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Running head: NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC KILLERS

Approval Page: Gulf Coast University Thesis

APPROVAL SHEET

This thesis is submitted in partial fulfillment of

the requirements for the degree of

Master of Science

Christina Molinari

Approved: August 2005

Dr. David Thomas

Committee Chair / Advisor

Dr. Shawn Keller

Committee Member

The final copy of this thesis has been examined by the signatories, and we find that both the content and the form meet acceptable presentation standards of scholarly work in the above mentioned discipline.

NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 1

Necrophilic and Necrophagic Serial Killers: Understanding Their Motivations through

Case Study Analysis

Christina Molinari

Florida Gulf Coast University

NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 2

Table of Contents

Abstract ...... 5

Literature Review...... 7

Serial Killing ...... 7

Characteristics of sexual serial killers ...... 8

Paraphilia ...... 12

Cultural and Historical Perspectives ...... 12

Overview ...... 13

Development and etiology ...... 16

Prevalence and comorbidity ...... 17

Sadism, , and mutilation...... 19

Necrophilia ...... 22

Cannibalism and Necrophagia ...... 30

Research Question and Methodology ...... 34

Hypothesis ...... 34

Null Hypothesis ...... 34

Populations and Definitions ...... 35

Methodology ...... 36

Case study 1- Stephen Griffiths ...... 38

Case study 2- Yoo Young-Chul...... 40

Case study 3- Matej Curko ...... 41

Case study 4- Alexander Spesivtsev ...... 42

Case study 5- Gary Heidnik...... 44 NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 3

Case study 6- ...... 46

Case study 7- ...... 47

Case study 8- ...... 50

Case study 9- Edward Gein ...... 51

Case study 10- ...... 53

Case study 11- ...... 55

Case study 12- Carroll Edward Cole ...... 56

Case study 13- ...... 58

Case study 14- ...... 59

Case study 15- Theodore Bundy ...... 61

Case study 16- ...... 62

Case study 17- Jerome Brudos ...... 64

Case study 18- Gerard Schaefer ...... 66

Case study 19- “G.” ...... 68

Findings...... 71

Offender’s Background- Table 1 ...... 71

Offender/Parent Relationship- Table 2 ...... 73

Offender Characteristics- Table 3 ...... 75

Offender’s Behavior with Victim(s)- Table 4 ...... 76

Motivations- Tables 5.1-5.3 ...... 79

Limitations ...... 81

Conclusion ...... 82

References ...... 89 NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 4

Appendix ...... 96

NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 5

Abstract

Sexually motivated serial killers have been the focus of copious amounts of research, however, due to the idiosyncratic nature of their , additional examination of the perverse sexual desires that provoke their offenses is warranted. Overall, research on (engaging in any behavior with a corpse that is sexually or psychologically gratifying) and necrophagia

(consuming the flesh of a deceased for sexual or psychological gratification) is lacking.

This presents an opportunity to further explore and better understand how these fit into the motivational gamut of these serial offenders. This study examined 16 cases of sexual serial killers and three cases of nonserial offenders who engaged in these behaviors. The 19 offenders were divided into three groups: necrophagic (N = 6), necrophilic (N = 6), and comorbid (N = 7). It was hypothesized that through analysis of these case studies, it would be possible to determine if necrophagia presents as either a specific sexual motivation or throughout a spectrum of sexual motivations for necrophilic serial killers. The results indicated that offenders in each of the three groups often had more than one impetus for participating in necrophagia and/or necrophilia, however, power and control was the most common motivator for both eating their victim and engaging in sexual activity with their victim’s corpse.

Keywords: Sexual serial killers, , necrophilia, necrophagia

NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 6

Necrophilic and Necrophagic Serial Killers: Understanding Their Motivations through Case

Study Analysis

Serial is undoubtedly as captivating as it is diverse. It has been described as fascinating and terrifying (Hickey, 2006a) and has provoked both public and academic interest

(James & Proulx, 2014; Maniglio, 2010). Although the current empirical data available has helped replace much of the anecdotal explanations of serial murder, the range of methods and motives involved in these crimes continues to pose a myriad of additional viable hypotheses.

Among the offenders who commit serial are those who are sexually motivated.

Some researchers believe a majority of serial killers have some underlying sexual subtext connected to the of their crimes (Hickey, 2006a; Ressler, Burgess, & Douglas,

1988). This assemblage of serial sexual murderers can be further subdivided into a group of offenders whose depraved fantasies and lust-filled realities include the defilement of the deceased and consumption of flesh. Necrophilia, sexual contact with the deceased, and necrophagia, eating human flesh for sexual gratification (Aggrawal, 2011), are understudied paraphilias.

