produced as a mourning object, similar to Elizabeth's.

The personal and emotional value of the miniature is largely unknown as public access to letters and diaries of the time was not available at the time of this research. We do know

122 McKenzie, p.13. 123 Sydney Living Museums catalogue, accession number, R100/30.

43 that Richard's portrait and the case which encloses it have been carefully and lovingly preserved, evidenced by their wonderful condition after more than 100 years. iii. Social Value The portrait is of an older man with no jewellery or embellishment of any kind. Even more so than women, men of Richard's era eschewed the wearing of conspicuous clothes and jewellery.124 This marries well with the portrait of Elizabeth, whose appearance was similarly restrained.

In an undated picture of Governor Philip Gidley King we can see that the fashion for aspirational men in the early 1800s was very similar to the dress of Richard Rouse — no jewellery, well-groomed hair and sideburns and an elegant and respectable appearance (Figure 16).125 Rouse was a contemporary and a strong supporter of King throughout the Rum Rebellion in NSW.

Figure 16: Governor Philip Gidley King, artist unknown, undated. Source: Mitchell Library, State Library of New South Wales

124 Arnold, p.1. 125 Unknown artist. Governor Philip Gidley King, n.d., oil on canvas, State Library of NSW, accessed 8 August 2019 sl.nsw.gov.au/collection-items/governor-king

44 What identity was Richard attempting to convey in his portrait? Perhaps the description of Richard in the Australian Dictionary of Biography comes closest to depicting this enigmatic man:

Rouse was the type of pioneer that the colony needed, a devoted family man, a loyal member of the Church of England, a hard-working and honest public servant and a very efficient grazier.126

3.4 Hannah Rouse's Cameo Ring Richard and Elizabeth had ten children, of whom seven survived to adulthood. Their three sons, John Richard, Edwin and George helped Richard to expand his empire and to run his vast estates. Edwin and George proved to be capable and industrious pastoralists and businessmen (Figure 17 & Figure 18). John Richard, Richard's eldest son, never married and was declared bankrupt, perhaps as a result of a gambling habit. It was only after the death of his wife that Richard cut financial ties with his son.127

After his marriage in 1840 George settled with his wife and children at a family property at Windsor known as 'Jericho'.128 Edwin married Hannah Hipkins, who had emigrated to Australia from England in 1837 at the age of 18 years with her aunt and brother. After their marriage in 1840 Hannah and Edwin settled west of the Blue Mountains at remote 'Guntawang', another of Richard's pastoral properties.

Here they spent the next 15 years, raising five children and turning 'Guntawang' into a productive and lucrative business. Hannah was twelve years younger than Edwin but despite the isolation and hard work required to maintain her family and home across the Blue Mountains, she succeeded in forming a successful partnership with her husband.

A few years after Richard's death Edwin and his family moved to Rouse Hill House, but Edwin died in 1862 after only seven years at the house. Edwin had ensured that Hannah and

126 M.Lenehan, 'Rouse, Richard (1774-1852)', Australian Dictionary of Biography vol.2, National Centre of Biography, Australian National University, 1967, accessed 8 August 2019 adb.anu.edu.au/biography/rouse-richard-2612 127 Rouse Thornton, pp. 80-81. 128 Ibid, p.73.

45 her children would be provided for by establishing a Trust, of which Hannah was a Trustee along with two others.129

Figure 17: Edwin Rouse, c.1865. Figure 18: George Rouse, 1873-1879. Source: Caroline Simpson Library, SLM Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm, SLM

In 1868 Hannah travelled to England with three of her five children, leaving her 21-year-old son, Richard, in charge of Edwin's estate.130 It was on this trip that Hannah probably bought her cameo ring (Figure 20). Although the ring was a reminder of her travels, it had other meanings, as Rudoe and Gere explain:

One of the many attractions of cameos for the Victorians was their value as souvenirs of travel, but they had wider connotations-not least of connoisseurship, taste and classical learning-in the jewellery culture of the age.131

129 Rouse Thornton, p.112. 130 Ibid, p.118. 131 Gere & Rudoe, p.467.

46 i. Artistic and Financial Value The ring is made of gold set with a cameo profile of the Roman Emperor, Augustus. The white moulded glass head is set into a black glass background and the edge of the ring has a gold rope border.132 There are no hallmarks or maker's marks. Hannah is depicted wearing the ring in a photograph taken in London by the studio photographers, Elliott and Fry (Figure 19).

The intrinsic value of Hannah's ring is unknown. Moulded glass cameos were popular and prolific in the mid-19th century. The influx of tourists to Italy, especially Rome, from all over the world resulted in a huge increase in the production of jewellery and souvenirs. Hannah's ring is made of gold, which gives it certain intrinsic value, but the cost of the ring at the time it was made is difficult to evaluate.

Figure 20: Hannah Rouse's cameo ring. Figure 19: Hannah Terry Rouse, c1868. Source: Rouse Hill House & Farm, SLM Source: Rouse Hill House & Farm, SLM Image: © Jamie North, 2013

132 Catalogue of contents, accession number, HR101/20.

47 ii. Historical, Personal and Emotional Value. The historical value of Hannah's ring is that it supports the theory that the middle of the 19th century was a time in which Victorians were travelling extensively to Europe, not just from Britain but also from the colonies. Rudoe and Gere claim that these 'Grand Tours' were not confined to conspicuously wealthy members of society, as those of the previous century had been. As a result of the Industrial Revolution, increased jewellery production now provided cheaper souvenirs for travellers with less money but as much enthusiasm.133 iii. Social Value Hannah's appearance in Figure 19 and in many other photographs of her during her lifetime suggest that her personal identity was significantly connected to her appearance. Jewellery played a large part in her personal display. In 1868 members of the Rouse family were at the height of their wealth and Hannah was concerned that others should see her as a successful and respectable woman.

The cameo ring on her right hand, along with two brooches, a chain and earrings implies that Hannah is wealthy, educated and knowledgeable. She may still be wearing mourning dress, but her extravagant head-dress reassures the viewer that she is a successful woman of the world, enjoying the fruits of her family's labour. When we compare Hannah's appearance with that of her mother-in-law, Elizabeth, it can be seen that personal identity in Hannah's time no longer depended on restraint of ornamentation but may in fact have been enhanced by personal display.

Hannah returned to England on three occasions, staying for increasing periods of time, perhaps because two of her daughters lived in the UK with their families. How then did Hannah view herself? Did she consider herself as Australian or British? Certainly, the number of studio photographs of Hannah taken in both England and Australia imply that she was aspiring for high social status in both of those countries. Personal adornment would have been particularly relevant for her in England as she tried to convince those in her British social circle that she deserved her place in society, despite her 'colonial' home.

133 Gere & Rudoe, p.484.

48 3.5 Edwin Stephen Rouse's Pocket Watch Edwin and Hannah had two sons and three daughters. The youngest of their five children, Edwin Stephen (1849-1931), was an integral part of the story of Rouse Hill House, having lived there for over 50 years (Figure 21). When his father died, Edwin Stephen was only 13 years old, but he was shortly after to take on the responsibility for the management and ownership of Rouse Hill House and Farm. A potent reminder of the responsibility given to Edwin Stephen is the pocket watch presented by his family around 1864 (Figure 22 & Figure 23).

Figure 21: Edwin Stephen Rouse, c1866. Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm, SLM

49 i. Artistic Value The open-faced fob watch is made of silver and the engine-turned back is monogrammed on a central shield, 'ESR', with London hallmark and the date letter for 1864. The watch has a white face with an inset face for seconds. A second hand is missing. The watch is accompanied by a key and a pink bag for storage, probably a later addition.

Despite the London hallmark, the face of the watch carries the name of a local Sydney watchmaker, Timothy Tillotson Jones (c.1819-1897), who arrived in Sydney as a free settler with his family in the mid-1850s. His watch and clock-making business was located in George St, Sydney.134

Figure 22: Edwin Stephen's pocket watch. Figure 23: Monogram 'ESR' on Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm, SLM Edwin Stephen's watch case. Image: © Greg Weight, 2013 Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm, SLM

Receipts kept at Rouse Hill House show that in later years Edwin Stephen and his wife Bessie travelled to Sydney once a month to stock up on necessities and sometimes purchase luxury items. Perhaps Hannah Rouse made a similar trip to Jones, the jeweller, shortly after her husband's death to order the watch for Edwin Stephen.

134 Schofield & Fahy, p.206.

50 ii. Historical and Personal Value The presentation of the watch to Edwin Stephen marks a significant milestone in the history of Rouse Hill House. This time was the beginning of a new era for the Rouses. Richard Rouse had made the initial step of moving to Australia and building a family fortune and Edwin Rouse had maintained and built upon this legacy. Now it was up to Edwin Stephen to continue the tradition of prosperity. He must have felt the pressure of the responsibility and the young man in Figure 21 looks at the camera with a serious yet sensitive face, leading the viewer to wonder what he was feeling about his family's expectations. iii. Social Value At the age of 15 it could be argued that Edwin Stephen's identity was still being formed, so it is pertinent to ask what influences were being exerted on him at the time. As social archaeologists, White and Beaudry assert:

The concept of identity is complicated, paradoxical, and culturally situated in time, place, and society. Identity is at once both imposed by others and self-imposed, and is continuously asserted and reasserted in ways that are fluid and fixed.135

The most obvious way in which Edwin Stephen's identity was being 'imposed by others' was by his family. This is where the concepts of individual identity and group identity become inextricably mixed. Edwin Stephen was part of a new and aspirational middle-class in New South Wales. This group felt the need to be accepted by the upper class, consisting of the Governor and other bureaucrats tasked with the running of the colony, who often came from wealthy families in Britain.

They also wanted to be accepted by family 'at home', who had doubted the wisdom of moving to Australia. Finally, as a group, it was essential to impress bureaucrats in England, who ultimately still controlled the supply of goods and money for the Australian colonies. Edwin Stephen's watch signals that although his personal identity is still being formed, he is part of a successful and aspirational family and society.

135 White & Beaudry, p.211.

51 iv. Financial value The maker of Edwin Stephen's watch, T.T.Jones, supplied a wide variety of jewellery to his clients, most of which originally came from London.136 It also appears to have been a successful business, since, by the 1880s the company was employing at least 25 people.137 Originally operating as Walker & Jones, the business was reviewed by the Sydney Morning Herald on the 8th of May, 1858:

The other day we had an opportunity of inspecting some very rare and elegant rings, brooches etc, the workmanship of Messrs Walker & Jones, jewelers…..They are got up with the greatest skill, the gold used being the product of the New South Wales gold-fields. The diamond rings, in their chasing and setting, display much delicacy and good taste, and in all of their minute details are perfectly unique.138

Features such as the weight of the silver, London hallmark, maker's mark and the flowing script of the monogram suggest that no expense was spared in the making and supply of this watch.

3.6 Nina Rouse's Belt Buckle In 1874 Edwin Stephen married Bessie Buchanan (1843-1924) and together they had two daughters, Nina and Kathleen. Nina Rouse was born in 1875 and spent a great deal of both her childhood and adult life living at Rouse Hill House. The belt buckle in Figure 24 is one of 11 buckles in the Rouse Hill collection, but only this one shows by its monogram that it definitely belonged to Nina. As defined in Chapter 1, belt buckles are a form of bodily decoration and therefore are included as part of the Rouse Hill House jewellery collection.

At the turn of the century belts were very popular and the ideal of a tiny waist had returned as a part of fashionable dress (Figure 25). A page from the Angus & Coote Christmas catalogue in 1913 showed the variety of highly ornamental belts, which were sought after at the time (Figure 26).

136 Cavill, Cocks & Grace, p.132. 137 W.F.Morrison, The Aldine Centennial History of New South Wales, vol.2. The Aldine Publishing Co., Sydney, 1888. 138 Sydney Morning Herald, 8 May 1858, cited in Schofield & Fahy, Australian Jewellery, p.32.

Figure 24: Nina Rouse's belt buckle. Figure 25: Nina Rouse with unknown man. Source: Rouse Hill House & Farm, SLM Source: Rouse Hill House & Farm, SLM

Figure 26: Page from Angus & Coote catalogue, 1913. Source: State Library of NSW

53 i. Artistic Value The buckle is made of metal and covered with a fine layer of silver, known as gilding or silver gilt. It is very heavy, weighing 56.4 grams, and measures 9cm by 7cm. The large size and weight indicate that this piece was made to impress. The top face of the buckle is ornately pierced and engraved with the central letter 'N' surrounded with leaves, flowers and geometric patterns. The back of the buckle consists of a separate plain silver gilt panel with a vertical slot for attachment to a belt. ii. Historical Value According to Unger, the historical value of a piece of jewellery can be ascertained by asking the question as to whether the piece 'captures the spirit of its time'.139 Newspapers, magazines and catalogues of the early 1900s in Australia show that Nina's belt is typical of fashionable accessories adopted by women of all ages and accessible to women of various means. iii. Social and Personal Value According to her granddaughter, Caroline Rouse Thornton, Nina was an outgoing woman, who enjoyed all the social activities associated with living in a prosperous rural family. In the 1880s and 1890s the Rouses enjoyed garden parties, balls, musical evenings, theatrical events and visits to the races.140 Nina's group identity was assured. She was part of Sydney's rural elite and her life was one of leisure and family responsibility.

Unger describes individual identity as 'something that sets them a little apart and stresses their own position, likings and personality'.141 Nina's belt buckle makes a statement about who she is. The large letter, 'N', is set into an oval shape, drawing the eye to the letter, and the intricate etching provides confirmation that this woman is drawing attention to herself as a fashionable and prosperous individual.

3.7 George Terry's Pocket Watch Nina married George Terry (1871-1957) in 1895. George was brought up as a 'gentleman', having received no training in a trade or profession. His lack of business acumen and that of

139 Unger, 'Temptation', p.316. 140 Rouse Thornton, p.188. 141 Unger, 'Temptation', p.313.

54 his father-in-law, Edwin Stephen Rouse, was to end in financial disaster for the Rouse family.142

George was a keen supporter of the horse-racing industry, owning and racing horses on his own racecourse at his ancestral home, 'Box Hill'. He was the master of the Sydney Hunt Club and spent large amounts of money on modern conveniences. He and Nina lived at Box Hill until 1924, when they returned to live at Rouse Hill House, three years after George was declared bankrupt.143

George's silver cased half hunter pocket watch was a trophy presented to him when his horse, 'Nihilist', won a race at the Bong-Bong Picnic Club (Figure 27 & Figure 28). i. Artistic and Financial Value Although made in England in 1880 by John Hughbert (or Hulbert), with Swiss hallmarks, the watch was bought from Hardy Bros in Sydney and presented to George Terry in January 1894. It is a heavy piece of jewellery with a high silver content and would have been an expensive item to make at the time.

