V in the Last Decade, the Andean Community Countries -- Bolivia
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Colombian/ Venezuelan Fusion Cuisine! Family-Run and Bursting with Rich Flavors, Sabores De Mi Tierra Is a Must Try!
B U F F A L O W I T H O U T B O R D E R S C U L T U R A L I N F O R M A T I O N P A C K E T CUISINE SERVED BY: SABORES DE MI TIERRA The second night of our Buffalo Without Borders TO GO series will be served by Sabores De Mi Tierra! In a colorful space on Niagara street, it is the only restaurant in Buffalo to boast Colombian/ Venezuelan fusion cuisine! Family-run and bursting with rich flavors, Sabores De Mi Tierra is a must try! Sabores De Mi Tierra, which translates to "flavors of my land" in English, was re-opened under new ownership in 2019. Diana and Edgar reestablished the Colombian favorite on Niagara St. Diana is from Colombia and Edgar, her husband, is from Venezuela but grew up in Colombia, making their menu a fusion of the two cuisines. Sabores De Mi Tierra is the only Colombian restaurant in Buffalo and before it was opened our Colombian population had to go to NYC to find the cuisines of their homeland. This is why the pair was so excited to open their restaurant in Buffalo, Diana said, "We are the only ones to offer Colombian food like this in Buffalo, and I want the community to learn more about our cuisine because it is the best food, the richest in spice and flavor!" Besides an array of spices, their cuisine relies heavily on the flavors of sautéed peppers, onions, and garlic. -
Simón Bolívar
Reading Comprehension/Biography SIMÓN BOLÍVAR Simón José Antonio de la Santísima Trinidad Bolívar y Palacios, (July 24, 1783 – December 17, 1830), more commonly known as Símon Bolívar, was one of the most important leaders of Spanish America's successful struggle for independence from Spain. He is a very important figure in South American political history, and served as President of Gran Colombia from 1821 to 1830, President of Peru from 1824 to 1826, and President of Bolivia from 1825 to 1826. Bolívar was born into a wealthy family in Caracas, in what is now Venezuela. Much of his family’s wealth came from silver, gold and copper mines. Later in his revolutionary life, Bolívar used part of the mineral income to finance the South American revolutionary wars. After the death of his parents, he went to Spain in 1799 to complete his education. He married there in 1802, but his wife died of yellow fever on a short return visit to Venezuela in 1803. Bolívar returned to Europe in 1804 and for a time was part of Napoleon's retinue. Bolívar returned to Venezuela in 1807, and, when Napoleon made Joseph Bonaparte King of Spain and its colonies in 1808, he participated in the resistance juntas in South America. The Caracas junta declared its independence in 1810, and Bolívar was sent to Britain on a diplomatic mission. Bolívar returned to Venezuela in 1811. In March 1812, he left Venezuela after an earthquake destroyed Caracas. In July 1812, junta leader Francisco de Miranda surrendered to the Spanish, and Bolívar had to flee. -
Venezuela's Withdrawal from the Andean Community of Nations And
Area: Latin America - ARI 54/2006 (Translated from Spanish) Date: 30/5/2006 Venezuela’s Withdrawal from the Andean Community of Nations and the Consequences for Regional Integration (Part I) Carlos Malamud ∗ Theme: The unexpected announcement by Venezuela of its decision to withdraw from the Andean Community of Nations (CAN), plus the nationalisation of Bolivian hydrocarbons, have further shaken the already unsteady scenario of South American regional integration. Summary: The President of Venezuela took advantage of a meeting with his colleagues from Bolivia, Paraguay and Uruguay on 19 April 2006 to unexpectedly announce the country’s withdrawal from the Andean Community of Nations (Comunidad Andina de Naciones or CAN), the sub-regional integration block formed by Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru and Venezuela, whose annual trade turnover totals close to US$9 billion. Ten days later, Bolivia’s President Evo Morales announced the nationalisation of the country’s hydrocarbons. Venezuela insists that withdrawal from the CAN was a direct result of the immediate harm it would be caused by the free trade agreements (FTAs) signed