Necrophilia is considered to be one of the most strange and repulsive paraphilias

(Aggrawal, 2009a). It is also regarded as a rare and underreported phenomena (Bauer, Tatschner

& Patzelt, 2007; Rosman & Resnick, 1989; Stein, Schlesinger, & Pinizzotto, 2010). These reasons may contribute to why sexual activity with the deceased is seldom discussed and infrequently studied. However, the relationship between necrophilia and sexually motivated is well recognized among researchers (Stein, et al., 2010) and deserves further attention. NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 7

Furthermore, some researchers acknowledge a connection between necrophilia and necrophagia, but only in passing (e.g. Lester & White, 2011; Rosman & Resnick, 1989;

Aggrawal, 2011). Further investigation into the characteristics of these concomitant sexual deviancies is necessary to better understand these paraphilias and how they relate to the motivations of certain sexual serial killers.

Literature Review

Serial Killing

The definition of serial killing (often referred to as serial murder or serial homicide) can vary greatly depending on the author or researcher. According to the Crime Classification

Manual, serial murder is defined as “three or more separate events in three or more separate locations with an emotional cooling off period in between homicides” (Douglas, Burgess,

Burgess, & Ressler, 1992, p. 21). However, by this narrow description, serial killers who kill in their own homes (e.g. Jeffery Dahmer and Dennis Nilsen) would not be considered serial killers.

According to Egger’s (1984) definition, serial homicide may include as little as two victims but the offender and victim must be strangers and the crimes generally do not involve a financial motive. More simplistically, Hickey (2006a) concludes that the term “” should encompass any perpetrator, regardless of sex, who commits homicides over time.

Due to the media frenzy surrounding serial in recent decades, numerous myths have emerged. Hickey (2006a) explains that although many serial killers are white males, one out of every five are African American and approximately 17% of serial killers are female. The concept of the solo serial killer is also common, however, one-fourth of all serial murderers committed their crimes with a partner. Also, serial killers tend to only score within average NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 8 levels of intelligence, despite the fact that they are often portrayed as highly functioning and intelligent predators (Hickey, 2006a).

The motivations that drive these individuals to kill are varied and range from financial gain to sexual hedonism. Sexually motivated serial killers are often referred to as lust murderers

(Hickey, 2006a) and they tend to be the most feared (Ressler et al., 1988). These homicides frequently present as random crimes with unclear motives, especially since many of the sexual components related these murders are often disguised or unnoticed by investigators. This, combined with a general absence of clues, makes solving sexual homicides difficult (Ressler et al., 1988).

Many times law enforcement officials wrongfully categorize a sexual homicide because sexual aspects of the crime are not immediately obvious or definitional incongruences cause these murders to default as an unknown motive by investigators (Ressler et al., 1988). Like serial murder, a universally accepted definition of what constitutes a sexual homicide is lacking

(Adjorlolo & Chan, 2014; Arndt, Heitpas, & Kim, 2004). In its broadest term, sexual murders include “sexual activity before, during, or after the commission of the crime” (Porter,

Woodworth, Earle, Drugge, & Boer, 2003, p. 459). Other definitions are more delineating.

According to the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), homicides are considered sexually motivated based on the following elements or : type of clothing worn by the victim or lack thereof; exposure of the victim’s genitalia; positioning the victim’s body in a sexually provocative manner; foreign object placement in a victim’s body cavity; oral, anal, or vaginal ; and any evidence indicating the substitution of sexual behavior or fantasy

(Ressler et al., 1988). NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 9

Characteristics of sexual serial killers. James and Proulx (2014) evaluated descriptive statistics from 45 studies on serial (three or more victims) and nonserial (less than three victims) sexual killers. Regarding childhood, serial sexual killers were more likely to hurt animals, experience nightmares, be chronic liars, and have sleeping problems. However, nonserial sexual murderers had higher rates of enuresis as children. Social isolation and sexual were prevalent equally in both groups, yet the nonserial sexual killers reported higher frequencies of physical abuse. Family members of serial sexual killers were more often involved in promiscuous behaviors. Sexual killers with multiple victims were three times more likely to have never experienced consensual sex with a female, however, almost half of each group reported having homosexual experiences at some point in their lives. Additionally, the sexual serial killer group killed their first victim at a younger age (22.5 years-old) compared to nonserial sexual killers (27.7 years-old) (James & Proulx, 2014).

Sexual serial murderers tend to victimize strangers and focus on women who place themselves in high-risk situations such as hitchhikers or prostitutes (Hickey, 2006a); victims may need to fit a specific set of characteristics in order to satiate the offender’s fantasy (Chan,

Beauregard, & Myers, 2014; Ressler et al., 1988). The victim may also serve as a symbol of someone who rejected or abused him in the past. Victim choice may reflect a specific stressor the killer recently endured. Several themes that are common triggers among sexual serial killers, according to Ressler et al. (1988), include: conflict with females or parents; financial, marital, or employment problems; stress from an injury; or a birth or . These killers are generally unaware of the relative role these stressors play in the motivation of their crimes.