It has a white face with black roman numerals, black hands and two inset dials. The back of the outer case is engraved with George's initials in grand Gothic script (Figure 28). The watch is in good condition, having been kept in a pink cloth bag, which is probably a later addition. The rear of the inner case is engraved:

BONG BONG P.R. CLUB 1894 Welter 2 Miles won by "NIHILIST"

142 Rouse Thornton, pp.234,263. 143 Ibid, p.273.

Figure 27: George Terry's pocket watch. Figure 28: Monogrammed case of Source: Rouse Hill House & Farm, SLM George Terry's watch. Source: Rouse Hill House & Farm, SLM

ii. Historical Value. The pocket watch is typical of the type of watch considered acceptable for men in the latter part of the 19th century. In the second half of the 19th century sporting jewellery was popular, including stick pins, hat pins and brooches. The democratisation of jewellery co- incided with the emergence of professionals in the city, who used their leisure time to indulge in pastimes such as shooting, tennis, roller-skating and horse racing.144 George Terry, on the other hand, was a land-owner and gentleman, who saw his role as maintaining his and his family's social status by conspicuous consumption.145 iii. Social and Personal Value George Terry's pocket watch was a confirmation to him of his individual and group identities. Professor Diana Crane is an American sociologist with a particular interest in class, gender and identity expressed through clothing. Her observation of 19th century men epitomises George Terry's approach to promoting his identity:

144 Gere & Rudoe, p.141. 145 Rouse Thornton, p.234.

56 Accessories such as top hats, silk ties, silk and satin waistcoats, gloves, canes and watches were also important elements in constructing the appearance of the middle — and upper-class man.146

A photograph taken in 1895 shows the Rouse family and their friends relaxing 'after the hunt' (Figure 29). George Terry is pictured fourth from the right in the back row holding a cap in his hand and smoking a cigar.147 This photograph gives an indication of the life of leisure which George was living, and the group identity and social status to which he aspired.

Figure 29: After the Hunt, July 1895. Source: Rouse Hill House & Farm, SLM

146 D.Crane, Fashion and its Social Agendas. University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 2000, p.28. 147 In the image the man pictured third from the right in the back row is the iconic Australian writer, 'Banjo' Patterson.

57 As the curator of the National Portrait Gallery in Canberra, Joanna Gilmour has observed the identities of early Australians through their portraits. Her comments about 'the social elite' appear to sum up George Terry's approach to maintaining his individual and group identities:

This penchant for the finer things in life without providing an equivalent income proved to be a disaster for the Rouse family.

3.8 Bessie Buchanan's Pendant Necklace. When Hannah Rouse travelled to England and Europe in 1868, she was accompanied by three of her children, Emma, Lizzie and Edwin Stephen. On their way home on board ship eighteen months later they met the Buchanan family, with whom they became friends. William, Elizabeth and their daughter, Bessie, had enjoyed a trip to Ireland and Scotland. William had left Ireland for Australia as a free settler in 1822 and he was keen to renew friendships and to visit relatives.149

Although six years younger than Bessie, the twenty-year-old Edwin Stephen must have been attracted to the new friend of his sister, Lizzie. After their return to Australia Bessie was invited to stay with the Rouses and so her relationship with Edwin Stephen developed, eventuating in their marriage in 1874.150

In 1872 Bessie Buchanan was living with her parents in Darlinghurst, an inner-city suburb of Sydney. At this time her friend, Netta Hayden, drew a portrait of Bessie in which she is wearing a black medallion necklace (Figure 30). This necklace is kept in an office drawer in the old servants' quarters at Rouse Hill House (Figure 31).

148 Gilmour, p.4. 149 Rouse Thornton, p.119. 150 Ibid, p.120.

Figure 30: Bessie Buchanan, 1872, by A. Hayden. Figure 31: Bessie Buchanan's pendant necklace Source. Rouse Hill House & Farm, SLM Source. Rouse Hill House & Farm, SLM. Image: © Jamie North, 2013

i. Artistic Value The necklace is made of jet and consists of large links of various sizes, from which are suspended three pendants. The links alternate between smooth and deeply ridged. On each pendant is a carved bust of Minerva, the Roman goddess of wisdom, looking to the right and with flowers in her hair.151 The three pendants are identical except for size. They are each attached to the necklace by a U-shaped link and a small pin. The pendants may have been detachable and used as earrings.

Jet was very popular in Victorian times, both in mourning jewellery and as a fashion statement. It is an organic substance formed by wood decaying under intense pressure over time. The advantages of using jet in jewellery are its light weight, the absence of cracks and impurities and its dense opaque black colour.152

151 Sydney Living Museums, 'Baubles, brooches & beads', Threads of Connection, accessed 21 August 2016 https://sydneylivingmuseums.com.au/threads-of-connection/baubles-brooches-beads#data2293 152 L.Mendonca de Carvalho, F.M.Fernandes, M.de Fatima Nunes, J.Brigola, 'Whitby Jet Jewels in the Victorian Age', Harvard Papers in Botany, vol.18, no.2, 2013, p.133, accessed 18 August 2019 https://www.jstor.org/stable/24268962

59 The fashion for wearing jet jewellery was at its zenith after Queen Victoria's husband, Albert, died in 1861. During her lengthy mourning period Victoria favoured Whitby jet, a local product, thus providing huge business for the coastal town in northern England. The trade in jet jewellery decreased substantially after the death of Queen Victoria in 1901, and also as a result of disenchantment with intense mourning ritual in the early 1900s. ii. Historical Value In addition to the necklace, Bessie is wearing drop earrings and a ribbon choker, to which is attached a large pendant. Bessie may well have worn her jewellery with a sense of fun and love of fashion, but the preponderance of jewellery does reflect the middle-class need for recognition typical of the Victorian period.153 As Beaujot explains:

The transition from thrift to consumption became particularly evident with the women of the middle class who adorned their bodies in beautiful, expensive-looking clothing and accessories, which acted as a symbol of their status and that of their family.154 iii. Social and Personal Value What does this piece of jewellery tell us about Bessie? Firstly, it implies that Bessie is a fashionable young woman, especially since the necklace is worn in combination with the choker, pendant and earrings; a surplus of jewellery, which was a common feature of later Victorian fashion. This adherence to fashion forms part of Bessie's personal identity. Secondly, the cameos imply that the wearer is educated, knowledgeable and possibly well- travelled. These were extremely important personal traits if one wanted to achieve high status in the colony.

Thirdly, the fact that Bessie is portrayed in a drawing wearing the jewellery illustrates the need to be seen as a woman of good taste and character. In Victorian times women had little if any influence in the public domain and as a result they used their clothing and accessories as a 'form of symbolic communication.' 155

153 Arnold, pp. 1-10. 154 Beaujot, p.5. 155 Crane, p.100.

60 iv. Financial Value During the second half of the 19th century the Whitby jet industry was at its peak and demand far exceeded supply.156 As a result, other similar products began to be used as substitutes, including 'French jet' (glass), bog oak and gutta percha. There are many pieces of black jewellery in the Rouse Hill collection, but definitive testing of such material requires invasive techniques, so I have relied on the descriptions in the jewellery catalogues supplied by Sydney Living Museums.

As a result of unprecedented demand during Queen Victoria's reign, high-quality jet jewellery was expensive. My visit to Whitby in 2019 confirmed that good quality jet jewellery continues to demand high prices. Although the cost of Bessie's necklace is unknown, it was probably an expensive piece at the time.

3.9 Sarah Cockram's Chatelaine In 1880 Sarah Cockram was employed at Rouse Hill House as nurse for Nina and Kathleen, Edwin Stephen and Bessie's two daughters. Mrs Cockram, known by the children as 'Nana', remained with the Rouses for over 30 years and was treated as a member of the family.157 Left behind at Rouse Hill House is a chatelaine which belonged to Mrs Cockram (Figure 32). i. Artistic Value The chatelaine, which dates from around 1890, is made of Berlin ironwork with intricate gilt decoration and is a rare example.158 It would have been suspended from Mrs Cockram's belt, with attachments of notebook, pencil, thimble and scissors and needle case. The needles, thimble and scissors are missing. Each of the attachments may be removed by a gilded catch and the diamond-shaped head of the chatelaine has a rotating clip at the back. The notebook has pages made of bone and the scissors cover is lined with red velvet. The tiny thimble cover is lined with red plush and each of the notebook, scissors-cover and thimble-cover are decorated with a gilt anchor.159

156 H.Muller, Jet Jewellery and Ornaments. Shire Publications Ltd, Risborough, Buckinghamshire, UK, 2003, p.18. 157 Rouse Thornton, p.169. 158 G.E.Cummins & N.D.Taunton, Chatelaines: Utility to Glorious Extravagance. Antique Collectors' Club Ltd, Woodbridge, Suffolk, UK, 1996, p.216. 159 Catalogue of Rouse Hill House and Farm, accession number R93/73.

Figure 32: Sarah Cockram's chatelaine, c.1890. Source: Rouse Hill House & Farm, SLM

ii. Historical Value Although appendages hung from the waist date back over 2000 years, the word 'chatelaine' has only been used to describe such accessories since the early 1800s.160 Keys and watches were commonly worn on chains which dangled from the waist and became a fashion item during the reign of Queen Victoria. Although chatelaines were essentially utilitarian pieces of jewellery, gemstones and enamel were used to create luxurious examples worn by wealthy ladies as a sign of social status.161

By the 1850s chatelaines were becoming a source of ridicule, as a result of their increase in size and complexity (Figure 33). However, by the 1870s there was increased interest, partly because of the endorsement of the chatelaine as a fashion item by the Royal jeweller, W. Thornhill.162

160 Cummins & Taunton, pp.11,19. 161 Ibid, p.84. 162 Ibid, p.88.

Figure 33: Cartoon by Linley Sambourne from Punch, 16th October 1875, p.156.

Berlin ironwork was originally made in Germany during the Napoleonic wars. The German government asked for donations of gold from their citizens in order to fund the wars. In exchange they received Berlin iron jewellery, which became a symbol of patriotism and later a fashion item.163 iii. Social and Personal Value Chatelaines for specific purposes are evident from the 1880s to the first decade of the 20th century. Nurses' chatelaines held such items as forceps, scissors and thermometer, whilst golfers wore chatelaines which included score cards and pencils.164 Mrs Cockram's chatelaine may be described as multi-purpose. As nurse to the Rouse girls her job would have entailed a variety of duties.

How a chatelaine of Berlin ironwork arrived in Australia and how Mrs Cockram acquired this piece of jewellery is unknown. As a valued member of the Rouse family, the chatelaine was

163 Gere & Rudoe, p.332. 164 Cummins & Taunton, pp.221, 235.

63 probably a gift from her employers. It was a symbol of Mrs Cockram's status and importance in the household of a wealthy family and, by inference, a status symbol for the Rouse family.

3.10 Conclusion The eight pieces of jewellery discussed in this chapter illustrate the large variety of items in the Rouse Hill House collection. They highlight the need to maintain personal and group identity and social status for the Rouses over nearly 100 years. The value of such a collection is made more evident if we imagine studying the Rouse family without this collection. Our knowledge of their needs and aspirations would be vastly diminished without the precious reminders of how they viewed themselves and how they adjusted to the social requirements of a fledgling society. As Marjan Unger claimed,

Wearing jewellery is a means of facing the world with self-respect, relating to people and maybe showing some personal and cultural values or for example political sympathies. This aspect of jewellery is closely related to the way people dress and behave, and to the social, cultural, economic and political framework in which they live.165

In Chapter 4 other specific pieces from the Rouse collection are analysed. This jewellery provides us with an insight into how individual members of the family sought comfort from reminders of their lost home or deceased members of their family.

165 Unger, 'Temptation', p.316.

64 4 Reminders of Home and Family

4.1 Overview The Rouse Hill jewellery collection reflects the identities of family members, but more specific aspects of identity have also arisen as a result of my research. In this chapter I address these subsets and the ways in which they affected Eleanor, Hannah and Bessie's sense of self. 166

Approximately ten percent of the collection consists of pieces, which were reminders of home, old and new allegiances and deceased family members. Memorial jewellery was very popular in Victorian times and the Rouse family spared no expense in their purchases of mourning dress and accessories. These accessories are analysed in this chapter.

Also discussed are specific items in the Rouse collection, which connected members of the family to both their traditional and new homes. The late 1800s was a time of rapid change in Australia, with political discussion about the construction of Federation and a unique Australian identity emerging from the background. The Rouse collection includes pieces which reminded the family of their British heritage and others, which celebrated being part of a new progressive country.

Finally, the concept of inherited jewellery is analysed. As well as memorial jewellery several fashionable pieces handed down from mother to daughter are included in the collection and photographs of these women wearing the jewellery provide valuable provenance for my research project.

What knowledge can be gained from the study of these reminders and how did they contribute to the maintenance of identity and social status for the Rouse family? These questions will be addressed in the present chapter.

166 Some information in this chapter has been discussed in the following publications: J.Oliver,'The Role of Jewellery in Establishing and Maintaining Social Status in New South Wales between 1801 and 1924', 2017, and J.Oliver, 'Rouse Hill Jewellery Collection', 2020, which have been acknowledged and detailed in the ‘Inclusion of Publications Statement’ for this thesis.

65 4.2 Reminders of Home The Rouse family were in the same position as many colonists of the 19th century-they had two home countries. During my research it has been fascinating, through my study of the jewellery collection, to observe how national allegiances changed over the course of 120 years. These allegiances are reflected in several pieces of jewellery discussed in this section.

For almost a century from the time of first settlement, British migrants, who settled in Australia, considered Australian jewellery inferior to the British product. Most jewellery businesses in Sydney imported British jewellery and then sold the pieces from their shops in central Sydney, sometimes including a stamp of the local retailer and a hallmark indicating that the jewellery was made in England.167

As late as 1880 Australians lamented that since the local jewellery trade did not have an official set of hallmarks, its quality could not be trusted, as the following letter to the Editor of the Geelong Advertiser (Figure 34) shows:

Figure 34: Letter to the Editor, Geelong Advertiser, 14th December 1880. Source: Trove

167 For example, see Edwin Stephen Rouse's watch, Chapter 3, p.17.

66 The many empty jewellery boxes still in existence at Rouse Hill House indicate that the Rouse family often shopped at Hardy Bros, a high-end jewellery and silverware shop in Hunter Street, Sydney. Hardy Bros was started by the free settler, John Hardy, in 1853.168

The Mitchell library contains many letters between John Hardy and his brother in England, whereby John orders a large number of specific items based on sales in Sydney. John also recorded specific designs which were popular in Australia and relayed these design specifications back to England (Figure 35).

Figure 35: Designs for jewellery by John Hardy, 1891. Source: Mitchell Library, State Library of N.S.W

Country people became regular customers of Hardy Bros during their visits to the city. John Hardy kept records of his sales and on line 6 from a page in his order book we can see a purchase of 5 pounds and 15 shillings by Mrs Rouse, dated October 6, 1874 (Figure 36). By the turn of the century, however, Australians were forming new allegiances and the Rouse collection illustrates this trend.