by Colombia and Peru. Regardless of the real reasons behind Commander Chavez’s attitude, Venezuela’s move sent a deep shudder of concern through other CAN members and further stirred the already choppy waters of regional integration in the continent. In the Andean Community, Colombia and Peru held Chávez responsible for withdrawing from the block, Bolivia clearly aligned itself alongside Venezuela and Ecuador took a more neutral stance, although it defended the process of regional integration. Theoretically, Venezuela’s withdrawal from the CAN should imply a greater and more active role for the Bolivarian regime in Mercosur, which has not pleased Argentina and Brazil, who are suspicious of attempts by Chávez to align with the smaller countries in the block, Paraguay and Uruguay, which in turn have their bones of contention with the two major players. -
Colombian Refugees Cross the Border with Ecuador
Colombian refugees cross theborderwithEcuador. 114 UNHCR Global Report 2008 OPERATIONAL HIGHLIGHTS • UNHCR increased its protection • Within the framework of UNHCR’s capacity in Colombia, enabling coverage Global Needs Assessment pilot of 41 of the 50 districts most affected initiative, nationwide consultations by displacement and benefitting more were carried out in Ecuador in order to than 570,000 internally displaced assess the main protection needs of persons (IDPs). refugees. • More than 678,000 hectares of land in • Chile accepted the resettlement of 117 Colombia were protected in 2008 Palestinian refugees in 2008. Uruguay through the Land Property Protection and Paraguay joined the Solidarity Project of the Government, which Resettlement Programme, and UNHCR supported with advice and government delegations from these sensitization campaigns. countries undertook a familiarization mission to Argentina and Chile. •InEcuador,theGovernment presented a new National Policy of • Governments in many Latin American Asylum. This policy envisages the countries have been supported to adoption of an accelerated refugee strengthen their legal frameworks and status determination (RSD) capacity to undertake refugee status procedure, known as ‘enhanced determination, as well as to increase registration,’ and the decentralization the ability to identify refugees within of the General Directorate for mixedflowsandprovideaccesstothe Refugees to this effect. asylum procedures. UNHCR / B. HEGER / ECU•2004 UNHCR Global Report 2008 115 Working environment Canada remained a major country of asylum and resettlement, and an important donor to Tensions between Colombia and Ecuador UNHCR’s programmes. However, difficulties persisted throughout 2008, in spite of efforts by have arisen from perceptions in the country the Organization of American States (OAS) to that its refugee system is being misused by mend the rift between the two countries. -
Unesco Creative Cities Network Popayán, Colombia Periodic Evaluation Report Creative City of Gastronomy 2020
UNESCO CREATIVE CITIES NETWORK POPAYÁN, COLOMBIA PERIODIC EVALUATION REPORT CREATIVE CITY OF GASTRONOMY 2020 GENERAL INFORMATION 2.1 Name of the city: Popayán 2.2 Country: Colombia 2.3 Creative field: Gastronomy 2.4 Date of designation: August 6, 2005 2.5 Date of submission of this periodic evaluation report: December 31, 2020 2.6 Entity responsible for preparing the report: Popayán Mayor's Office of Tourism 2.7 Previous reports and submission dates: February 28, 2016 2.8 Focal point: Juan Carlos López Castrillón: Mayor of Popayán alcaldia@popayan- cauca.gov.co Focal Point: Ms. Monika Ximena Anacona Quilindo Tourism Coordinator of the Municipality of Popayán, [email protected] Tel. + 57 – 3022902871 3.1 Popayán attended some annual meetings of the Network: 3.1.1. Popayán participated with chef Pablo Guzmán Illera who obtained recognition for the typical cuisine of the region with his participation in the 15th edition of the International Food Festival of Chengdu, held in China at the end of 2018. Within the framework of the festival, he was originally from Chengdu and by which this city became part of the network of creative cities of UNESCO. Chef Guzmán Illera won the awards for "Best presentation, best taste, Creativity" and "Foodies Choice", awarded in competition and by public choice. The chef presented a typical dish: El Tripazo Caucano, vacuum cooked; the pickle of ollucos; carantanta; and avocado emulsion were the dishes presented by the Colombian chef to the 200 festival goers. 3.1.2. Chef Pablo Guzmán Illera has also participated in events of the same network, such as the “Chef Challenge”, the “Unesco World Meeting of Creative Cities” in Belem (Brazil). -