During the murder, sexual serial killers are likely to engage in sadistic behaviors such as verbal humiliation, strangulation, , torture, and mutilation (Chan et al., 2014; Ressler et al., NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 10

1988; Hickey, 2006a; Knoll & Hazelwood, 2009). Myers, Husted, Safarik, & O’toole (2006) assert that sadistic pleasure is the primary focus for these individuals and that power and control is secondary. In James and Proulx’s (2014) study, sexual sadism was found to be a prevalent paraphilia among sexual serial killers (68.2%). A more thorough discussion on sadism, mutilation, and torture will be discussed later in this manuscript.

After killing their victim, Warren, Dietz, & Hazelwood (2013) that, similar to other sex offenders, sexually sadistic serial killers like to search for, attain, and collect mementos to serve as continued sexual stimuli. Necrophilic killers are especially prone to artifact retention.

By recording their crimes or keeping items related to their victims, these offenders preserve proof of their connection to their victim despite the risk of law enforcement finding this evidence.

Many researchers believe that fantasy plays a strong role in the actions of serial killers, specifically those who are sexually motivated (e.g. Carabellese, Maniglio, Greco, & Catanesi,

2011; Maniglio, 2010; Prentky et al., 1989; Ressler et al., 1988). According to Miller (2014), although some people may, at one point or another, have fleeting daydreams of creating or killing someone, such fantasies begin to consume serial murderers. “For the serial killer, such fantasies are not cathartic, but facilitative, the first step, not the last. His fantasies build, along with a neuropsychodynamically driven hunger that only the orgiastic release of torturing and murdering another human being will provide” (Miller, 2014, p. 2).

Prentky et al. (1989) found that 86% of sexual serial killers engaged in pervasive violent fantasies compared to only 23% of nonserial sexual murderers. They were also more likely to have specific fantasies about rape than the nonserial group. The authors assert that the repetitive fantasies of serial sexual killers act as a rehearsal for their crimes. Pairing with NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 11 extreme deviant fantasies reinforce their power. Once these individuals cross the threshold to murder, they kill within the specific context of their salacious fantasy (Prentky et al. (1989).

While supporting Prentky et al.’s (1989) assessment of deviant sexual fantasies and masturbatory conditioning, Maniglio (2010) also suggests that unresolved traumatic experiences early in life, such as abuse, social isolation, and dysfunctions in sexuality may act as the catalyst for deviant sexual fantasies to develop. Additionally, feelings of hopelessness, sexual inadequacy, and an inability to control real-world events may encourage certain individuals to retreat into an internal world filled with sexually deviant scenarios. Thus, fantasies become preferred over reality since rejection is absent and omnipotent control can be exercised. For those who become sexual serial killers, the decision to act out their fantasy is an to gain corporeal confirmation of their sexual proficiency from their victim (Maniglio, 2010).

The fantasies of sexual serial killers are often intimately connected to paraphilias. In addition to finding high instances of deviant violent fantasies among serial sexual killers, Prentky et al. (1989) found they were also more likely to suffer from multiple paraphilias in contrast to single victim killers. The authors state these findings are a consistent representation of the close relationship between fantasy and paraphilia. “Not only does paraphilia suggest a preference for fantasy, but the paraphiliac may be seen as something of a fantasy-stimulus collector who seeks out secret experiences to add to his or her private, internal world of fantasy” ( Prentky et al.,

1989, p. 890). Generally speaking, a paraphilia is the misattribution of to an object or act that is considered aberrant to the rest of society. By furtively collecting these types of objects or experiences, as Prentky et al. suggests, the paraphilic may find himself further separated from the conventional world, objectifying everything around him as a potential sexual tool, thus making the transition to sexually motivated murder easier. NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 12

Paraphilia

Curiosity of sexual abnormalities has held the attention of professionals in both forensic and clinical settings. In the Diagnostic Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (5th ed.) (DSM-

V), a paraphilia is “any intense and persistent sexual interest other than sexual interest in genital stimulation or preparatory fondling with phenotypically normal, physically mature, consenting human partners” that causes significant distress and last longer than six months (American

Psychiatric Association [APA], 2013, p. 685). The APA further clarifies the differentiation between a paraphilic disorder, which denotes a diagnosis of a paraphilia, and a paraphilic interest, reserved for instances where diagnosis is not appropriate when it fails to meet the threshold of “distress or impairment to the individual or... has entailed personal harm, or risk of harm, to others” (2013, p. 685).

The DSM-V specifically outlines eight of the most prevalent paraphilias- , , , sexual masochism, sexual sadism, , fetishism, and transvestitism. An additional category, “other specified paraphilic disorders,” briefly mentions several other paraphilias such as (sexual arousal from animals), necrophilia and (sexual arousal from feces) (APA, 2013).