168 G.Franzman, By Appointment: The History of Hardy Brothers, 1780-1980. MacMillan Co. of Australia Pty Ltd, Melbourne, 1980, pp.1-20.

Figure 36: Record of Purchase from Hardy Bros, Sydney. Source: Mitchell Library, State Library of N.S.W

Example 1 Bessie Buchanan's Parure As mentioned in Chapter 3 Bessie Buchanan met Edwin Stephen Rouse on board a ship sailing from the UK back to Australia in 1869.169 Bessie had travelled with her parents to Scotland and Ireland to visit relatives and friends. The name 'Buchanan' is originally Scottish, but the family had at some stage moved to Ireland and were known to live there by 1777.170 According to her diaries Bessie particularly enjoyed her stay in Edinburgh, but her jewellery reflects her Irish heritage.171

169 Rouse Thornton, p.119. 170 C.Rouse Thornton, Buchanans in Australia. Caroline Thornton Publishing, Nedlands, Western Australia, 2003, p.5. 171 Rouse Thornton, Rouse Hill, pp.136-7.

68 In the Rouse Hill jewellery collection is a parure, which belonged to Bessie and was probably bought on her visit to Ireland. The parure consists of a matching necklace, earrings and brooch (Figure 37, Figure 38 & Figure 39).

Figure 37: Bessie Buchanan's necklace, c.1867. Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm, SLM Image:© Jamie North, 2013

Figure 38: Bog oak earrings, c.1867. Figure 39: Bog oak brooch, c.1867. Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm, SLM Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm, SLM Image: © Jamie North, 2013 Image: © Jamie North, 2013

69 i Artistic and financial Value The necklace, brooch and earrings are made of bog oak and set in gold, probably from Wicklow in Ireland. Bog oak is an organic substance, which is the product of wood, which has been semi-fossilized in peat bogs in Ireland.172 It is a softer material than jet and lacks its shine. Bog oak can be easily carved and Bessie's parure has motifs of shamrocks and harps typical of Irish jewellery in the 19th century.

The parure is a charming reminder of a trip 'home', rather than a piece of high-quality jewellery. The workmanship is rough and the gold contains many impurities.173 However, Bessie showed pride in her heritage as can be seen in the portrait below (Figure 40).

Figure 40: Bessie Buchanan, c.1860s. Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm, SLM Image: © Jamie North.

172 Muller, Jet Jewellery, pp.28-29. 173 Catalogue of Contents, accession number, HR101/18-2, HR101/18-3:4.

70 In this image Bessie is seen wearing the brooch and earrings from the parure, but in addition the earrings have harp pendants suspended from them. Perhaps the harps were detachable, but they may have been lost, since they are no longer part of the Rouse Hill jewellery collection.

The earrings are quite small, measuring 1.5 by 1.5cm, with hook fittings, and each has a ring from which the harp pendants were suspended. In contrast the brooch is quite large — 5cm in diameter, with a metal pin, simple hook clasp and gold safety chain and safety pin. In all three items the condition of the bog oak is quite degraded and dulled from the effects of time. ii Historical Value In the mid-1800s Ireland was still reeling from the terrible potato famine which had killed millions of people and resulted in the emigration of millions more. Queen Victoria visited the country in 1849 and she, along with other members of the British aristocracy, showed their support of the Irish people by buying Celtic-revival jewellery.174

Bog oak was a cottage industry, along with lacemaking and basket-weaving, which were promoted by members of the Royal family. However, like the chatelaine, the success of bog oak led to a lack of quality control and as a result, bog oak products became a subject of amusement rather than admiration.175 Nevertheless, the trade in cottage industries helped the Irish reclaim some pride in their country after the devastation of recent times. iii Social and Emotional Value The portrait of Bessie Buchanan in Figure 38 shows a young woman, who has discovered her family's history, which now makes up part of her individual and group identity. Although she was born in Australia, she proudly wears jewellery which illustrates her background and the proud traditions of Ireland.

In 2017 Scandinavian academics Petra Ahde-Deal, Heidi Paavilainen and Ilpo Koskinen published a study about the way in which jewellery 'become(s) integrated into the owner's

174 Gere & Rudoe, pp.445-447. 175 Ibid, p.453.

71 sense of self'.176 As a result of studying written stories of 464 Finnish women and interviewing 28 women from Chicago and Helsinki, they concluded that jewellery also provides a means of handing down the family's history to subsequent generations:

With their jewellery, women were able to tell stories about their mothers, grandmothers, and other family members. Due in part to this reason, jewellery is handed down in families for generations through a set of rules that are designed to keep the stories alive for the next generation. In contrast to most objects that remain commodities which are replaceable, women define who they are through these pieces. 177

Judging by the vast amount of time Bessie's parure has survived in the Rouse family, she was successful in imparting the history of her family to successive generations.

Example 2 Double-sided Pendant The pendant illustrated below is dated circa 1899 and provides evidence that, although Rouse family members still considered Queen Victoria as their monarch, pride in their adopted country was beginning to emerge (Figure 41 & Figure 42).

Figure 41: Pendant with image of Queen Victoria. Figure 42: Map of Australia on reverse of pendant. Source: Rouse Hill House & Farm, SLM Source: Rouse Hill House & Farm, SLM

176 P.Ahde-Deal, H.Paavilainen & I.Koskinen, 'It's From My Grandma. How Jewellery Becomes Singular', The Design Journal, vol.20, no.1, p.31, accessed 2 June 2017 http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14606925.2017.1252564 177 Ahde-Deal et al., p.32.

72 i Artistic and Financial Value The small circular locket is made of gilded brass with images enclosed by glass on both sides. On one side Queen Victoria is portrayed as an older woman wearing a diamond tiara, earrings, necklace and a lace veil. On the other side of the pendant is a map of Australia with a cross and five stars surrounded by the words 'United Australia. One Land. One Flag. One Destiny' superimposed over a sheaf. The pendant weighs only 3 grams and there are no hallmarks or makers' marks. This pendant is an inexpensive piece of costume jewellery, bought and worn not for its intrinsic value but for its symbolic significance. ii Historical, Social and Emotional Value The question of how passionate most Australians were about the uniting of the States and the resultant Federation is a complex one. Australia had experienced a severe Depression in the 1890s and some scholars suggest that this was a factor in creating enthusiasm for a federated nation. In addition, Australia's isolated position was also a source of concern in terms of national security.

Australian historian, Professor Brian de Garis, suggests that in terms of economics, the six states appeared to be competing with each other rather than working together. Despite these reasons, de Garis claims that:

Most people must have been confused and I believe their attitudes towards federation owed more to instinct than to reason. That instinct seems to have been increasingly tinged with national sentiment.178

By 1901 a large proportion of the Australian population had been born in Australia, including many members of the Rouse family. It was understandable that the younger generations were keen to establish themselves as independent and self-sustaining.

Only two years before Federation, this locket shows that, despite their loyalty to the British Queen, the Rouses were slowly developing an allegiance to their 'new' home. Since the

178 B.de Garis, 'How Popular was the Popular Federation Movement?' Papers on Parliament No. 21, December 1993, accessed 23 October 2019 https://www.aph.gov.au/About_Parliament/Senate/Powers_practice_n_procedures/~/~/link.aspx?_id=6FA64 AB3BD3443F693D7A7CD6D03A3BD&_z=z

73 Rouse family had been in Australia for almost 100 years, it is interesting that the British Empire had commanded such fierce loyalty for so long.

Example 3 Stick pin depicting Australia. i Artistic and Financial Value. This little pin measures only 5 cm in length so was probably worn as a stick pin or lapel pin rather than a hatpin (Figure 43). There is no Tasmania depicted on the pin and the map itself measures only 1.3 by 1.5cm. It is light in weight, made of metal coated with gold leaf, and the map of Australia has been attached to the end of the pin.

The relatively insignificant size and weight of the stickpin, and the lack of hallmarks and maker's mark suggest that it was mass-produced and of little intrinsic worth.

Figure 43: Stick pin of Australia. Source: Rouse Hill House & Farm, SLM

ii Historical Value It is difficult to date this piece of jewellery due to the lack of identifying marks, and since it is not fine jewellery, there is unlikely to be a record of it. It is still a good example of how some members of the Rouse family may have been inclined to show their pride in Australia, probably around the time of Federation.

74 The Rouse family had a strong allegiance to Queen Victoria and the British way of life during the 19th century. Apart from Richard and Elizabeth's family origins, we also know that they were acquainted with Governors Macquarie and Bligh, which would have cemented their relations with Britain.

Hannah Rouse had also spent a great deal of time in England, partly because her daughters Emma and Lizzie settled there as adults with their families. However, their siblings Edwin Stephen, Phoebe and Richard all remained in Australia and subsequent generations were born and raised in this country. It is unsurprising then that by the beginning of the 20th century the Rouse children may have felt more Australian in nationality than British. iii Social Value At the time when the stick pin was made, jewellery in general was taking on a distinctively Australian flavour. The Arts and Crafts period had begun in England in the second half of the 19th century but emerged in Australia in the late 1800s. In the early 1900s the elegant flowing lines of Art Nouveau jewellery were also becoming apparent, as in the following page from the 1908 Angus & Coote catalogue (Figure 44):

Figure 44: Page from Angus & Coote catalogue, Figure 45: Kathleen Rouse, c.1900. Sydney, 1908. Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm, SLM Source: State Library of NSW

75 Young Australians such as Kathleen Rouse saw themselves as progressive women, which they showed in their dress and jewellery (Figure 45). Kathleen was somewhat rebellious and embraced the emerging independence of women in what had been a strict patriarchy in colonial Australia. It is easy to imagine that Kathleen may have worn the little stickpin as an illustration of her belief in a new way of life in her homeland.

4.3 Reminders of Family

Example 1 Portrait Brooch of Edwin Stephen Rouse. i Artistic and Financial Value This brooch measures 4cm in length and depicts Edwin Stephen Rouse as a young boy. It is not a memorial item, but a reminder of a cherished son and brother. Made around 1855, when Edwin was six years old, the portrait is an ambrotype, which is an early type of photograph on ruby glass (Figure 46).

Figure 46: Portrait brooch of Edwin Stephen Figure 47: Victorian mourning brooch. Rouse. Source: York Museums Trust (York Castle Museum) Source: Rouse Hill House & Farm, SLM

The gold-cased metal alloy frame is Baroque in style and the portrait is enclosed in a convex glass compartment. On the back of the photograph is black material and a piece of cardboard or paper. The brooch has a simple hook clasp and pin on the reverse side.179

179 Sydney Living Museums Catalogue, accession number HR88/55.

76 There are no maker's marks or hallmarks on the brooch and it is not a piece of fine jewellery, but rather a precious reminder of a beloved child.

My search for similar jewellery in York, England, resulted in finding the brooch in Figure 47. Although this brooch, from the mid-1800s, is a mourning brooch containing plaited hair, the setting is very similar to that of Hannah's brooch, showing that the design was popular in Victorian England. The existence of the York brooch also shows that Australian fashion closely followed the trends in England. ii Historic Value From the time of her marriage Queen Victoria always wore jewellery containing a portrait miniature of her husband, Prince Albert.180 She also owned miniatures of her children and, as a result, keepsakes of family were popular throughout Britain and the colonies (Figure 48). The portrait brooch of Edwin Stephen is typical of sentimental jewellery of the Victorian period.

Figure 48: Victoria, Princess Royal, 1845, by Sir William Ross. Source: Royal Collection Trust, RCIN420340 © Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II 2020.

180 Rudoe & Gere, p.26.

77 iii Social and Personal Value Although we do not know who owned or wore the brooch depicting Edwin Stephen Rouse, it is reasonable to assume that it belonged to his mother, Hannah. Why did she possess this item and how did the wearing of it enhance her social status? To answer this question, it is important to understand the role of women in Australia during the 19th century. In her book, 'Fashioned from Penury', Associate Professor Margaret Maynard describes the anxiety which elite women in Australia felt in trying to balance good taste with over-dressing:

By the 1820s bourgeois women in New South Wales had been largely excluded from business and commercial activities. Their sphere of influence was largely home-based and they were relegated to the tasks of organising social events and philanthropic endeavours. For these women, fashionable dress became a highly visible sign of status.181

Hannah's brooch is an attempt to show her regard for her son and the frame of the brooch is a highly decorative accompaniment to the portrait. One wonders if Hannah spent some time considering whether such an ornate frame would be considered 'vulgar' or whether it would suffice as a tasteful sign of her family's social position.

Example 2 Bessie Rouse's Jet Bracelets As previously stated, Bessie Buchanan married Edwin Stephen Rouse in 1874. Bessie's love of jewellery is illustrated by the large number of pieces belonging to her, which are still in existence at Rouse Hill House. She may well have inherited this appreciation from her mother, Elizabeth. Elizabeth Buchanan, nee Lucas, was born in 1822 in Ireland and emigrated with her family to Australia in 1838. She married William Buchanan, who was 23 years her senior, in 1842.

Like Richard and Elizabeth Rouse, the Buchanans were not from wealthy families, but became financially successful by hard work and wise investment in property. By all accounts, they were a loving family, and Bessie kept in close touch with her mother throughout her life 182. Bessie inherited several pieces of her mother's jewellery as is indicated by

181 Maynard, p.53. 182 Rouse Thornton, Rouse Hill, pp.61, 160, 161.

78 photographs at Rouse Hill. The first photograph is of Elizabeth Buchanan wearing a pair of jet bracelets, which are in the collection at Rouse Hill House (Figure 49). i Artistic and Financial Value The matching bracelets were made circa 1860 and consist of rectangular jet panels joined by two strands of elastic thread, enabling them to slip over the wrists (Figure 50). Each bracelet has a central oval with scalloped edge. The interior of each oval is decorated with gold buckle motifs. The bracelets, kept in a red leather jewellery box, were subsequently handed down to Bessie's older daughter, Nina.

Jet was in high demand in the mid-1800s and could be expensive to buy. The gold, which has been used to create the buckle motifs, and the high-quality red leather box, confirms that these bracelets may have been a costly purchase for Elizabeth Buchanan.

