Tenant-Right in Nineteenth-Century Ireland Author(S): Timothy W

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Tenant-Right in Nineteenth-Century Ireland Author(S): Timothy W Economic History Association Bonds without Bondsmen: Tenant-Right in Nineteenth-Century Ireland Author(s): Timothy W. Guinnane and Ronald I. Miller Source: The Journal of Economic History, Vol. 56, No. 1 (Mar., 1996), pp. 113-142 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Economic History Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2124021 Accessed: 01/11/2010 12:25 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Cambridge University Press and Economic History Association are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Journal of Economic History. http://www.jstor.org Bonds without Bondsmen: Tenant-Right in Nineteenth-Century Ireland TIMOTHYW. GUINNANEAND RONALD I. MILLER Tenant-right,or a tenant's right to sell his holding, was one of the most puzzling institutionsof nineteenth-centuryIrish land tenure. Historianshave arguedthat the institutionreflects the tenants' assertions of a proprietaryinterest in the land, an assertion often backed up by threats and violence. In this article we argue that landlordsrespected tenant-rightbecause they could profit from the institution.Our model reflects comments by contemporariesand explains that tenant-rightfunc- tioned as a bond againstnonpayment of rent and was part of a rationallandlord's income-maximizingstrategy. IfTenant-right was perhaps the most famous and vexatious land-tenure v institution in nineteenth-century Ireland. Under tenant-right an Irish tenant without a lease could sell the right to occupy his holding to an incoming tenant. As contemporaries appreciated and as historian Barbara L. Solow argued in her pioneering study, the magnitude of tenant-right payments implied that tenants were selling the capitalized value of the right to pay the landlord less than the full Ricardian rent. Landlords and tenants in Ireland had reason to care about tenant-right, but the institu- tion's influence went far beyond these groups. Tenant-right was always a key facet of the land-tenure issues that dominated much of nineteenth- century Irish politics, and Ireland's land debates often dominated British politics. As one member of Parliament observed, "the Irish Land Question has probably engaged the attention of Parliament more than any other subject during the last thirty years."' Historians have proposed two explanations for tenant-right. Some view tenant-right as a simple bribe to purchase immunity from agrarian violence. Landlords could not, according to this view, charge the full Ricardian rent without risking personal assault or damage to property. This explanation was proposed in 1843 by the Devon Commission, which investigated landlord-tenant relations in Ireland. According to the com- mission, tenant-right was "in the great majority of cases ... a mere life insurance or purchase of immunity from outrage."2 Other historians view The Joumal of Economic History, Vol. 56, No. 1 (Mar. 1996). ? The Economic History Association. All rights reserved. ISSN 0022-0507. Timothy W. Guinnane, Department of Economics, Yale University, Box 208269, New Haven, CT 06520-8269. Ronald I. Miller, Department of Economics, Columbia University, New York, NY 10027. For comments we thank William Baumol, Ben Bernanke, Doug Bernheim, David Card, Avinash Dixit, Martin Dowling, William English, William Jordan, Joel Mokyr, Cormac 6 Grada, T. N. Srinivasan, William Sundstrom, William Vaughan, participants in seminars at Berkeley, Princeton. Stony Brook, and Yale, and anonymous referees. ' MacClagan, Land Culture, p. 1. 2Devon Commission, Digest, p. 2. 113 114 Guinnane and Miller tenant-rightas reflectingdeeply imbeddednotions about land and prop- erty rightsin land. Accordingto this view, Irishtenants believed that their occupationof the soil by itself impliedsome degree of propertyrights and so denied their landlordsthe right to charge the full Ricardianrent. This view, given full credence by John E. Pomfret in his influential but now-datedwork, still finds its echoes in modern research.3Both of these explanations view the landlord as acceding to a practice because to challenge it would bring protest and perhapsviolence. Our explanationis different.Although it may be true that Irish tenants had strongproprietary feelings towardtheir land, this does not explainthe willingnessof landlordsto reduce rents to the point where tenant-right gained significantvalue. Our model implies that landlordshad their own reasons for agreeing to the custom: tenant-rightmade rents easier to collect than would otherwise have been the case. Arrearsof rent were a firstclaim on the purchasemoney for any outgoingtenant. Thus landlords respecting tenant-rightwere assured of receiving their back rent from failed tenants. Perhaps more importantly,the institution improved the selection of tenants.No sittingtenant had an incentivenot to pay his rent, since each tenant owningtenant-right knew that any arrearswould simply reducethe value of his holding.That is, tenant-rightwas a securitydeposit, albeit one with unusualdistributional and risk-sharingconsequences. Why did Irishlandlords rely on this form of bond ratherthan an explicitsecurity deposit posted by the tenant? The answer,we argue, lies in problemsof enforcement and verification.Tenant-right does not entail most of the moral-hazardproblems implicit in a conventionalsecurity deposit. More than a few contemporariesunderstood tenant-right as securityfor rent. Writing in the 1860s, journalistHenry Coulter argued that tenant right is acquiesced in and encouraged by many agents and landlords because they look on it as the best security they can have for the payment of rent. If a tenant should fall into arrear, and be evicted from his farm, he is still allowed to sell his "good will," and the arrear or rent and all his just debts are liquidated out of the purchase money, otherwise the landlord will not allow the transfer to be made.4 Our model formallyimplies that a landlordwould want to create tenant- rightwhere it had not existedbefore, but we view our argumentprimarily as an explanationfor the lack of landlordopposition to the institution.The article supportsthis interpretationof tenant-rightin two ways. First, we argue that the earlier explanationsof tenant-rightare inconsistentwith simple logic and with the availableevidence. Second, we show that our explanationof tenant-rightaccounts for some otherwisepuzzling features of landlord-tenantrelations in nineteenth-centuryIreland apart from the operation of the basic institution. 3 Pomfret, Struggle,pp. 50-51. 4 Coulter is quoted in 0 Grada, Ireland, p. 128. 0 Grada notes that our interpretation of tenant-right was advanced by several nineteenth-century observers. Tenant-Right in Nineteenth-Century Ireland 115 For decadeslandlord-tenant relations held pride of place in anystudy of nineteenth-centuryIrish economic history. Economic historianssuch as George O'Brientraced most economic evils to Ireland'sland system and credited Ulster's relative prosperity to supposed peculiarities of land tenure there. Recent research has not been kind to this approach. Economic historiansnow largelyagree with Louis Cullen'sassertion that "landlords are not central to the story"-more important for Irish economic history are the day-to-daydecisions of farmers,laborers, and others on the ground.5The land system's demotion from center stage reflects an appreciationthat Irish agricultureturned in a respectableif unevenperformance in the period between the Great Famineof the 1840s and World War I, and that when it did not, landlordswere not the only culprits.Even if the Irish agriculturaleconomy had been as bad as once portrayed,would it be reasonableto assertthat the land-tenuresystem was at fault? In discussingland-tenure prior to the Famine,Joel Mokyrnoted that tenancysystems are themselveslargely endogenous: rather than view the Irishsystem as a costly arrangementimposed from without, we should look for the forces within the Irish economy that gave rise to and supportedthe institutionswe observe.6 This articleis primarilyan analyticalexercise grounded in the operation of tenant-right as revealed in parliamentaryand secondary sources. Aspects of our argumentcan be tested empirically,but meaningfultests require intensive use of manuscriptsources for reasons discussedbelow. Tenant-rightwas widely discussed in the nineteenth century. Recent scholarly attention has considerably advanced our knowledge of the institution.The interested reader is referred especially to Martin
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