Cultural and Historical Perspectives. Although the DSM-V specifies certain sexual deviances, the determination of what is considered abnormal sexual behavior is constructed within the context of the specific culture in which it is practiced (Bhugra, Popelyuk, &

McMullen, 2010; Healey, 2006). Therefore, behavior that is considered deviant in some cultures may be viewed as normal elsewhere. For instance, sex outside of in the is not stigmatized behavior, however, doing so in Muslim countries goes against their and is strongly chastised (Moser & Kleinplatz, 2006). NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 13

Additionally, sexually deviant behavior is not a contemporary phenomenon; it has been documented as far back as Biblical times. For example, as well as coercive sex are outlined in the story of Sodom and Gomorrah. Lot’s two daughters use to render him unconscious and then have sex with him in an effort to repopulate the world. Voyeurism is described in other stories as told, for instance, when David spied on Bathsheba as she bathed.

Sexually excited by what he saw, David had Bathsheba brought to him so he could have intercourse with her (Aggrawal, 2009b).

Paraphilias have not only been historically documented, but perceptions of what constitutes sexual also change with time. What was once a

(, for example), is now an acceptable expression of individual sexuality- at least in

Western culture. Conversely, conditions such as female orgasmic disorder and hypoactive sexual desire are now regarded as mental disorders yet were considered normal in the past (Moser &

Kleinplatz, 2006). Furthering our understanding of sexuality has always held intrigue for those in the psychological, sociological, biological, and criminological fields. Yet cultural tends to antiquate any acquired psychosexual insight almost as quickly as it is gained.

Overview. Prior to killing, sexual serial killers tend to experience a continuum of sexually deviant desires, fantasies, and behaviors and most have identified previous histories of paraphilic interest and behavior prior to their first homicide (Holmes & Holmes, 2002). Multiple paraphilias are also common among sexual serial killers. Myers et al. (2008) found concomitancy between transvestitism, fetishism, voyeurism, and exhibitionism. When compared to offenders who only committed one sexual homicide, sexual murderers who killed two or more victims had more paraphilias overall (Chan et al., 2014). NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 14

Paraphilias are not exclusive to serial killers. Hickey (2006a) notes that violent sexual offenders, in general, exhibit a range of disturbed sexual behaviors and fantasies indicative of a progression necessary to maintain and amplify arousal. This process essentially increases the presence of psychopathology in such individuals.

Some paraphilias, by definition, involve unlawful or dangerous behaviors, while others are relatively benign. It is common for those with a paraphilia to be undeterred by legal or interpersonal ramifications depending on how satisfying and tempting they consider the deviant behavior (Seligman & Hardenburg, 2000). For instance, some may be content to fulfil their fetish by simply buying women’s and bringing them home. Others may need more excitement and, therefore, resort to stealing shoes by breaking into homes. Sexual serial killer,

Jerome Brudos, depicts an extreme progression of a paraphilia. As a child, Brudos exhibited signs of fetishism; as an adult he detached the foot of his first victim and kept it in his freezer. He used the foot to enhance his (sexual fixation on a specific body part) for feet by donning a black high heel on his victim’s severed foot for sexual enjoyment (Hickey,

2006a). As Seligman and Hardenburg (2000) note, the severity of a paraphilia differs by individual. Some may only fantasize while others (as in the case of Jerome Brudos), may include victimization, force, threats, or homicide.

Holmes and Holmes (2002) separate deviant sexual behavior into two main categories; nuisance and dangerous or illegal. Paraphilias such as fetishism and masochism are considered nuisance paraphilias whereas necrophilia and pedophilia, for example, are dangerous and, in most cases, illegal. One of the more obvious distinctions between these two groupings of paraphilias is the concept of . For example, consent is not needed for individuals who participate in . Moreover, for those practicing beastiality, pedophilia, or NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 15 necrophilia, consent is impossible to obtain. With regard to (paraphilic rape) and erotophonophilia (sexual gratification from killing, also known as ) (Hickey, 2006a), lack of consent is obvious.

According to the Holmes and Holmes (2002), nuisance paraphilias are those that present no apparent harm to anyone involved. However, some of the paraphilias included in this category do not appear to fit within their own definition. Holmes and Holmes list paraphilias such as infantilism (sexual arousal by pretending to be an infant) and (receiving sexual gratification from an enema) as examples of nuisance paraphilias, which appear to cause no harm to others. However, frottage, beastiality, and exhibitionism are also included in this category.

Contrary to Holmes and Holmes (2002) assertion, these paraphilias do, indeed, pose harm. The offenders themselves risk potential legal ramifications while the victims of these specific paraphilias are non-consenting. For instance, an individual who engages in frotteurism may eventually face criminal charges while his victim(s) may suffer from long-term fear and anxiety whenever he or she is touched by a stranger.