Border Policy in Venezuela and Colombia
MASS VIOLENCE & ATROCITIES Border Policy in Venezuela and Colombia A Discussion Paper by Francisco Javier Sanchez C. Translated into English from the original Spanish version Context Colombia seeks to build a more open border policy. The Colombian Border Law of 1995 and the Andean Community standards promote Relations between Venezuela and Colombia deteriorated to a cross-border cooperation and planning, as well as the creation of breaking point after the Colombian Peace Agreement with the border integration zones. Due to the Venezuelan migration crisis, Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia-People’s Army (FARC-EP) in Colombia created a border management agency, implemented a 2016. Today, the Colombian government recognizes Juan Guaidó as border mobility card, and discussed a bill to provide economic the legitimate interim president of Venezuela and considers Nicolás and social facilities to Cúcuta. A limited National Impact Plan was Maduro a usurper and his government a de facto regime. In refer- introduced, aimed at stimulating the economy and strengthening ence to Guaidó, there are limited diplomatic relations between his societies in the border areas and addressing their regular needs, representatives and Colombia, while there are no relations between which have increased because of Venezuelan migration. the Maduro government and Colombia following years of distrust. At the decision of Venezuela, formal crossing points along the Recommendations Colombian border have been officially closed since August 19, 2015, Given this context, the following proposals are presented: however there are unofficial openings during limited hours, though the consistency fluctuates. Since February 22, 2019, the crossing National Governments points at the border with the Venezuelan state of Táchira have been – Both governments should establish regular channels of com- closed to vehicular traffic, with pedestrian traffic allowed at the munication and cooperation, without delays. -
The Labor Market Effects of Venezuelan Migration in Ecuador
DISCUSSION PAPER SERIES IZA DP No. 13501 The Labor Market Effects of Venezuelan Migration in Ecuador Sergio Olivieri Francesc Ortega Ana Rivadeneira Eliana Carranza JULY 2020 DISCUSSION PAPER SERIES IZA DP No. 13501 The Labor Market Effects of Venezuelan Migration in Ecuador Sergio Olivieri Ana Rivadeneira The World Bank Group and CUNY, Queens The World Bank Group and CUNY, Queens College College Francesc Ortega Eliana Carranza The World Bank Group, CUNY, Queens Col- The World Bank Group and CUNY, Queens lege and IZA College JULY 2020 Any opinions expressed in this paper are those of the author(s) and not those of IZA. Research published in this series may include views on policy, but IZA takes no institutional policy positions. The IZA research network is committed to the IZA Guiding Principles of Research Integrity. The IZA Institute of Labor Economics is an independent economic research institute that conducts research in labor economics and offers evidence-based policy advice on labor market issues. Supported by the Deutsche Post Foundation, IZA runs the world’s largest network of economists, whose research aims to provide answers to the global labor market challenges of our time. Our key objective is to build bridges between academic research, policymakers and society. IZA Discussion Papers often represent preliminary work and are circulated to encourage discussion. Citation of such a paper should account for its provisional character. A revised version may be available directly from the author. ISSN: 2365-9793 IZA – Institute of Labor Economics Schaumburg-Lippe-Straße 5–9 Phone: +49-228-3894-0 53113 Bonn, Germany Email: [email protected] www.iza.org IZA DP No. -
Alba and Free Trade in the Americas