Figure 50: Elizabeth Buchanan's jet bracelets. Figure 49: Elizabeth Buchanan. Source: Rouse Hill House & Farm, SLM Source: Rouse Hill House & Farm, SLM Image: © Jamie North, 2013 ii Historical Value Matching jet bracelets were a fashionable item in the mid-nineteenth century, as can be seen in the portraits of two early Australian women (Figure 51 & Figure 52). This fashion can be attributed once again to Queen Victoria, who, from 1837 onwards, is often pictured

79 wearing matching arm ornaments.183 On most occasions the Queen's bracelets were made of gold and precious stones. However, she was also known to favour jet, particularly in her mourning period for Prince Albert.184

Figure 51: Portrait of Mrs John Thomas Figure 52: Portrait of Mrs George Frederick Read by Richard Noble, 1858. by Benjamin Duterrau, 1834. Source: National Gallery of Australia, Canberra Source: Collection: Tasmanian Museum and Art Gallery

The use of black jewellery during Victorian times is nevertheless fraught with ambiguity. It is often difficult to tell whether jet, French jet, vulcanite or bog oak jewellery was worn as a fashion statement or an accessory for mourning practice. Rudoe and Gere claim that evidence of the materials which complete the dress of the wearer must be used to confirm the reason why black jewellery was worn:

….this must be backed by evidence showing that the trimmings are of crape, a fine wrinkled silk, or that the dress is made from the twilled silk and worsted called bombazine, both materials specifically decreed for mourning wear.185

183 Gere & Rudoe, pp. 23,35,75. 184 Ibid, p.124. 185 Ibid, pp. 120-121.

80 In Elizabeth Buchanan's portrait she appears to be wearing the jet bracelets as a fashion item rather than a mourning accessory, since her dress is light in colour. Adhering to respectable but up-to-date fashion was a sign of high social status during this period. iii Social and Emotional Value The only information we have about the relationship between Bessie Rouse and her mother, Elizabeth Buchanan, comes from the letters between them, which are not available in the public domain. As a result, I have relied on excerpts from the book written by Caroline Rouse Thornton, whose great-grandmother was Bessie Rouse.

Bessie was an only child and her relationship with her mother was a close one. She often wrote to her mother, who lived in Darlinghurst in inner Sydney, and she stayed with her parents there to await the birth of both of her children.186 At Rouse Hill House there are several photographs of both William and Elizabeth Buchanan.

Based on this information it is safe to assume that the jet bracelets were a comforting reminder to Bessie of her mother. In 2016 Ahde-Deal, Paavilainen and Koskinen expressed their concern that jewellery has been, and continues to be, considered purely as an example of human consumption, rather than also considering any personal connections to the wearer.187

Often, possessing and wearing similar pieces of jewellery created a connection between mothers and daughters…..How a piece of jewellery works to maintain memories is individual for each woman, but the basic behaviours of touching, wearing and browsing are essential in keeping the memories alive.188

Although the wearing of the jet bracelets reflected the social status of three generations of the Rouse and Buchanan families-Elizabeth Buchanan, her daughter Bessie Rouse and her granddaughter Nina Terry, the bracelets also seek to maintain the connections between mothers and daughters.

186 Rouse Thornton, Rouse Hill, p.154. 187 Ahde-Deal et al., pp. 29-43. 188 Ibid, pp. 35-36.

81 Example 3 Bessie Rouse's French Jet Necklace i Artistic Value The second photograph of Elizabeth Buchanan depicts her as an older woman in the late 1880s, wearing a large brooch and a necklace consisting of three strands of faceted French jet beads and two flat, hemispherical, connecting beads (Figure 53 & Figure 54). One of the disadvantages of French jet is its brittle composition and Elizabeth's three-strand necklace has suffered some chips as a result.

The necklace is fastened by a hook which slides inside a jet bead so as not to be visible when worn. The faceting of the beads creates a compelling gloss to the black colour of the necklace.

Figure 54: Bessie Rouse's French jet necklace. Figure 53: Elizabeth Buchanan, late 1880s. Source: Rouse Hill House & Farm, SLM Source: Rouse Hill House & Farm, SLM Image: © Jamie North, 2013

ii Historical Value As stated in the previous chapter the demand for Whitby jet was at its highest during the second half of the 19th century, perhaps as a result of its display in the Great Exhibition of

82 1851.189 Although jet was mined in France, the country could not keep up with the intense demand and as a result French jet was introduced. French jet consists of a combination of black glass and lead and feels colder and heavier than jet.190

French jet is not as delicate as jet and was used in ways in which true jet could not be adapted, such as carving more ornate pieces of jewellery.191 It was also used to make small beads, which were attached to dresses as fashionable decorations.192 iii Social Value Bessie Rouse inherited several pieces of jewellery from her mother, which are part of the Rouse Hill jewellery collection. It could be argued that economic reasons necessitated the recycling of jewellery between family members. Dress historian Lorinda Cramer analysed extensive records, which show that Australian women of all classes took great care of their clothes and handed them down to relatives, and in turn sometimes received clothing from deceased relatives.193 It is logical to suppose that jewellery was also handed down to daughters and granddaughters for practical reasons as well as emotional ones.

At the time when Elizabeth Buchanan died in 1890 the Rouses were continuing to experience prosperity, despite the Depression, which affected the population of New South Wales.194 'Cracks' were also beginning to appear in the financial management of Rouse Hill estate at this time. Whether Bessie received her mother's jewellery before or after her death, it is still a poignant reminder to her of their close relationship.

The next 100 years were to be very challenging for the Rouse family, so such family keepsakes as their jewellery may have provided comfort during hard times. iv Financial Value Strings of jet beads were one of the most popular items of jet jewellery during the 19th century. Three types of jet beads were produced-plain, faceted and carved. Faceted and

189 H.Muller & K.Muller, Whitby Jet. Shire Publications Ltd, Oxford, 2009, p.16. 190 Muller, Jet Jewellery, p.28. 191 G.Reddington Dawes & C.Davidov, Victorian Jewelry: Unexplored Treasures. Abbeville Press, New York, 1991, p.127. 192 Muller, Jet Jewellery, p.28. 193 Cramer, pp.56-60. 194 Rouse Thornton, Rouse Hill, pp.188, 191.

83 carved beads were more time-consuming and difficult to make than the plain variety and were therefore more expensive to buy. 195 As gemmologists and collectors, Helen and Katy Muller, describe:

A favourite Victorian design was a single strand passing round the back of the neck and widening into two or three strands via spacer plates in the front. The beads were usually threaded by women, using a wooden bead board.196

This design accurately describes Elizabeth's necklace. Considering this evidence, the beads, without hallmarks or maker's marks, were probably a mid-range piece of jewellery.

Example 4 Bessie Rouse's Christmas Brooch One of the finest and best-preserved pieces of jewellery in the Rouse Hill collection is the brooch pictured below (Figure 55). This brooch is possibly the same as one, which was bought on Christmas Eve, 1886 from Hardy Bros jewellers in Sydney, probably by Edwin Stephen Rouse as a Christmas present for his wife (Figure 56).

195 Muller & Muller, Whitby Jet, p.38. 196 Ibid, p.39.

Figure 56: Receipt for Pearl Brooch, 24th December 1886. Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm, SLM

i Artistic and Financial Value Bessie's brooch is still kept in its original box with 'Hardy Bros, Goldsmiths & Jewellers, 13 Hunter St, Sydney' stamped on the lid. The brooch measures 4.8 cm by 1.9 cm and weighs only 3.8 grams. It is made of gold set with seed pearls of various sizes and has a safety chain and pin attached to the rear. The box is made of black leather with gilt borders and velvet and silk on the inside, adding to the appearance of quality.

The brooch cost two pounds sterling in 1886, which is roughly equivalent to 260 pounds today, or 520 Australian dollars, so this was an expensive purchase for Edwin Stephen Rouse.197 In addition, the brooch shows good workmanship, which is unsurprising since it came from Hardy Bros, who were renowned as high-end jewellers and silversmiths. ii Historical and Emotional Value Pearls had symbolic value for people in the Victorian age, as they have done throughout history. Thought to signify purity, beauty or tears, women and men have worn pearls for hundreds of years for many different reasons. Certainly, pearls have long been a sign of high

197 I.Webster, Official Data Foundation, Alioth LLC., 2020, accessed 15 March 2020 https://www.officialdata.org/uk/inflation/1886?amount=2

85 social status for royalty, who became competitive during the Renaissance over the number and size of the pearls in their possession.

In comparison, Bessie's pearl brooch is humble, and it is difficult to say whether Edwin Stephen gave the brooch to her with any symbolic intention. We do know that Bessie was proud to wear the jewel, as she is depicted in a photograph wearing the brooch attached to a choker, along with elegant black clothing (Figure 57). It is not known whether Bessie is wearing mourning apparel in the photograph, since it was not long since her father had died. Women during the Victorian period were drawn to wearing black as a fashion statement, so this is also a possibility.

Crescent moons and stars were a popular design feature in Victorian jewellery, as can be seen in John Hardy's design sketches earlier in this chapter (Figure 35). Since pearls do degrade over time, it is remarkable that Bessie's brooch remains in such good condition.

86 iii Social Value In her theory of jewellery Unger stresses the importance of context as part of the social value of a jewel.198 In order to study the context of Bessie's brooch, I researched the circumstances of the Rouse family at Rouse Hill around the time Bessie's brooch was purchased.

Despite the fact that Bessie's father died in 1885, life for Edwin Stephen and Bessie appears to have been relatively kind during the latter half of the 1880s and into the early part of the 1890s. Nina and Kathleen were growing up, and in old age, Nina recalled this time as one of 'tennis parties, garden parties, riding, balls, days at the races, house parties, plays and musical evenings'. 199

These were the halcyon days for Edwin Stephen and Bessie, when money could be spent freely on such items as Bessie's brooch. They had spent a substantial amount of money on new stables and an indoor bathroom in the late 1870s, along with further renovations to Rouse Hill House in 1885.200 It is therefore not surprising that Edwin Stephen was willing to spend a large sum on a special gift for his wife for Christmas, 1886.

Other receipts show that Bessie was spending substantial sums on new jewellery and jewellery repairs well into the 1890s. The original collection of jewellery was extremely diverse, including a diamond and emerald pin, pearl brooch, gypsy ring, gold watch and cameo brooch. Repairs required included new pins for brooches, new safety chains, cleaning watches, new gilding of bangles and bracelets and replacing lost pearls.

The receipt in Figure 58, for the first six months of 1892, describes the purchase of a diamond and moonstone brooch, a gold shamrock brooch and a pearl and turquoise brooch and case. Other items included a pearl and turquoise bracelet, and a silver matchbox. Repairs were ordered for a coral bracelet, a bangle, buckle, solitaire ring, four brooches, a fan, a gold padlock and a gold banjo brooch. The total cost was a little over 10 pounds, equivalent to approximately $1500 Australian dollars today. 201

198 Unger, 'Temptation', p.316. 199 Rouse Thornton, Rouse Hill House, p.188. 200 Ibid, pp. 156, 170. 201 Webster, 2020.

Figure 58: Receipt for jewellery purchases and repairs, 1892. Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm, S.L.M

Once the Depression arrived in 1893 Edwin Stephen and Bessie dismissed several members of their staff, although the lives of the Rouse family appear to have changed little overall.202 Letters written by family members illustrate that disposable income was decreasing.203

202 Rouse Thornton, Rouse Hill House, p.193. 203 Ibid, p.191

88 In 1895 Nina Rouse was married and no expense was spared in preparation for the wedding. A receipt kept at Rouse Hill House and only recently discovered, describes the opulent materials and costumes ordered for the big day, including a green embroidered costume with velvet, white satin bridal gown, flower wreath and bouquet, yards of French lace, pink chiffon evening bodice and embroidered waistcoat. The total cost at 'Madame Beattie, Costumiere and Ladies' Tailor, of George St, Sydney' was 57 pounds.

Despite somewhat straitened circumstances, the need to maintain one's social status and reputation was still a very high priority indeed.

4.4 Mourning and Memorial Jewellery

Example 1 Mourning Brooch for John Terry Eleanor Rouse, daughter of Richard and Elizabeth Rouse, married John Terry in 1831, when Eleanor was only 18 years old. John (1806-1842) was the stepson of Samuel Terry, a wealthy emancipist. John and Eleanor lived on their estate known as Box Hill and it was here that John died as a result of a fall from a horse at the age of 36 years.204 A small brooch, which probably belonged to Eleanor, is part of the Rouse jewellery collection (Figure 59 & Figure 60).

Figure 59: Mourning brooch for John Terry. Figure 60: Engraved reverse of John Terry brooch. Source: Rouse Hill House & Farm, SLM Source: Rouse Hill House & Farm, SLM Image: Jenni Carter, 2008 Image: Jenni Carter, 2008

204 Sydney Living Museums, , 'Close to the Heart', Threads of Connection, accessed 21 August 2016 https://sydneylivingmuseums.com.au/threads-of-connection/close-to-the-heart#data6793

89 i Artistic and Financial Value The brooch is made of gold with borders in a scroll design. The front of the brooch contains a glass panel in which a lock of hair is enclosed, tied with blue thread. Surrounding the glass is a wide black enamelled edge with 'In Memory Of ' in Gothic-style gold enamel lettering. The rear of the brooch has a long pin attached but the clasp has broken off and is now kept in a leather box which, although not the original box, has a sticker on the bottom with 'EA Rouse' handwritten on it.205 The engraved lettering on the back reads:

John Terry Died 25th Novr 1842 Aged 36 Years

The brooch measures only 3.5 by 3cm but is gold, weighing 10.2 grams, with high-quality enamel work. It's intrinsic value in 1842 is unknown, but it was probably a mid-to high-range piece of jewellery. ii Historical Value At the time of his death, John Terry was a wealthy pastoralist with several properties in his portfolio. During the first half of the 19th century the use of hair was a common reminder of a loved one. Emeritus Professor of History, Pat Jalland has extensively studied mourning practice in Australia. She states that 'among wealthy families, brooches, lockets, and memorial rings containing locks of hair were valued as a tangible reminder of the person in life.' 206 After 1859 advances in photography enabled mourners to use an image of the deceased person instead of, or as well as, an object which once belonged to them.207

Jalland also describes mourning practice in rural Australian areas and states that intense and complicated mourning was sometimes impractical in the bush.208 However, throughout the 19th century the Rouse family appears to have followed strict British mores in their

205 Sydney Living Museums catalogue, valuer Jonathon Alford, valued on 25 May 2009, accession number HR93/200-1:2. 206 P.Jalland, Australian Ways of Death: A Social and Cultural History, 1840-1918. Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2002, p.163. 207 Jalland, p.164. 208 Ibid, p.5.

90 mourning practice, which is evident in the many photographs of Rouse women during this period (Figure 61 & Figure 62).

Figure 61: Phoebe Rouse, Figure 62: Jane and Eleanor Rouse, daughter of Edwin and Hannah, c. 1863. daughters of Richard and Elizabeth, c.1840s. Source: Rouse Hill House & Farm, SLM Source: Rouse Hill House & Farm, SLM

iii Social and Emotional Value Even today we like to keep objects which remind us of loved ones who have died. The small tasteful brooch appears to be a very personal piece of jewellery for Eleanor and, in keeping the brooch in the Rouse family, it is also a reminder of the close relationship which existed between a colonial couple separated in the midst of forging a new life in a new country. Ahde-Deal, Paavilainen and Koskinen recognised the importance of family bonds represented by a piece of jewellery:

One thing that repeatedly came to the fore in our discussions was the role memories played in building up the connection between an object and the self. Pieces of jewellery were like containers for memories from the past…..the underlying key point in this process was connection to the family and the feelings that created bonds between family members.209

209 Ahde-Deal et al., p.35.

91 The fact that the brooch for John Terry has survived at Rouse Hill House for over 170 years confirms that there were strong bonds within the family, which embraced the ownership of tangible reminders of deceased family members.