In a discussion of both sexual serial killers and sex offenders, J. H. White (2007) delineates the psychological and sexual hierarchy related to multiple paraphilias. When a suspect is unknown, evaluating crime scene evidence can offer valuable insight into the offender’s paraphilia(s). According to J. H. White, those who have more than one paraphilia may experience them in several different ways. A primary paraphilia is dominant and offers the most intense and satisfying . An individual may experience a shift in dominant paraphilia, with or without an overlap. When an overlap occurs, the two paraphilias remain mutually exclusive; one is dominant and the other (secondary) paraphilia is subordinate. This dynamic may switch throughout the individual’s lifetime. It is also possible for a person to acquire many more than NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 16 two mutually exclusive paraphilias, referred to as cumulative paraphilias. If, at any time, additional paraphilias manifest in order to enhance or facilitate a primary or secondary paraphilia it is considered a collateral paraphilia. White asserts that the ritual governed by the offender’s specific grouping of paraphilias is signifies their signature. Investigators can potentially narrow down suspects and elicit more information in interrogations when the offender’s sexual deviancies are well understood (J. H. White, 2007).

Development and etiology. While research on paraphilias is generally limited, our knowledge of how and why these sexual deviations develop, especially when they graduate to serious sexual offenses or homicide, is even more restricted. Hickey (2006b) states that exploration and conditioning play a large part in the developmental process. The preferred stimuli, fantasy, and orgasm (as well as any drugs or alcohol used to help facilitate) represent the collective process of paraphilia development. It is through the orgasm that the conditioning takes place (Hickey, 2006b).

According to Healey (2006), paraphilia development can be divided into two groups: the introduction of deviant stimuli or through the experience of a traumatic event. Both occur during psychosexual development. Healey (2006) describes the first developmental pathway as more of an accidental paraphilic interest. For example, a lingerie fetish may result from exposure in adolescence. The paraphilia may develop inadvertently when the connection between arousal and lingerie is allowed to strengthen over time.

Healey (2006) notes that experiencing a traumatic event can also initiate the development of a paraphilia. When feelings of shame, guilt, inadequacy, anger, fear, or aggression are associated with sexuality, certain paraphilias are more likely to develop; paraphilias often described as criminal or violent. Individuals who participate in frotteurism, voyeurism, and NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 17 exhibitionism, for instance, are more likely to have suffered from feelings of inadequacy and less trauma early in their lives. Conversely, those who engage in sadism, paraphilic rape, or sexually motivated homicide, indicate the presence of control issues likely gained from more severe traumatic exposure in childhood (Healey, 2006).

A history of extreme abuse followed by puberty could cause confusion between what is

“pleasant” and “unpleasant.” Fusing unpleasant thoughts and fantasies with sexual arousal may occur. Sadism, rape, and lust murder are acts of external assertion on an internal need for dominance and control (Healey, 2006). Hickey (2006b, p. 97) states that, “[e]mbracing certain paraphilia is far less by accident than by need.” For lust murderers, their sexual deviation may stem from a misguided and maladjusted attempt to process their previous trauma.

Prevalence and comorbidity. Reliable studies conducted on paraphilias and their prevalence are limited due to the embarrassing and often illegal nature of the sexual behaviors studied. Furthermore, participants are often drafted for these studies after getting into legal trouble for their sexual behavior instead of willingly seeking treatment of their own volition

(Bhugra, Popelyuk, & McMullen, 2010). Despite these limitations, research on paraphilias is necessary not only to further the general understanding of but also to gain a formal appreciation of the maladjusted psychosexual development of those who commit sexual homicides.

The literature is replete with research on non-homicidal individuals afflicted with paraphilias. One such study was conducted by Abel, Becker, Cunningham-Rathner, Mittelman, and Rouleau (1988) who obtained a Certificate of Confidentiality for their study. Based on their sample of 561 participants, the researchers found it was the exception for individuals to only experience one paraphilia with the average being between three and five. They also discovered NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 18 the majority of individuals in their sample were not age or gender exclusive for behaviors that require the of a victim (e.g. rape, frottage, the molestation of a child) compared to those that do not (e.g. exhibitionism, voyeurism, and masturbating in public). Although Abel et al.’s

(1988) definitions and considerations of paraphilias were not as strict as those outlined in the

DSM-II and DSM-III, their study offers an impressive insight into sexually deviant behavior.

In a more recent study, Kafka and Hennen (2002) also examined the comorbidity of paraphilias and paraphilia related disorders in a similar sample of men. The authors distinguish between the two categories by assessing paraphilias as behaviors considered socially deviant while paraphilia related disorders are socially approved sexual deviations (i.e. and masturbation) and, like paraphilias, cause substantial and impairment for a duration of at least six months. They found that exhibitionism, pedophilia, and voyeurism were the most common paraphilias. When the researchers evaluated differences in abuse history, they found that those in the paraphilia group reported more physical, rather than sexual, abuse.

Unsurprisingly, sex offenders in both groups had more problems in school, hospitalizations for psychiatric intervention, and arrests/incarcerations. Obsessive-compulsive disorder was reported more often by those in the paraphilia group as well (Kafka & Hennen, 2002).