CUBA AND THE CONSTRUCTION OF ALTERNATIVE GLOBAL TRADE SYSTEMS: ALBA AND FREE TRADE IN THE AMERICAS LARRY CATÁ BACKER* & AUGUSTO MOLINA** ABSTRACT The ALBA (Alternativa Bolivariana para los Pueblos de Nuestra América) (Bolivarian Alternative for The People of Our America), the command economy alternative to the free trade model of globalization, is one of the greatest and least understood contributions of Cuba to the current conversation about globalization and economic harmonization. Originally conceived as a means for forging a unified front against the United States by Cuba and Venezuela, the organization now includes Nicaragua, Honduras, Dominica, and Bolivia. ALBA is grounded in the notion that globalization cannot be left to the private sector but must be overseen by the state in order to maximize the welfare of its citizens. The purpose of this Article is to carefully examine ALBA as both a system of free trade and as a nexus point for legal and political resistance to economic globalization and legal internationalism sponsored by developed states. The Article starts with an examination of ALBA’s ideology and institutionalization. It then examines ALBA as both a trade organization and as a political vehicle for confronting the power of developed states in the trade context within which it operates. ALBA remains * W. Richard and Mary Eshelman Faculty Scholar and Professor of Law, Dickinson Law School; Affiliate Professor, School of International Affairs, Pennsylvania State University, University Park, Pennsylvania; and Director, Coalition for Peace & Ethics, Washington, D.C. The author may be contacted at [email protected]. An earlier version of this article was presented at the Conference, The Measure of a Revolution: Cuba 1959-2009, held May 7–9, 2009 at Queen’s University, Kingston, Ontario, Canada. -
Venezuela Joins Mercosur: the Mpi Act Felt Around the Americas Kristin L
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Southern Methodist University Law and Business Review of the Americas Volume 16 | Number 1 Article 6 2010 Venezuela Joins Mercosur: The mpI act Felt around the Americas Kristin L. Brown Follow this and additional works at: https://scholar.smu.edu/lbra Recommended Citation Kristin L. Brown, Venezuela Joins Mercosur: The Impact Felt around the Americas, 16 Law & Bus. Rev. Am. 85 (2010) https://scholar.smu.edu/lbra/vol16/iss1/6 This Comment and Case Note is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at SMU Scholar. It has been accepted for inclusion in Law and Business Review of the Americas by an authorized administrator of SMU Scholar. For more information, please visit http://digitalrepository.smu.edu. VENEZUELA JOINS MERCOSUR: THE IMPACT FELT AROUND THE AMERICAS Kristin L. Brown* I. INTRODUCTION IN 1991, Argentina, Brazil, Uruguay, and Paraguay signed the Treaty of Asunci6n to create the "Mercado Comun del Sur" (The Common Market of the South), better known as Mercosur.' The treaty sets up the framework of Mercosur and outlines the parties' goal to become a common market through the adoption of a common external tariff, a common trade policy, and the "free movement of goods, services, and factors of production between countries through, inter alia, the elimina- tion of customs duties and non-tariff restrictions on the movement of goods." 2 When Mercosur was created, the only other major trade bloc within the region was the Andean Community of Nations (CAN), whose members at the time included Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, and Venezuela. -
Indigenous Peoples in Latin America: Statistical Information
Indigenous Peoples in Latin America: Statistical Information Updated August 5, 2021 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R46225 SUMMARY R46225 Indigenous Peoples in Latin America: Statistical August 5, 2021 Information Carla Y. Davis-Castro This report provides statistical information on Indigenous peoples in Latin America. Data and Research Librarian findings vary, sometimes greatly, on all topics covered in this report, including populations and languages, socioeconomic data, land and natural resources, human rights and international legal conventions. For example the figure below shows four estimates for the Indigenous population of Latin America ranging from 41.8 million to 53.4 million. The statistics vary depending on the source methodology, changes in national censuses, the number of countries covered, and the years