Example 2 Mourning Brooch for Edwin Rouse One example of Hannah's jewellery is a small brooch, kept in an office drawer at Rouse Hill House (Figure 63). It may be a mourning brooch purchased shortly after the death of Hannah's husband, Edwin Rouse, in 1862.

i Artistic and Financial Value The brooch has several motifs typical of mourning dress — gold with a central polished cabochon of onyx and surrounded by black enamel and seed pearls. However, there is no glass-encased cavity to hold a lock of hair, which was often seen in mourning brooches, and the onyx dome has a white 'halo', more typical of a fashionable dress piece than a mourning brooch. There are indications that the brooch has been altered with later additions such as the safety pin so there may originally have been a hair cavity.210

210 Sydney Living Museums, 'Baubles, brooches & beads', Threads of Connection, accessed 21 August 2016, accession number HR101/21.

92 The economic value of the brooch is unknown but, similar to the mourning brooch for John Terry, it is made of gold with black enamel, which indicates that it was a fine piece of jewellery when it was produced. It's true value, however, lies in its personal value to Hannah and her family. ii Historical Value Although I have been unable to find a photograph of Hannah wearing the brooch, in several portraits she is depicted wearing a very similar brooch (Figure 64 & Figure 65). The brooches look identical except there are fewer seed pearls in the brooch which still exists at Rouse Hill. The small size of the brooch and the inclusion of pearls emphasise a tasteful and demure appearance.

Figure 64: Hannah Rouse. Figure 65: Hannah's brooch. Source: Rouse Hill House & Farm, SLM Source: Rouse Hill House & Farm, SLM

93 In all stages of mourning acceptable styles for dress and accessories were heavily prescribed, as in the Illustrated Sydney News in 1878:

A widow's mourning is, of course, the deepest, and continued for the longest period; the first twelve months the dress and mantle must be of parramatta, the skirt covered to within an inch or two of the waist with crape put on in one piece, not divided into tucks, sleeves tight to the arm, body entirely covered with crape, deep, tight fitting lawn cuffs, and a deep lawn collar;….211

Were such burdensome requirements originating from Britain or from the new middle-class ranks of New South Wales society? How much of one's individual and group identity was formed by traditions being transported from Britain, a country where a vast number of early Australians, including Hannah, had never been? According to historic dress researcher, Kellee Uhr, Australians followed British customs of mourning precisely and 'minimal differences existed in the outward appearances of everyday dress in Britain and the Australian colonies'.212 iii Social and Personal Value According to Rouse Thornton the union of Hannah and Edwin was a close and lasting one. Hannah survived for two years in the bush without a trip to Sydney and reportedly was a practical woman:

Indeed the 1848 letter written by Hannah to her sister describes how she made candles from tallow. 'I am always busy from morning till night'. A more genteel young lady might not have been able to cope.213

When this loyalty is combined with financial success, it is not surprising that Hannah paid homage to her husband by a long period of mourning, complete with appropriate accessories.

211 Ladies' Column, 'Etiquette of Mourning', Illustrated Sydney News, 5th October, 1878, p.11, accessed 15th September 2019 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/63335133/5453163 212 K.Uhr, 'Victorian mourning dress in colonial Australia', Australiana, vol.35, no.1, February 2013, p.35. 213 Rouse Thornton, Rouse Hill, pp. 80,89.

94 Jewellery was an integral part of mourning dress. Although too much jewellery was frowned upon in the early stages of mourning (Figure 66), as a respectable amount of time passed, Hannah began to incorporate jewellery into her personal display (Figure 67). The way Hannah sees herself, her personal identity, is based on two codes. The first is to show the world that she is part of a wealthy family with ties in both Australia and the United Kingdom. The second is to adhere to a strict moral code of respectability, which was necessary in order to maintain her reputation and that of her family. Historian Penny Russell explains the complexity of mourning ritual:

The sentimental display of grief through mourning was an important part of the genteel performance, since it implied a finely developed sensitivity to grief and the leisure to indulge it, and a knowledge of the intricate niceties of the period and depth of mourning attire for different relatives … It was on women that 'the external signs of grief', as of wealth and status, were hung.214

Figure 66: Hannah Rouse in deep mourning. Figure 67: Hannah Rouse in a later stage of Source. Rouse Hill House and Farm, SLM mourning. Source. Rouse Hill House and Farm, SLM

214 Russell, p.120.

95 4.5 Conclusion Social status and identity are complex matters, based on many factors, some of which have been revealed in this chapter. The 'genteel performance', as penned by Penny Russell, was made up of personal display and behavior. The Rouses used their jewellery as an illustration of their reputation as a family within their community and as evidence of the personal and financial success of colonial families in New South Wales.

This desire for high reputation and social status was interwoven with their need for personal connection to loved ones, including those who were deceased and those who were still living. The Rouse Hill House jewellery collection also reflects the desire of the family to pass on the family history to the Rouses of the future.

In the next chapter the significance of remnant jewellery is addressed and compared to pieces such as those described in Chapters 3 and 4.

96 5 Remnant Jewellery

Remnants from the Rouse Hill Jewellery Collection

97 5.1 Overview In Chapters 3 and 4 complete pieces of jewellery from the Rouse Hill collection were analysed to establish the ways in which they contributed to identity and social status of the owners. Mourning and memorial jewellery were discussed as well as patriotic pieces and inherited jewellery. However, a vast amount of jewellery in the collection is in pieces — broken, decayed and discoloured, which for the purposes of this research, is referred to as remnant jewellery.

In Chapter 5 I address the neglect which such jewellery has suffered in terms of its contribution to our knowledge of Australian colonial history and jewellery design. During the 19th century it was common and acceptable for people to mend broken pieces of jewellery and worn clothing. It was also common to hand down clothing and jewellery to children and grandchildren and to donate clothing to the poor. Clothing historian Lorinda Cramer stated in 2017 that even women of middle-to upper classes chose to carefully maintain and refurbish their clothing:

Genteel women anticipated the long life of their gowns, managed via continued upkeep. The conservation of garments was encouraged by careful cleaning, storage and mending. Good care ensured neat presentation, and confirmed standards of modesty and economy — economy as a matter of decency, rather than economy by necessity.215

This habit is evident in the clothing collection at Rouse Hill House and also in several pieces of jewellery, which were re-sized or mended. Receipts for fixing broken jewellery are numerous at Rouse Hill House (Figure 68). It is therefore not surprising that a large amount of remnant jewellery exists at Rouse Hill. Perhaps the owners always intended to get the jewellery fixed but never found the time or money.

215 Cramer, p.58.

Figure 68: Receipt for Repairs to a locket and bracelet. Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm, SLM

As well as broken jewellery the collection also includes pieces which are dusty and decaying as a result of time and their organic nature. Since such jewellery was worn on the body, it accompanied its owners on their path through life and 'experienced' the adventures they experienced. As a result, it has an aura which is unique in material artifacts.216

This 'aura' is further discussed by Melissa Laird in her 2007 doctoral thesis, 'Remnant and Reliquary'. Laird studied artifacts displayed at Hyde Park Barracks in Sydney and discovered that by research and observation one could uncover the 'lives' of the objects:

Artefacts may be considered to have an aura which connects them to the time and place of their origin……Wear, decay and breakage add to the aureatic imprint of the artefact, revealing the motivation of original owners, popularity and function, secrecy and intimacy, the public and the private.217

216 K.Findeis, A Taxonomy of Contemporary Objects: A Taxonomy of Contemporary Objects, PhD thesis, University of Western Sydney, 2008, p.i. 217 Laird, p.56.

99 Laird's description of the journey of a glass shard from a bottle of tonic belonging to Alice Fry, an inmate at the Hyde Park asylum in 1886-1887, reveals the importance of remnants. The shard was discovered amongst rubbish when the Barracks Museum was being renovated in 1979. It is now a celebrated relic of Sydney's past and the plight of many of the city's residents, kept in an atmospherically controlled environment at the museum.218

This story confirms that remnants can be valued and displayed, just as the Rouse Hill jewellery collection needs, on occasion, to be displayed. At Rouse Hill House much of the furniture and artworks are kept as they were found when the house was rescinded. Similarly, some of the jewellery is kept as it was found in old cardboard, tin or leather boxes stored in bedroom cupboards. It can be argued that Rouse Hill House retains a certain authenticity if objects are allowed to remain as they were discovered.

However, a treasure trove of objects is kept in what is now the office, which was previously the servants' quarters, and I believe that these objects should sometimes be used to educate and inform, not just experts and scholars, but the public at large (Figure 69 & Figure 70).

Figure 69: Office in the old servants' quarters. Figure 70: Drawer containing jewellery in the Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm, SLM office. Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm, SLM

218 Laird, p.51.

100 The lives of women such as Elizabeth, Hannah, Bessie, Nina and Kathleen Rouse should be revealed, just as Rouse Hill House is open to public inspection and admiration as an original piece of colonial architecture. Only then will we have a true understanding of the challenges of early female settlers in NSW.

The appreciation of wear and tear is not a new phenomenon. In the mid-19th century the famous art critic, John Ruskin, defied his critics by declaring that rust was not spoilage but instead gave life and meaning to water basins used at wells in local towns.219 Ruskin's philosophy embraces the reaction of iron with oxygen as a worthy transformation and as a reflection of the passing of time.

In 2004 art and design historian, Linda Sandino, decried society's present-day obsession with pristine materials and instead appreciated patina as it was celebrated in the 18th and 19th centuries:

It (silver) manifested itself as a particular sign of ageing, which defied any reading as decay but was utilised instead to signify heritage, family lineage and patrimony…..Patina, therefore, was evidence of an object's place and life in the world; as well as its transience, it represented the object's experience.220

Liesbeth den Besten bemoans the sterile and pristine environment, which museums sometimes provide to house their jewellery. According to den Besten, jewellery 'has so much more to offer' than its financial value, including the importance of jewellery's connections to its owners.221 She suggests that photographs of the owners would connect visitors to objects in museums in a much more personal way and allow the visitor to

219 M.Frost, 'The Everyday Marvels of Rust and Moss: John Ruskin and the Ecology of the Mundane', Green Letters, vol. 14, no.1, 2001, p.14, accessed 20 November 2019 https://doi.org/10.1080/14688417.2011.10589078 220 L.Sandino, 'Here Today, Gone Tomorrow: Transient Materiality in Contemporary Cultural Artefacts', Journal of Design History, vol.17, no.3. Dangerous Liaisons: Relationships between Design, Craft and Art, 2004, p.285, accessed 11 November 2019 https://www.jstor.org/stable/3527118 221 L.den Besten, 'The Life of Jewellery in Museum Collections: The Netherlands, a Case Study', in On Collecting: Documents on Contemporary Crafts No.4, Norwegian Crafts, Andre Gali (ed.), Arnoldsche Art Publishers, Stuttgart, Germany, pp. 50-55.

101 experience better the environment in which the jewellery was worn, stored and sometimes broken.

In the same personal way, remnant jewellery relays knowledge about the way people lived in the past.222 Throughout my research I have felt the poignancy of some of the broken jewellery, which reflects the highs and lows of the family, of what they loved and valued. It tells me that it was often retained, despite the fact that it was no longer wearable. It tells me that it was used to define identity and enhance social status.

The blue velvet choker in Figure 71 is dusty, mis-shapen and of little intrinsic value. It measures 33cm in length, but has been shortened from its original 37cm. We know that Bessie (Buchanan) Rouse had a neck size of only 29cm, so it probably did not belong to Bessie, but to another inhabitant of Rouse Hill House, perhaps one of her daughters.223

Figure 71: Blue velvet choker. Source: Rouse Hill House & Farm, SLM

223 Noted by Lindie Ward, a curator at Rouse Hill House, on 17th November 2006,

102 However, Bessie is depicted in at least two photographs wearing a similar choker, once as a young woman and again at a much later time (Figure 72 & Figure 73). This was a fashion, which Bessie obviously loved, since she adopted it over a number of years.

Figure 72: Bessie Rouse as a young woman. Figure 73: Bessie Rouse as an older woman. Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm, SLM Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm, SLM Image: ©Jamie North , 2013

The information that can be gleaned from this humble piece of jewellery and the accompanying images is significant in terms of jewellery design history. The popularity of chokers has its Victorian origins in the British royal family, but the fashion spread to the Australian colonies and was adopted by middle-class women, such as Bessie Rouse and her family. The fact that the choker is a remnant does not take away from the significance of it as a piece of jewellery.

As in previous chapters I have chosen several pieces from the collection, which are examples of specific types of jewellery design or which have connections to individual members of the Rouse family. The jewellery has been classified according to Unger's theory of jewellery.

103 They include a tortoiseshell crucifix, which, despite extensive insect damage, illustrates the art of pique used in the mid-19th century. Two indigenous maireener shell necklaces from Tasmania provide information, but also ask many questions, about the role of indigenous jewellery in colonial Australia.

Finally, the Egyptian revival jewellery belonging to Kathleen Rouse illustrates another facet of 19th and early 20th century jewellery design, as well as epitomizing the poignant personal story of Kathleen Rouse. Many other pieces of remnant jewellery from the collection are listed in the Appendix at the end of this thesis.

5.2 Pique Crucifix i. Artistic Value This crucifix is made of tortoiseshell, with gold pique decoration in the shape of flowers and geometric motifs (Figure 74). It is light in weight and measures 6.3cm by 1.7cm. It is missing its right arm and has some insect damage. There are no hallmarks or maker's marks.

Figure 74: Pique Crucifix. Source: Rouse Hill House & Farm, SLM

104 ii. Historical Value The technique of pique dates back at least three centuries, having originated in southern Europe. The body of the piece is made of tortoiseshell, which when heated becomes malleable. In this state tiny holes are made in the shell into which are placed pieces of gold or silver, usually in the shape of stars, flowers and leaves or geometric patterns. When the shell cools and contracts, the pattern in the shell is retained.224

Light-coloured tortoiseshell, known as 'blonde' tortoiseshell, comes from the underside of the hawksbill turtle, and dark tortoiseshell, such as the crucifix in Figure 74, comes from the overlapping back plates of the shell.225

Pique was used to decorate other objects apart from jewellery, such as buttons and boxes, and the technique was most popular in the 1860s. After this time, it was mass-produced and the fashion fell out of favour by the turn of the century.226 iii. Social and Emotional Value Although the owner of the crucifix is unknown, this piece of remnant jewellery shows us that the women of the Rouse family were knowledgeable about fashion in jewellery and had the desire to follow it. The breakage of the crucifix spelt the end of its wearability, as mending it would have been impossible. Yet it was kept — why? Perhaps it had been given to the owner and was a treasured memento, despite its small intrinsic worth. Perhaps it had been bought to wear on a special occasion. Certainly, it was kept, indicating that it had some social or emotional value for the owner.