Researchers Price, Kafka, Commons, Gutheil, and Simpson (2002) evaluated a sample of

206 males to assess the comorbidity of telephone scatologia (operationalized as sexual excitement from making obscene phone calls to strangers) with other paraphilias and paraphilia related disorders. Like Able et al. (1988) and Kafka and Hennen (2002), the majority of Price et al.’s (2002) sample were White. Individuals with telephone scatologia were found to suffer from multiple paraphilias- namely, exhibitionism, frotteurism, and voyeurism. When the researchers evaluated differences in paraphilias based on whether the subject was a , they found NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 19 that all of the telephone scatologists fell into this category and almost all pedophiles, voyeurs, exhibitionists, and frotteurs did as well (Price et al., 2002).

In a study evaluating the presence of paraphilias in serial killer populations, Chan et al.

(2014) found 85% of sexual murderers with multiple victims fantasized about sexually deviant behavior at some point during the 48 hours before killing compared to only 48% of those with only one victim. Verbal humiliation at the time of their offence was used more often by serial sexual killers than single-victim offenders. Additionally, single-victim sexual murderers engaged in less partialism, homosexual pedophilia, and exhibitionism while also experiencing less obsessive-compulsive tendencies than those with multiple victims. Single-victim offenders were also less likely to premeditate their crimes. This indicates that multiple murderers may have relied on their obsessive-compulsiveness in the planning and follow through of their crimes allowing for them to go undetected longer and commit more crimes (Chan et al., 2014).

In another study comparing serial to nonserial sexual murderers, those in the serial group had more paraphilias, overall (James & Proulx, 2014). Differences in sexual deviations were also found among serial killers who committed with respect to those who did not. Serial murderers who killed themselves were found to be more sexually deviant, have longer histories of sexual offending, were more likely to suffer from sexual dysfunctions, and engage in more bizarre sexual acts against their victims (Lester & White, 2012).

Sadism, torture, and mutilation. Sexual sadism, in one of its earliest theoretical discussions, was described as relatively common amongst the paraphilias in von Krafft-Ebing’s

(1886/1965) seminal work. In his book, he explicates sadism as being defined by sexual arousal gained from the witnessing of cruel acts of physical punishment inflicted on another person or animal and may also be coupled with a need for degradation, physical torture, or destruction. NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 20

Furthermore, von Krafft-Ebing believed that sexually sadistic individuals typically have no conscious awareness of their instinct toward cruelty and .

Contrary to Price et al.’s (2002) finding of low sadistic prevalence in their study of nonhomicidal individuals, sexual sadism is often the most reported paraphilia in samples of serial murderers (Briken, Habermann, Kafka, Berner, & Hill, 2006; Firestone, Bradford, Greenberg &

Larose, 1998). Sexual murderers are more likely to be psychopathic and engage in excessive and sadistic aggression (Porter, et al., 2003) than their nonsexual counterparts.

Fantasy is believed to precipitate sadistic acts and potentially act as a pathway to sexual homicide (Kerr, Beech, & Murphy, 2013). By elevating the level and type of sadistic behavior of a fantasy, the power it has over the sexual murderer is likely to increase (Maniglio, 2010). Some sexual serial killers even attempt to further their sadistic excitement by role playing as their own victim. James M. DeBardeleben and are examples of serial killers who practiced this masochistic behavior. Pretending to be the victim and to be anally raped or dressing up in the deceased victim’s clothes while engaging in were additional ways of experiencing their victim’s terror and exerting a new level of control over them (Knoll &

Hazelwood, 2009).

Pleasure derived from sadistic acts is a central motivation for serial sexual murder (Myers et al., 2006). According to the researchers, “most serial sexual killers should be considered sex offenders who have a paraphilic disorder within the sexual sadism spectrum” (p. 904); resultantly, they assert a subtype of sexual sadism should be added for clinical use in the DSM.

The category ‘Sexual Sadism, Homicidal Type’ would allow for sexually sadistic serial murderers to be accurately differentiated and diagnosed. Although Myers et al. (2006) advocate the utility of such a detailed clinical categorization, Marshall and Kennedy (2003) believe sadism NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 21 should be removed from the DSM completely. The researchers explicate that, for forensic cases, offenders are often labeled as sadistic based on data collected from crime scenes since it is not common for sadists to be forthcoming. The researchers emphasize using such criteria may not be a reliable method for a sadism diagnosis.

Although to operationalize the term sadism have proven to be generally unsuccessful, most researchers agree that pain, suffering, and humiliation are consistent components of this paraphilia (Marshall & Kennedy, 2003). Common ways in which sexually sadistic serial killers achieve this is through the torture and mutilation of their victims. Rajs,

Lundstrom, Broberg, Lidberg, and Lindquist (1998) detail four types of motivational classifications for cases of mutilation. They include:

 Type I, defensive mutilation- used for body disposal or to hinder identification.

 Type II, aggressive mutilation- the result of extreme anger and tends to target the face

or genitals.

 Type III, offensive mutilation (includes sexual homicides and necrosadistic killers)-

occurs (a) when an offender is compelled to kill in order to fulfill his necrophilic

urges; the mutilation happens either before or after sex with the deceased is

performed; or (b) if a sexually sadistic offender needs to inflict pain in order to

achieve sexual gratification; mutilation may occur before death and continue after or

be inflicted postmortem only.