examined. Indigenous Population and Percentage of General Population of Latin America Sources: Graphic created by CRS using the World Bank’s LAC Equity Lab with webpage last updated in July 2021; ECLAC and FILAC’s 2020 Los pueblos indígenas de América Latina - Abya Yala y la Agenda 2030 para el Desarrollo Sostenible: tensiones y desafíos desde una perspectiva territorial; the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development and World Bank’s (WB) 2015 Indigenous Latin America in the twenty-first century: the first decade; and ECLAC’s 2014 Guaranteeing Indigenous people’s rights in Latin America: Progress in the past decade and remaining challenges. Notes: The World Bank’s LAC Equity Lab -
Summary of the Bch 2018 Judgment
INTERNATIONAL COURT OF JUSTICE Peace Palace, Carnegieplein 2, 2517 KJ The Hague, Netherlands Tel.: +31 (0)70 302 2323 Fax: +31 (0)70 364 9928 Website: www.icj-cij.org Twitter Account: @CIJ_ICJ YouTube Channel: CIJ ICJ LinkedIn page: International Court of Justice (ICJ) Summary Not an official document Summary 2018/5 1 October 2018 Obligation to Negotiate Access to the Pacific Ocean (Bolivia v. Chile) Summary of the Judgment of 1 October 2018 Procedural background (paras. 1-15) The Court recalls that, on 24 April 2013, the Government of the Plurinational State of Bolivia (hereinafter “Bolivia”) filed in the Registry of the Court an Application instituting proceedings against the Republic of Chile (hereinafter “Chile”) with regard to a dispute “relating to Chile’s obligation to negotiate in good faith and effectively with Bolivia in order to reach an agreement granting Bolivia a fully sovereign access to the Pacific Ocean”. On 15 July 2014, Chile raised a preliminary objection to the jurisdiction of the Court. By its Judgment of 24 September 2015, the Court rejected the preliminary objection raised by Chile and found that it had jurisdiction, on the basis of Article XXXI of the Pact of Bogotá, to entertain the Application. Public hearings were held from 19 March to 28 March 2018. I. HISTORICAL AND FACTUAL BACKGROUND (PARAS. 16-83) Due to the importance of the historical context of this dispute, the Court begins by examining certain events that have marked the relationship between Bolivia and Chile. 1. Events and treaties prior to 1904, including the 1895 Transfer Treaty (paras. -
Sucre Protocol
SUCRE PROTOCOL THE GOVERNMENTS OF BOLIVIA, COLOMBIA, ECUADOR, PERU AND VENEZUELA; AGREE through their duly authorized plenipotentiary representatives to the following amendments to the Andean Subregional Integration Agreement (Cartagena Agreement): Article 1. – In Article 2 replace the term "gross national product" by "gross domestic product." Article 2.- Substitute the following text for Article 3: "Article 3.- The following mechanisms and measures, among others, shall be used to achieve the objectives of this Agreement: The intensification of integration with the other regional economic blocs and of political, social, economic, and commercial relations with extra-regional systems; The gradual harmonization of economic and social policies and dovetailing of national laws on pertinent matters; Joint programming, the intensification of subregional industrialization and the execution of industrial programs and other forms of industrial integration; A more advanced trade liberalization schedule than the commitments arising out of the 1980 Treaty of Montevideo; A Common External Tariff; Programs to accelerate the development of the agricultural and agribusiness sectors; The channeling of internal and external resources to the Subregion to finance the investments that are needed for the integration process; Programs in the field of services and of the deregulation of intra-subregional trade in services; Physical integration; and Preferential treatment for Bolivia and Ecuador. The following economic and social cooperation programs and actions shall be carried out in coordination to complement the above-cited mechanisms: Programs designed to expedite scientific and technological development; Actions in the field of border integration; Tourism programs; Actions for the use and conservation of natural resources and the environment; Social development programs; and Actions in the field of social communication Article 3.- Eliminate Article 26c).