The insect damage implies that the cross spent a long time as a relic, reposing in an old jewellery box. The state of wear and decay in no way decreases its significance as a source of knowledge about the Rouse family. iv. Financial Value The crucifix appears to be a mass-produced item, evidenced by its 'stamped' appearance. As a result, it was probably of little intrinsic value when it was made. Mass production in Britain

224 N.Armstrong, Victorian Jewelry. Macmillan Publishing Co. Inc., New York, 1976, p.128. 225 J.Benjamin, Starting to Collect Antique Jewellery. Antique Collectors Club, Suffolk, UK, 2003, p.38. 226 Redington Dawes & Davidov, p.135.

105 and the colonies during the second half of the 19th century allowed many people to obtain a large variety of jewellery, which they otherwise would not have been able to afford. There are several other tortoiseshell items in the Rouse collection, including two decorative combs, a brooch, rings and a box. The jewellery box shown below is one of the earliest items in the Rouse Hill collection (Figure 75 & Figure 76). It would have been expensive when it was made, circa 1840, in London.

Figure 75: Tortoiseshell box. Figure 76: Interior of tortoiseshell box. Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm, SLM Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm, SLM

I have included this box as it provides an interesting comparison with the crucifix. Unlike the cross, the box is a high-quality item. It is made of tortoiseshell and ivory with a maroon leather base. Inserted into the domed lid is a silver shield engraved with the initials 'HTR' for Hannah Terry Rouse. Despite its degraded interior, it was originally lined with pink silk and had fitted sandalwood compartments. On the inside edge of the ivory border there is a maker's mark — 'Lund, Maker, 56 & 57 Cornhill, London'.

Thomas Lund had begun his business in 1804, producing writing implements, boxes and dressing cases.227 Hannah probably bought the box on one of her trips to London. The exterior of the box is still in good condition with beautiful strong shades of tortoiseshell and fine rounded corners showing a high degree of expertise by the maker.

227 D.Lucian, 'Antique Box Guide', 2020, accessed 21 November 2019 http://www.antiquebox.org/?s=Thomas+Lund

106 Can we obtain a greater depth of knowledge from the expensive item than from the cheaper, mass-produced item? Both were obviously used and loved, and both were kept in the family for more than 100 years. The only difference is that Hannah was in the financial position to buy the valuable box, whereas the owner of the crucifix was limited in his or her means. The stories told by each item are similar and reflect both personal identity and the desire for high social status.

5.3 Maireener Shell Necklaces Two of the most poignant items in the Rouse Hill jewellery collection are the indigenous maireener shell necklaces shown below (Figure 77 & Figure 78).

Figure 77: Maireener shell necklace. Figure 78: Maireener shells. Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm, SLM Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm, SLM i. Artistic Value One of the necklaces is complete and the other a broken strand with other loose shells. Maireener shells were used by indigenous people in Australia to make necklaces and to decorate other ornaments. The shells display colours of pink, green and cream and have been tightly threaded onto rough linen thread by way of a single drilled hole in the base of each shell.

107 Both necklaces are very long — 170cm and 200cm, and neither has a clasp. At least 400 shells have been used to make each item. The effect is striking due to the high nacre and brilliant colours of the shell. ii. Historical Value From the early 1800s the Aboriginal people of Tasmania had been almost completely exterminated by the Europeans who claimed their land. By 1834 the remaining 135 survivors were sent to the hostile environment of Flinders Island, where their numbers were further reduced to 47.228 The woman known as Truganini, once thought to be the last surviving indigenous woman in Tasmania, died in 1876.229 She is pictured wearing a maireener shell necklace in Figure 79.

Figure 79: Portrait of Truganini (Tasmania, ca.1866). Source: National Library of Australia Image: C.A. Woolley, 1866

228 J.Clark & Tasmanian Aboriginal Centre, 'Aboriginal People of Tasmania', Tasmanian Museum and Art Gallery, Office of Indigenous Policy Coordination, Commonwealth Government of Australia, 2004, p.9. 229 C.A.Woolley, 'Portrait of Truganini, (Tasmania, c.1866)', Trove, accessed 31 October 2018 http://nla.gov.au/nla.obj-142163777

108 Despite their exile, a group of Aboriginal people had managed to survive on the Bass Strait islands.230 Artist and writer, Julie Gough, relates how, despite their hardship, Tasmanian indigenous people continued to make maireener shell necklaces on the Bass Strait and Flinders islands. This jewellery was traded with visitors.231

Jane Kennerley nee Rouse (1809-1877) was the second daughter of Richard and Elizabeth Rouse (Figure 81). In 1834 Jane married Alfred Kennerley and subsequently moved to Tasmania, where Alfred became Mayor of Hobart and served as Premier of Tasmania from 1873 to 1876 (Figure 80).232 Miriam Hamilton, a descendant of the Rouse family, stated that members of the family visited the Kennerleys in Tasmania on several occasions.233 It is likely that a member of the Rouse family acquired the necklaces on one of those visits.

Figure 80: Alfred Kennerley, c.1865. Figure 81: Jane Kennerley, nee Rouse, c.1855. Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm, SLM Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm, SLM

230 J.Clark & Tasmanian Aboriginal Centre, p.2. 231 J. Gough, Honouring the Past/Making a Future, Australian Design Centre, Surry Hills, Sydney, 2014, pp.80,86. 232 Rouse Thornton, Rouse Hill, p.67. 233 Catalogue of Contents, accession number, R93/71.

109 The art of creating maireener shell necklaces has a long history, well before European settlement.234 The process of collecting, polishing and threading could take up to a year and depended highly on the seasons.235 After European settlement Aboriginal women continued to make shell jewellery and objects and today maireener shell necklaces are appreciated internationally as works of art. iii. Social, Emotional and Financial Value Such pieces of jewellery as the two necklaces invoke intense feelings in people today, particularly since we have no knowledge of how or why the Rouse family obtained this jewellery. Historian Maria Nugent suggests that European settlers enjoyed the display of Aboriginal crafts as it endorsed their views that it was, indeed, possible for indigenous women to adopt the cultural practices of a Victorian lady; that is, the making of crafts:

…shellwork was on show as an object lesson in its makers' capacity to acquire the 'feminine arts of civilization' as well as evidence of the supposed fruits of missionary or other charitable intervention and influence in Aboriginal women's lives.236

Perhaps members of the Rouse family simply bought the jewellery because they admired it for the intrinsic beauty of the shells, much like we buy pearls today, which also have high nacre. However, there is no other similar jewellery in the collection, except, perhaps, a faux pearl necklace from the turn of the 20th century.

Another consideration is that at the time when the Rouses would have been visiting Tasmania, the fashion for jewellery favoured the use of materials and motifs from the natural environment. Jewellery, which used the heads and feathers of birds, the scales of fish, the bodies of beetles and shells of all kinds were common. This was a response to the increased knowledge about the natural world, which was exemplified by the work of Charles

234 M.Nugent, 'Shellwork on show: Colonial history, Australian Aboriginal women and the display of decorative objects', Journal of Material Culture, vol. 19, no.1, 2014, p.76, accessed 24 March 2017 DOI: 10.1177/1359183513509535 235 H.Pitt, 'Coastal creators', in Spectrum, Sydney Morning Herald, July 7-8, 2018, p.6. 236 Nugent, p.78.

110 Darwin in the mid-19th century.237 It was also a reaction to mass production, which proliferated during the 1800s as a result of the Industrial Revolution.

Receipts discovered at Rouse Hill House show that the Rouse family were very charitable, having donated money to several causes over many years. Perhaps they were being 'charitable' to the Tasmanian indigenous population by buying the maireener shell necklaces.

The least palatable reason for obtaining the maireener shells, is that the Rouses felt an obligation to obtain the necklaces as an exercise in showing their friends and neighbours how far European invasion had come in 'civilising' the indigenous population. Although these items would have been considered as trinkets in the mid-19th century, today they are highly valued, not for their intrinsic worth but as an example of a culture, which was all but lost at the time of their purchase.

5.4 Kathleen Rouse's Scarab Necklace From the time of their childhood the two daughters of Edwin Stephen and Bessie Rouse, Nina and Kathleen, wore jewellery (Figure 82). There are many photographs of the girls from infancy to adulthood and in almost all the images they are wearing bracelets and lockets or necklaces.

Figure 82: Nina and Kathleen Rouse, c.1885. Source: Rouse Hill House & Farm, SLM

237 Rudoe & Gere, p.225.

111 Nina went on to live a fairly conventional life. However, Kathleen broke many rules expected of a Victorian lady. Despite her rebellious nature, Kathleen's love of jewellery was maintained throughout her life.

Kathleeen Rouse (1878-1932) was a woman unsuited to her times. She was reportedly intelligent, bookish and outspoken. The frustration she felt with a life of genteel idleness was alleviated by her love of travel.238 By 1913 Kathleen had travelled within Australia and also to Europe. On her travels Kathleen often bought jewellery to take home, as is mentioned by Caroline Rouse Thornton:

Aunt Kathleen was drawn to exotic places my grandmother used to tell me, sometimes showing me odd bits of jewellery and other trinkets picked up by her sister on some overseas trip. There was something very intriguing about these relics and even more about the person who owned them.239

The Egyptian scarab necklace kept at Rouse Hill House is believed to have belonged to Kathleen (Figure 83 & Figure 84).

Figure 84: Scarab from Kathleen's necklace. Figure 83: Kathleen Rouse's scarab necklace. Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm, SLM Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm, SLM

238 Rouse Thornton, Rouse Hill, pp.173-174. 239 Ibid p.210.

112 i. Artistic Value Kathleen's necklace consists of a long silver chain now in several pieces with regularly placed turquoise glass scarabs and faux pearls. One pearl and one scarab are missing and the necklace measures 130cm in length. There are no hallmarks or maker's marks on the necklace, so knowledge of its origins is limited. It seems likely that Kathleen bought this piece on her European trip during the years of 1908 and 1909.240 ii. Historical Value Interest in Egyptian artifacts had begun in Britain when Napoleon invaded Egypt in 1798.241 The fashion for Egyptian-style jewellery intensified throughout the 19th century, although jewellery historians Gere & Rudoe describe much of the jewellery as of 'dubious accuracy.242 In 1922 when Englishman Howard Carter discovered the tomb of Tutankhamun, the world once more became fascinated with Egyptian motifs. Architectural historian James Stevens Curl describes the variety of materials used to make objects, which celebrated the discovery:

Egyptianising objects were produced in various cheap as well as very expensive materials, and can be found made of anything from pressed metal, 'Bakelite' plastic, or pottery to chrome-and-enamelled work or gold-and-silver objects set with precious stones and embellished with expensive lacquers.243 iii. Social, Emotional and Financial Value Kathleen was reportedly dismissive of the young men in her social circle.244 However, just before the first world war Kathleen became engaged to a family friend, Norman Pearce, when she was in her mid-thirties.

240 Sydney Living Museums. 'Baubles, brooches & beads', Threads of Connection, accessed 6 April 2019 https://sydneylivingmuseums.com.au/threads-of-connection/baubles-brooches-beads#data2283 241 Gere & Rudoe, p.379. 242 Ibid, p.384. 243 J.Stevens Curl, The Egyptian Revival. Routledge, London, 2005, p.374. 244 Rouse Thornton, Rouse Hill, p.174.

113 Tragically Lieutenant Pearce was killed in action in 1916, aged 35 years. Only two weeks later Kathleen sailed to England where she worked to contribute to the war effort.245 By 1919 Kathleen was home in Australia again. Although she had always been careful with money, she was becoming increasingly concerned about the effect that her brother-in-law, George Terry, was having on the family finances. Her fears were not unfounded. In 1921 George Terry was declared bankrupt. Edwin Stephen, George's father-in-law, had agreed to act as guarantor for George and was forced to use Nina's inheritance from both the Buchanan and Rouse estates to pay for George's financial failings.246

When Bessie Rouse died in 1924 Nina and George moved back to Rouse Hill House, where George worked as a labourer and Nina worked as a cook.247 Throughout 120 years of residence at Rouse Hill House the Rouse family had reached the heights of prosperity and the depths of bankruptcy. The jewellery dating from 1901 to 1924 reflects the demise of prosperity at Rouse Hill House.

Kathleen's love of travel had not diminished as she approached middle age. She had made friends with a Latvian man, Andrew Gaylit, who was spending time in Australia. By 1927 Gaylit was convinced that he could not make his home in Australia or New Zealand, as he had been unable to find work in either country.248

Gaylit returned to Harbin, Manchuria, a city which was under Russian control for some time in the early part of the 20th century but is now part of mainland China. When Gaylit tried to re-enter Australia, the Australian Government refused permission, perhaps because they suspected that Gaylit was a communist. Kathleen, incensed at what she perceived as unfairness, visited Gaylit several times over the next few years.249

On one of these trips in 1932 Kathleen was found murdered by the side of a river in Harbin. Her body was found without the jewellery she was reported to have been wearing, as was reported in the inquest into her death:

245 Rouse Thornton, Rouse Hill, pp. 249, 252, 253. 246 Ibid, p.280. 247 Ibid, p.273. 248 W.J. Pickard, Kathleen Rouse of Rouse Hill: the Road to Harbin, W.J. Pickard, Sydney, 1992, p.28. 249 Rouse Thornton, Rouse Hill, p.280.

114 She sometimes wore pince-nez glasses and wore several rings — I think three on one hand and four on the other — also a gold wristlet watch, a pearl necklace and earrings.250

The motive for the murder is unknown but may well have included robbery. Throughout her life Kathleen had shown an interest in fashion and jewellery and the photographs below are a poignant reminder of a woman, who struggled with the expectations of society (Figure 85 & Figure 86).

Figure 85: Kathleen Rouse in evening dress, Figure 86: Kathleen Rouse, late 1800s. c.1900. Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm, SLM Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm, SLM

5.5 Conclusion The four pieces of remnant jewellery discussed in this chapter add to our knowledge of the lives of members of the Rouse family, including their travels, their love of fashion and the more personal facets of their lives. They also illustrate the passage of the history of

250J. Mitchell, 'Inquest into the death of Kathleen Buchanan Rouse', deposition, August-September 1932, National Archives, Kew, UK, accession no. FO656/212, p.2, accessed 7 January 2020.

115 jewellery design, including the art of pique, the use of tortoiseshell and the re-emergence of Egyptian revival jewellery.

The remnants also raise questions about race relations in the 19th century. Due to limitations of time and space this study cannot address these questions, but future research may shed light on the relationship between the Rouse family and their Aboriginal neighbours and the reasons why European settlers acquired Aboriginal jewellery.