 Type IV, necromantic mutilation- mutilation occurs on a dead body as a way of

obtaining a body part for the offender to keep as a fetish or trophy (Rajs et al., 1998).

For some offenders, sexual arousal may only be achieved through peculiar or strange acts such as removal of the victim’s , biting parts of their body. Torture is not always NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 22 implemented physically; psychological torture is also used by many sadistic serial killers to achieve sexual gratification (Ressler et al., 1988). Lester and White (2014) found that torture and bondage were less prevalent among African American serial killers. Although they were more likely to rape their victims, they were less sexually deviant than White serial killers.

Mutilation refers to the intentional cutting of a victim’s body. This typically occurs after the victim is dead and focuses on sexual areas of the body such as breasts and genitals, but may also include other parts as well, such as the abdomen (Ressler, Burgess, Hartman, Douglas, &

McCormack, 1986). Bateman and Salfati (2007) associated behaviors such as bite marks, scattered body parts, burning of the victim’s body, , and disfigurement with mutilation and found they were not frequent or consistent behavioral patterns for serial killers.

Yet, the act of torturing a victim was reported to occur at both a high rate (72.2%) and consistency (88.3%). Ressler et al. (1986) found a positive relationship between victim mutilation and the history of sexual murderers. Victims were more likely to be mutilated by an offender who had a history of sexual abuse (67%) than those who did not (44%).

Necrophilia

Another paraphilia placed under the umbrella of extreme social is necrophilia.

Although Western culture may embrace insinuations of sex with the dead, evidenced by society’s current eroticized vampire fascination, overt depictions of necrophilia in the mainstream media remain off-limits. Hickey (2006a) suggests necrophilia may be a common postmortem activity for sexual serial killers because it denies the victim the opportunity reject the offender. Intimacy is achieved with no risk to the ego.

Necrophilia has been defined broadly as a to dead bodies (Rosman &

Resnick, 1989) or as the specific act of engaging in sexual contact with a nonliving person NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 23

(Aggrawal, 2009a; Hickey, 2006a; Holmes & Holmes, 2002). The literal translation of necrophilia is “love of the dead” (Stein, et al., 2010). It has also been referred to as

“necrophilism, necrolagnia, necrocoitus, necrochlesis, and thanatophilia, it may be seen alone or in association with a number of other paraphilias, namely sadism, cannibalism, or vampirism (the practice of drinking blood from a person or animal)” (Aggrawal, 2009a, p. 316). Terms have also been developed to describe several other specific behaviors that commonly exist in tandem with necrophilia such as “necrophagia (eating the flesh of the dead), necropedophilia (sexual attraction to the corpses of children) and necrozoophilia (sexual attraction to the corpses of or killings of animals – also known as necrobestiality)” (Aggrawal, 2011, p. 316).

Necrophilia has been documented as far back as ancient times. For example, sailors were known to have sex with the bodies of individuals who died in foreign countries and were shipped back to their homeland for . Loneliness caused by lengthy trips out to sea combined with the lack of eyewitnesses encouraged necrophilic behavior among these men (Aggrawal, 2009a).

While isolation coupled with opportunity may lead to a disinhibition in some, necrophilic behaviors and motivations vary widely among perpetrators. Before necrophilia can be properly studied, it must first be classified (Aggrawal, 2011). Richard von Krafft-Ebing (1886/1965) was one of the first researchers to draw conclusions on necrophilic behavior. Other early theorists, such as Havelock Ellis, also addressed different motivations for necrophilia (as cited in Burg,

1982). Like von Krafft-Ebing, Ellis distinguished between necrophiles who are sexually attracted to the dead from those who precipitate this sexual desire with murder and mutilation. Ellis believed necrophiles succumbed to their proclivities because they suffered from a form of psychological birth defect and were not intellectually refined. Ellis conceptualized the term

“necrosadism” in his book, Studies in the Psychology of Sex. Although he used the term NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 24

“sadism,” Ellis was clear in his opinion that true sadism was not present in any cases of necrophilia.

Following Ellis, Wulffen (as cited in Fitzgerald, 2011) attributed the classification of

“necrosadism” to lust murderers. Additionally, Wulffen delineated two other categories of necrophiles: -stuprum described those who simply enjoyed the company of the dead while necrophagy accounted for those who consumed and mutilated dead bodies.

More recently, Rosman and Resnick (1989) and Aggrawal (2009a; 2011) have each proposed more thorough classification systems. Rosman and Resnick (1989) demarcated two main groups: genuine necrophilia and pseudonecrophilia. Individuals are assigned to the genuine necrophilia group if they have a chronic sexual attraction to the deceased. Depending on how this attraction particularly manifests, the researchers created three subcategories for genuine necrophilia: necrophilic homicide (killing to acquire a corpse for sexual enjoyment), regular necrophilia (sexual activity with an already deceased body), and necrophilic fantasy (fantasizing about engaging in sexual behavior with a deceased body) (Rosman & Resnik, 1989).