As to the ways in which this jewellery assists in maintaining the social status of the Rouse family, the fact that the pieces discussed above are remnants rather than complete items of jewellery in no way affects the amount of information which we can absorb from them.

In the final chapter of my thesis I will discuss conclusions which can be made as a result of my study of the Rouse jewellery collection and the necessity to increase the value of jewellery as a source of information in studies of material culture.

116 6 Research Results and Conclusion

This dissertation set out to answer the question, 'How did men and women in the Australian colony of NSW between 1801 and 1924 use jewellery to assist in establishing as well as maintaining their social status?' In order to answer this question, I studied 120 pieces of jewellery left behind at, and donated to, Rouse Hill House when the property was sold to the NSW Government in the 1970s.

After analysing the jewellery according to its materials, measurements, provenance, hallmarks and makers' marks I then tabulated the results. Receipts, photographs, magazines and portraits were also studied in order to find relevant evidence of the connections between the Rouse family and their jewellery.

Considering the available evidence, I then chose 24 specific pieces of jewellery, which had significance in terms of their relationships to individual members of the Rouse family, to include in the text of my thesis. The remaining 96 pieces were tabulated in an appendix at the end of the thesis.

In order to analyse the selected items, I relied on the theory of jewellery proposed by Marjan Unger (2019). This included consideration of the artistic, historical, personal, emotional, social and financial values of each piece. The roles of other disciplines, such as sociology and cultural studies became more apparent as my study deepened.

6.1 The Influence of Great Britain It is not surprising that from the earliest example of Rouse Hill jewellery, the attachment between the Rouse family and their original homeland is evident. Initially, most of the jewellery had its roots in Britain. It was imported from Britain or had been bought in Britain on a trip 'home' and transported to Australia. Many pieces were made in England, sent to jewellers in Sydney and subsequently purchased by members of the Rouse family.

I had expected that the Rouses would be buying Australian-made jewellery much earlier than they actually were. In fact, it took almost a century before they, and the public at large, were spending more on Australian goods than on imported ones.

117 A sociological perspective also emerged here. It appeared that the influence of Britain had made early Australians very sensitive to criticism of the colonies. According to researchers such as Kirsten McKenzie, anxiety was consistently high in 19th century Australia, whereby early settlers sought the approval of both British bureaucracy and family members who remained in Britain.

This anxiety was played out in the appearance of the Rouse family. Photographs of the family show that despite a harsh climate, vastly different to that of Britain, the Rouses felt the need to dress in formal English clothing and to accessorise that clothing with carefully chosen jewellery.251 The need to establish high social status was not just a parochial aim, but a desperate plea for approval from 'home'.

In terms of fashion, Europe was still the centre of attention during the 19th century, and middle-class women in Australia eagerly awaited news of the latest fashion trends in Britain and France. To a certain extent the Rouse jewellery collection reflects these fashions, although, in such a distant country as Australia, the arrival of fashion trends was necessarily delayed.

6.2 Economic Reality The need for high social status is necessarily affected by one's financial position and this is evident in the Rouse Hill jewellery collection. As I analysed the jewellery it became apparent that despite financial hardship, the need to maintain their social status and reputation was a very high priority for the Rouse family. The Rouses attempted to do this by several means: i. Inherited Jewellery This is notable particularly in the jewellery which was inherited by Bessie Rouse from her mother and then handed down by Bessie to her daughters. Of course, this was not solely a financial decision, but one also based on emotional ties. ii. Obtaining Faux Jewellery Many pieces of jewellery in the collection contain glass rather than precious stones, imitation pearls rather than natural pearls and base metals rather than gold or silver. In the

251 See Figure 2, page 21.

118 1800s and early 1900s this was made easier by the mass production of costume jewellery which became increasingly accepted as a legitimate form of personal display. iii. Home-made Jewellery The arrival of the Arts and Crafts movement in Australia was a 'blessing in disguise' for the Rouse family. The movement encouraged the use of natural and organic materials in jewellery, and this helped the Rouse women to maintain their dignity in times of financial stress. For example, the Rouse Hill jewellery collection includes a hatpin made of wool with a metal spike and several necklaces made of wood pods and seeds. iv. Jewellery Repairs Repairing and maintaining jewellery was a widely accepted practice during Victorian times, in order to allow people to continue to wear their most cherished pieces. There is evidence of repairs having been made to various pieces in the Rouse collection, and the many receipts at Rouse Hill House provide evidence that the Rouse family often had jewellery repaired, as well as other possessions, such as clocks.

Towards the end of the 19th century and into the first 20 years of the 20th century, there was very little difference in the way that the family was portrayed in photographs. We know that the Rouses were experiencing financial stress during this time, and yet they went to extraordinary lengths to provide the picture of prosperity to the world. Jewellery was repaired and kept fastidiously, as was clothing, and the photographs show that personal display continued to help maintain the family's social status and reputation, until it was no longer possible to do so.

6.3 The History of Jewellery Design After studying the Rouse Hill jewellery collection I feel that I have been allowed to receive significant insight into the history of jewellery design in Australia. I have been able to study trends such as portrait miniatures, cameos, belts, Greek, Roman and Egyptian revival jewellery, the use of pearls as symbols, the fashion for pique, the use of chatelaines, the rise of hats and hat pins, the fashion for lockets, patriotic jewellery, Arts and Crafts jewellery and Art Nouveau jewellery.

119 Specifically, some types of jewellery stand out in the collection: i. Jet and Its Imitations It was interesting to see the number of pieces of black jewellery in the Rouse collection. This prompted my interest in jet and inspired me to visit the UK to enhance my knowledge in this field. From what was originally a cottage industry, it was remarkable to see how that industry grew in the mid-to late-19th century.

Unfortunately, we will probably never know whether many of the Rouse pieces were obtained and/or worn as mourning jewellery or as a fashion statement. Nevertheless, the jet jewellery in the collection is striking in its style and showed how much the Rouse women wanted to follow this trend from England, attributed to Queen Victoria during her time of mourning. ii. Mourning, Memorial and Sentimental Jewellery. The love and devotion to family was constantly apparent during my research into the Rouse family. I would never have gained such an intimate connection to the family without the existence of the jewellery collection. The portrait miniatures of Richard and Elizabeth Rouse appear to have set up a tradition for valuing one's family and this tradition continued for the next hundred years.

For example, Eleanor's grief for her husband's early demise is poignantly illustrated by the small mourning brooch engraved with details of his death, and Hannah's mourning brooch, along with acceptable clothes, were used to enhance her appearance as a widow in mourning.

However, poignancy was not confined to the stories of deceased loved ones. The portrait brooch of a young Edwin Stephen Rouse, and the portraits of Bessie proudly wearing her mother's jewellery provide evidence that in the Rouse family respect for one's relatives was highly valued.

Even in straitened circumstances the Rouses were loath to apportion blame, as is evidenced by Richard Rouse waiting for his wife's death before disinheriting his son, John Richard.

The sentimental purchase of the pearl and gold brooch by Edwin Stephen Rouse for his wife, Bessie, is a purchase which connects us to families of the 19th century. We can relate to

120 Edwin Stephen's last-minute Christmas gift and to his effort to buy something for his wife, which would illustrate his love for her.

6.4 Changing Allegiances One of the most fascinating aspects of my study has been to observe, through the jewellery of the Rouse family, the way in which the family's national allegiances changed over time. Although there are only a few pieces of Australian patriotic jewellery in the collection, these pieces show that early Australians were aware that they were different to their ancestors.

This difference appears to have been strongly resisted in at least the first half of the 19th century, as new settlers were very aware of the disdain for the colonies, which was somehow transported from England. However, as a result of increasing prosperity in the colony of New South Wales, early Australians appear to have relaxed somewhat, until finally appreciating their new and unique homeland. If, and when, public access is permitted and we can read the letters and diaries of the family, our knowledge about the change in patriotism will be vastly enhanced.

6.5 Limitations The major limitation of my study has been the lack of access to jewellery belonging to the Rouse family, which is now in private hands. Similarly, I have been unable to see letters and diaries, which enhance the story of the Rouse family. Nevertheless, there are a substantial number of pieces of jewellery at Rouse Hill, many donated by Miriam Hamilton, a family member. This jewellery, along with receipts, which have never been sorted and catalogued until my research began, provided significant insight into the ways in which jewellery helped the Rouse family to maintain their social status.

Another way in which I have gained knowledge of the family is by viewing the substantial number of photographs, drawings, painted portraits and cartes-de-visite kept at Rouse Hill House. Several albums of these small photographs exist at Rouse Hill and include not only the Rouse family in formal portraits and social situations, but also portraits of the British royal family. In many of these images members of the Rouse family are proudly wearing jewellery and other accessories.

121 Another reason why photographs have been so valuable to my research project is that they depict people in an honest way, in contrast to painted portraits, which can be used to enhance the appearance of the subjects and their accessories. This type of manipulation was often used before photography was invented in order to project an image of greater prosperity and harmony than was actually warranted.

Another limitation is that the reasons why people used jewellery are many and varied, so the degree to which the Rouses used jewellery for the maintenance of social status is difficult to quantify. I have been fortunate to study photographs of the family wearing their jewellery, and along with the history supplied by Caroline Rouse Thornton in her book, I have formulated hypotheses which, I believe, are probable.

Having knowledge about the financial circumstances of the Rouse family over the 120 years, which my research report covers, also gives credence to my results. To cross-reference the probable dates of the jewellery with photographic evidence and written evidence of financial position has allowed me to make certain inferences.

6.6 The Future of the Rouse Hill Jewellery Collection Rouse Hill House is a museum, which forms part of Sydney Living Museum's collection of 19th century homes. It is in relatively original condition, the rooms set up as they would have looked in the mid-1800s. However, many of the rooms have undergone changes over the years according to the needs of family members living in the house at particular times.

Figure 87: Bedroom at Rouse Hill House. Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm, S.L.M Image: Julie Oliver

122 Since members of the Rouse family lived in the house until the 1970s, the house shows design features typical of all periods of time covering more than 140 years. Some of the rooms are used for storage, such as the old servants' quarters, now an office, and some look like a resident during the 1860s has just left the premises (Figure 87).

The atmosphere at Rouse Hill House is very different to other 19th century properties in NSW because the temptation to 'restore' has been resisted.

However, what part does the jewellery collection play at Rouse Hill? A large amount of the jewellery owned by the Rouses is no longer in the collection, as is obvious by the many empty jewellery boxes still at Rouse Hill House. Some jewellery is in private hands, but a great deal was sold as the family began to feel the effects of financial hardship.

Figure 88: Empty jewellery boxes at Rouse Hill House. Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm Image: Julie Oliver

123 As for the remaining pieces of jewellery at Rouse Hill House, most of it is stored in drawers in the office. As a collection, it has never been revealed and one cannot help but think that it is time it was exhibited. Having studied the lives of the Rouses, I believe it would be a fitting memorial to the family to take the viewer on a similar journey to that which I have been fortunate to experience.

In particular, I am interested in paying tribute to the lives of the remarkable Rouse women, who helped create loving families and experienced the extreme highs and lows of living in a fledgling colony. We often hear about extraordinary Australian men of the 19th century, but few accolades are given to women such as Elizabeth, Eleanor, Hannah, Bessie, Nina and Kathleen Rouse.

Along with the many photographs, which connect the Rouses to their jewellery, a unique story of the family, reflected by their jewellery collection, could educate Australians today about their valuable heritage in a unique way. My research project is the first step in that education process.

Figure 89: Bessie's studio Source: Rouse Hill House and Farm, SLM Image: Scott Hill

124 Glossary

 Alloy: two or more metals combined.  Ambrotype: an early type of photograph from the 1850s made by placing a dark background behind a glass negative, which has been coated in chemicals.  Art Nouveau: artistic style popular between around 1890 and 1920, which used flowing curved lines and forms based on nature.  Arts and Crafts movement: originating in the mid-19th century, Arts and Crafts encouraged the appreciation of small industry and craftsmanship, reacting to mass production of goods.  Assay: examining a metal to discover its contents.  Bog oak: an organic substance produced by the action of peat bogs on oak trees over long periods of time. Used as an imitation of jet.  Berlin ironwork: iron jewellery originally swapped for gold donated by citizens to support Germany during the Napoleonic wars.  Bombazine: a type of fabric originally made of silk.  Cabochon: a stone with a rounded surface, polished until smooth.  Cameo: a stone which has been carved so that the main feature sits higher than the flat background.  Cartouche: an area, often roughly shield-shaped, left blank or decorated.  Chasing: a punch and a hammer are used to decorate metal from the front or the back (repousse).  Chatelaine: a group of usually utilitarian objects is hung from a central plaque attached to a belt worn around the waist.  Choker: a necklace which fits closely to the neck.  Cloisonne: metal strips are soldered to the surface of a piece of jewellery or ornament, separating areas of decoration, often enamel.  Crape: black silk

125  Daguerrotype: an early type of photograph made by polishing a silver-plated copper plate and exposing it to iodine, bromine and mercury vapour. More expensive than ambrotypes.  Enamel: glass powder is fused to metal at high temperature to create a shiny hard surface.  Engine-turned: a repetitive pattern produced by a hand-operated machine.  EPNS: stands for electro-plated nickel silver; silver attached to a metal base.  Etching: cutting a design into metal using acid.  Facet: a flat face of a cut gemstone, usually geometric in shape.  Faience: finely glazed ceramic material used in ancient Egypt.  Faux: artificial.  Finial: an ornamental decoration attached to the outside edge of a piece of jewellery.  Fob watch: a watch kept in a pocket and attached to a waistcoat by a chain.  French jet: black glass used to imitate jet.  Gilding/gilt: A fine layer of gold or silver applied to another surface, usually metal.  Gothic script: an ornate style of writing originating in Europe from the 12th century.  Graduated stones: stones of increasing or decreasing size.  Gutta percha: a type of rubber produced from Malaysian trees, used to imitate jet.  Gypsy ring: a ring with a plain band and a single stone deeply set so that the surface of the stone sits flush with the metal band.  Half-hunter watch: a pocket watch with a glass case over the dial, which allows the time to be read without opening the case.  Hallmark: a country's official mark stamped onto gold, silver or platinum to endorse its purity.  Net hatching: the use of engraved parallel lines to create a 'net' effect on jewellery.  Ivory: the tusks of elephants or walruses, usually polished for jewellery or ornaments.  Jet: an organic substance formed by decaying wood under intense pressure over time.  Knop: a knob or swelling, usually ornamental.

126  Latticinio design: lines of coloured glass in a net pattern embedded in colourless glass, dates back to ancient Egypt.  Lawn: a type of cotton fabric.  Maireener shell: small iridescent shells which live on kelp, found on islands of south- eastern Australia.  Monogram: a motif formed by interwoven letters, often initials of a person's name.  Moulded glass: moulten glass is poured into a mould, sometimes known as pressed glass.  Muslin: various varieties of thin cotton fabric.  Nacre: the iridescent material produced by some molluscs, including oysters.  Net hatching: machine decoration producing a 'net' etched in a metal surface.  Parure: a group of matching pieces of jewellery, which may be worn separately or together.  Parramatta: woollen fabric mixed with silk or cotton, used in mourning dress.  Paste: polished glass often used to imitate precious stones.  Pique: The process of inlaying tortoiseshell with tiny sections of gold  Provenance: evidence of authenticity.  Scarab: representation of the dung beetle, adopted by the ancient Egyptians as a symbol of life.  Seed pearls: small natural pearls, usually less than 2mm in diameter.  Serpentine chain: tightly-knit links resembling snake-skin.  Signet ring: a ring originally engraved with a family crest or the initials of the wearer.  Vulcanite: a hard, black substance produced by treating rubber with sulphur. Used as an imitation of jet.  Wicklow gold: gold originally discovered in 1795 in the county of Wicklow, Ireland.

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134 Appendix

The following appendix includes other pieces of jewellery from the Rouse Hill Jewellery Collection.

Jewellery excluded from the appendix includes pieces analysed in the main text of the thesis, pieces which fall outside the dates (1801-1924) covered in the thesis, and pieces which are, to my judgement, too degraded to allow close examination.

All photographs in the appendix have been taken by me, with the exception of the pocket watch made by Lassetter & Co., which was taken by Carlin de Montfort, assistant curator of Rouse Hill House.

135 Rouse Hill House Jewellery Collection Badges 1 England, 2 Italian souvenir of late 19th - early Rome, 20th century, mid-late 19th 2.4 by 3.2cm, century, brass, pressed silver, membership 4.2 by 2.8cm, badge for may have horseracing club, belonged to may have Hannah Rouse. belonged to Edwin Stephen Rouse. Brooches 1 Blonde 2 English, tortoiseshell, mid 1800s, metal, 3.5 by 2.5cm, 5.2 by 4.1cm, jet on a metal rectangular strap plate, with wave shape belonged in centre, to Elizabeth 2 metal fasteners Buchanan, handed in the shape of a down to Bessie Byzantine cross Rouse. attach the metal pin to body. 3 Mid-1800s, 4 1870-75, jet and silver- jet, silver-plated plated metal, metal, 3.5 by 2.5cm, 5.2 by 4.6cm, inherited by in two pieces. Bessie Rouse from her mother. 5 c.1900 6 c.1900, gilt, metal, glass, oval silver brooch, copper alloy, broken pin. 3.3 by 2.1cm, 2 glass stones missing, stones are attached by screws and may have been used in other jewellery. Earrings 1 c.1900, 2 1860-1880, copper alloy, gold and agate, colourless paste, screw fitting. 1.9 by 1.8cm, single earring, screw fitting. 3 Single earring, 4 Mid-19th century, Fairfax & Roberts, jet and metal or Sydney, silver, c.1895, single earring, tourmaline, gold hook fitting. and seed pearls, screw fitting, probably belonged to Nina or Kathleen Rouse.

Lockets 1 Photograph 2 Photograph locket, locket, 1905, c. 1900, silver, convex glass on hallmarked both sides, gilded Birmingham, UK, brass, 6.8 by 4.2cm, 2.2cm diameter, maker’s mark on one side stamped ‘WT & S’ Frederick Sleigh for Wilkinson & Robert, 1st Earl Parkes, Roberts, on contains portraits reverse Robert of Nina and Stephenson Smyth Kathleen Rouse as Baden-Powell, small children. 1st Baron Baden- Powell. Bracelets and Bangles 1 c.1870, 2 1870-1880, jet, faceted jet beads 2.1-2.5cm from 2 matching diameter, total bracelets, length 16cm, each bead 0.7 by belonged to 2.2-2.5cm, total Bessie Rouse. length 32cm, belonged to Bessie Rouse.

3 Late 19th century, 4 Late 19th century, silver or silver- silver or silver- plated metal plated metal child’s bangle, child’s bangle, probably belonged probably belonged to either Nina or to either Nina or Kathleen Rouse. Kathleen Rouse. Belts 1 Silver-plated brass 2 Late 19th century, and elasticised vulcanite, cotton buckle, 34.5cm long, 5.8 by 5.3cm, each panel 1.4cm strap 65 by 4.5cm, wide, stamped ‘THE may have been a EMPRESS necklace rather PROTECTED than a belt. PEARCE’S PATENT’. 3 Belt or necklace, 4 Electro-plated late 19th century, silver belt in two vulcanite, pieces, double strung on total length 61cm museum thread. plus 6.7cm (piece broken off), each panel stamped ‘EPNS’.

5 Mid-19th century, 6 Selection of belts varnished wood, from Angus & possibly ebony, Coote catalogue, black cotton 1908. 24.2cm long, each panel 1.9 by 1.7cm, may have been part of a necklace.

Belt Buckles 1 UK, 2 UK, 1890s, late 19th century, silver-plated brass, silver-plated brass, 5.7 by 5.4cm, 11.3 by 5.7cm. belonged to Kathleen Rouse.

3 1910, 4 Late 19th-early metal and enamel 20th century, cloisonné, metal, colourless 5.3 by 4.3cm, glass stones, Art Nouveau style. 3.5 by 2.4cm.

5 European 6 European, late 19th century, late 19th century, filigree gilded nickel-plated brass, glass, brass, ceramic 5.8 by 4.4cm. ‘turquoise’, 6.9 by 5.4cm.

7 European, 8 Silver buckle from late 19th century, Angus & Coote 14 by 3cm, Catalogue, 1908. silver-plated lead alloy with riveted cast decoration, remnants of green tinted varnish, detached black lacquered brass bar, remnants of solder. Beads 1 Late 19th century, 2 Late 19th century, French jet (glass), blown glass 0.7 by 0.4cm with painted diameter, pearlescent single drill hole to coating, each. 1.3-1.5cm diameter, single drill hole to each, silk and wire remnants indicate hat or dress ornament. 3 Late 19th century, 4 English, banded agate, 1860-1880, 2.7 by 1.8cm, banded agate, probably intended 2.2cm diameter, for a ring. flat backs.

5 Late 19th century, 6 Amber, polished jet/coal, 1 by 1.2cm, 3.2-3.5cm domed surface diameter, and flat back. flat backs, faceted faces, two drill holes in each. 7 Late 19th century, 8 Late 19th century, French jet, coral, 2.4cm diameter, 1.4cm diameter, central drilled hole 2 buttons or 0.5cm wide. beads, 3 drilled holes on the reverse side of each. Combs and Hairpieces 1 European, 2 1915-1925, late 19th century, hairpiece or tortoiseshell, tiara of wire and metal and glass, moulded glass 11.4 by 2.1cm. beads imitating jet, 18 by 14cm, Art Deco in style. 3 c. 1900, 4 Selection of combs tortoiseshell, from Angus & colourless glass Coote Catalogue, stones, silver 1908. plated brass mount, 12.2 by 7.2cm, one tooth missing. Dress Ornaments 1 c1910, 2 1920s, metal, colourless metal, colourless and blue paste, paste (glass), 2.4cm diameter, 5.4 by 5.4cm, dress ornament. dress ornament or half-buckle. Cufflinks and Pins 1 c. 1900-1910, 2 Masonic pin, gold and gilded brass, moonstone (1 1 by 1cm, stone cracked), original box, 2 by 1.2cm, from a set of 1.8 by 0.6cm, three. later belonged to Gerald Terry, son of Nina Rouse. 3 Coral and gold tie 4 Empty pin box at pin, Rouse Hill House. may have belonged to William Buchanan. Hat Pins 1 1905-1915, 2 1915-1925, casein (early blue and plastic) coloured colourless glass, white, metal pin, metal, length 23cm, pin length 21.5cm, head 4 by 2.2cm, head 1.4 by 1.7cm. pitted and degraded surface.

3 1890 - 1900, 4 1890 - 1910, glass, metal, damaged with amber glass many beads faceted head, missing, pin length 19.3cm, possibly bakelite head 1.5 by dome, metal, 1.1cm. glass, pin length 25.5cm, head 4.8cm diameter. 5 1905 - 1915, 6 1895 - 1910, casein coloured black glass, rusty grey, rusty metal, metal pin, pin length 23.3cm, pin length 32cm, head 4.2 by head 4.5cm 2.2cm, diameter. pitted and scratched surface.

7 1910-1925, 8 1910-1920, enamel, rusty glass, brass, metal, metal, brass, pin length 26.5cm, pin length 14.9cm, mirror disc 2.9cm head diameter diameter, 3.5cm, shows the fashion in the style of for ornament Greek Revival. reflecting flora and fauna. 9 1910 - 1920, 10 1905-1915, glass, metal, head early plastic, metal is moulded and collar, glass, cut green glass pin length 28.6cm, cube, head 4.3cm pin length 21.5cm, diameter, head 1.3 by stamped ‘METAL’ 1.3cm. beneath head. 11 1890-1910, 12 1890-1910, mother-of-pearl, emerald green silver plate, metal, glass, stamped glass diamantes, ‘METAL’ on base, pin length 21cm, pin length 22.5cm, head 2.3 by 5 lines of 2.3cm, threading around influenced by base-may have Faberge designs. been designed to fix a feather or bow in place. 13 1910-1920, 14 Birmingham, brass, metal, 1910-1911, pin length 18.7cm, silver and blue head diameter enamel swastika, 2.1cm, metal pin, raised crown and pin length 26cm, anchor on head, head 1.6 by 1.7cm, stamped ‘G. ‘ALLE’ stamped Varoop & Son, on back of head, 16 London St’ on hallmarked. base of head. 15 1900-1915, 16 1915-1925, brass, mother-of- wool, metal, pearl, glass, metal, pin length 13.9cm, pin length 27cm, probably home- head 3.4 by made. 3.4cm.

17 c.1900, 18 Early 1900s, gold (marked ‘9ct gold or brass head, gold’), turquoise, tarnished steel steel, pin, pearl, pin length 17.2cm, pin length 19.9cm, head 1.7 by 1cm, head 1.9cm wide, pair of hatpins in Art Nouveau in original box, style. box stamped ‘G. Packer & Co., Goldsmiths & Jewellers, 76 & 78 Regent St London W’. 19 Late 19th century, 20 1890 - 1900, collection of 6 moulded cut glass, short hatpins, metal, steel, glass, pin length 22cm, pin lengths 3.8cm, head 2.2 by 2cm. black and pink pins 5.1cm. 21 1900-1920, 22 Selection of hat glass, silver, metal, pins, pin length 19.5cm, Angus & Coote head 1.7 by Catalogue, 1908. 1.7cm, stamped ‘IMITATION’, possibly latticinio design. Necklaces 1 Early 20th century, 2 Early 20th century, seed pods, thread, French jet beads, length 94cm, flat backs, metal tassel 13.5cm, clasp, belonged to length 133cm, Kathleen Rouse. each bead 0.9cm diameter, belonged to Kathleen Rouse

3 Late 19th century, 4 Possible pre-1AD, incomplete strand Egyptian beads, of French jet some glazed beads, faience, glass, each bead 0.5- cotton, metal, 0.6cm diameter. necklace has been broken and re- tied.

5 Early 20th century, 6 Late 19th century, polished glass Whitby jet, beads, some museum polyester enameled, strung thread, on later grey largest bead 1.8cm cotton, diameter, largest bead incomplete 1.5cm diameter, necklace. incomplete necklace.

7 Late 19th century, 8 Late 19th century, French jet, approx. 165 each bead 1.1cm French jet beads, diameter, 1 restrung, broken, total length 92cm, incomplete each bead 0.5- necklace. 0.8cm diameter.

9 Late 19th century, 10 1920s, French jet, bloodstone, museum polyester cornelian, string, thread, incomplete each bead 1.6cm necklace or diameter, bracelet. incomplete necklace, 2 broken beads. 11 1880-1910, 12 c.1920, wood or seed artificial pearls, pods, glass, faux rethreaded, length pearls (glass), 40cm, metal, pearls discoloured 1 carved bead and degraded, near the clasp. tongue-in-groove clasp, probably belonged to Nina or Kathleen Rouse. 13 c. 1920, 14 Blonde mauve glass tortoiseshell cross beads, linen and incomplete thread, chain, approx. 140cm in cross 6.7 by 5cm length, in length, each bead 0.6cm chips and cracking diameter. evident, 1 broken link. Rings 1 1880, 2 3 blonde silver Mizpah ring, tortoiseshell rings, hallmarked large ring 3.6cm Chester, 1880, diameter, 0.8cm maker ‘P&T’. wide, 2 small rings each 1.3cm diameter, 0.5cm wide, some cracks and chips. Rosary Beads 1 Middle to late 2 Box containing 19th century, jewellery at Rouse lacquered or Hill House. polished seed pods, metal, length 34.5cm, pendant 9.5cm long, belonged to Sarah Cockram (1859- 1913), nurse to Nina and Kathleen Rouse. Pendants 1 Turned and 2 Early 20th century, polished ivory silver and blue or animal tooth, enamel cross, metal, initials ‘MCL’ in 1.9cm by 1.9cm, blue enamel, eyes highlighted silver ring through black. upper arm. 3 Late 19th century, 4 Empty leather abalone or paua jewellery box at shell, Rouse Hill House, 2.3cm by 1.9cm, contained a damaged where serpent necklace hole was drilled to or bracelet. enable hanging as a pendant. Watches 1 Lady’s English 2 Nickel case, half-hunter pocket white porcelain watch, face, pocket silver, gold and watch, knob used silver leaf, for winding, face Swiss movement dirty, rusted and and case, bent hands, hallmarked 925 or maker’s mark on 935, face ‘F. Lassetter & back opens for key Co. Ltd’, winding, may have glass over the dial belonged to a is missing. servant of the Rouse family. Watch Chains 1 Late 19th century, 2 Early 20th century, watch chain silver-plated ball of vulcanite or chain, French jet, 154.5cm in length, 43 beads, each large carbine clip. 1.3-1.4cm diameter, original cotton cord, 1 broken and 1 chipped bead. 3 c. 1900, 4 Late 19th century, incomplete and incomplete watch broken watch chain, chain, jet or coal, cotton, jet or coal, cotton, metal, lacquer, metal, lacquer, length 35.8cm, large bead was fob beads vary from weight. 0.9cm to 1.7cm in diameter, some missing and some damaged beads. Shoe Buckles 1 Pair of shoe 2 Single shoe buckles, silver buckle, European, plate, Greek key late 19th century, decoration, polished steel, vertical bar is 3.7cm by 4.7cm. pierced with two rectangular holes. 3 Pair of shoe 4 Empty leather, buckles, velvet and satin European, jewellery box at late 19th century, Rouse Hill House, plated metal with of British origin. remnants of gilt decoration, 4.7cm by 5.4cm, probably from a man’s shoes.