The other main category identified by Rosman and Resnick (1989) is the pseudonecrophilia group. Individuals who fit within this classification have only a passing attraction to dead bodies and are not primarily attracted to the deceased. This would include sadistic killers who engage in sexual acts with their victim’s corpse as a way of further dehumanizing and humiliating them; having sex with a dead body is not the primary motivation for these offenders. Alternatively, pseudonecrophiles may also have sex with a corpse because it presents as a unique or random opportunity. Rosman and Resnick (1989) offer an example of a man who accidentally killed his wife. In the moments after her death, the man became sexually aroused and took advantage of the opportunity by sodomizing her corpse. NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 25

The term “pseudonecrophilia” is not unanimously agreed upon. According to Aggrawal

(2009a; 2011), it has been used to reference those who are aroused by someone pretending to be a corpse, masturbation during necrophilia related fantasies, or, like Rosman and Resnick (1989) describe, a transient or opportunistic sexual attraction to a dead body. Aggrawal (2009a) points out that such definitional incongruences are confusing and hinder the generalizability of research on an already limited phenomena. Additionally, he asserts that Rosman and Resnick’s (1989) classification system does not accurately encompass all necrophilic behaviors and motivations.

Resultantly, Aggrawal (2009a; 2011) proposed an extensive ten tiered classification system to help capture the broader motivational continuum he believes necrophiles fall into.

These classifications are not static as necrophiles sometimes evolve throughout their lifetime.

Aggrawal’s (2009a; 2011) typologies range from relatively benign to extremely pathological; they are as follows:

 Class I - role players. They do not engage in sexual contact with the dead, instead

they enjoy role playing with the living. Brothels have been known to cater to this

specific sexual deviation. Vampire role play may also fall into this category.

 Class II - romantic necrophiles. These individuals are emotionally unable to let go

and accept the death of their loved one. This does not refer to family members, but

the loss of someone they were sexually involved with. These necrophiles may

mummify their loved one or keep parts of them in their homes. Although class II

necrophiles may need therapy to help them cope, neither class I nor II are ever

brought into the legal system.

 Class III - necrophilic fantasizers. These necrophiles are similar to those in class I

since they are also driven by the thought of having sex with the dead but class III NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 26

fantasizers increase their stimuli by attending or . By merely

viewing a corpse, these individuals may become sexually aroused. Instances of public

masturbation during services have been reported.

 Class IV - tactile necrophiles. Their interest in corpses involves touching dead bodies.

They may stroke, lick, or kiss body parts, especially the genitals. In order to have

access to corpses, some may look for jobs where they can fulfill their sexual desires

discreetly and freely. Individuals who become aroused while dissecting a are

also class IV necrophiles.

 Class V - fetishistic necrophiles. Just as the previously mentioned necrophiles never

engage in actual intercourse with dead bodies, class V necrophiles their sexual

gratification from securing a piece of a corpse as a type of keepsake. Fingers, pubic

, or clothing are common totems. These necrofetishists are differentiated from

class II because they lack the emotional connection to the corpse.

 Class VI – necromutilomaniacs. They are more pathological than the previously

mentioned classifications. This typology is similar to Raj et al.’s (1998) necromantic

mutilation classification. Necrophiles in this category do not have sexual intercourse

with the dead, instead, they are specifically aroused by the mutilation of a corpse

combined with concurrent masturbation. Those in this category may achieve sexual

gratification by consuming the deceased’s flesh as well. Necrophagia may also occur

in classes VII-X, but the author does not offer a discussion or supposition regarding

the emotional or psychosexual motivations of necrophagic necrophiles.

 Class VII - opportunistic necrophiles. This classification is similar to aspects of

Rosman and Resnick’s (1989) pseudonecrophilia classification. Aggrawal (2009a; NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 27

2011) assigns this class to those who do not require a corpse or fantasize about sex

with the dead but may exploit a situation if it presented itself. An individual may kill

someone for an unrelated reason, only to find themselves alone with a corpse and

decide to have intercourse with the victim at that point. Those who have easy access

to corpses through their profession may also find themselves uncharacteristically

aroused and thus resort to this type of necrophilia.

 Class VIII - regular necrophiles. They do not enjoy normative sexual intercourse

with a living partner. This correlates with Rosman and Resnick’s (1989) “regular

necrophilia” classification. Their preferred sexual activity is with a corpse and so they

often steal bodies to meet this psychosexual need. According to Aggrawal (2009a;

2011), class VII necrophiles only have sex with the dead because it is convenient,

whereas class VIII necrophiles only have sex with the living if they cannot get access

to a corpse.

 Class IX - homicidal necrophiles. These are the most dangerous necrophiles. Their

need to have sex with a corpse is so overpowering, they resort to murder in order to

satiate this desire. An important aspect of this taxonomy rests on the fact that these

necrophiles are often attracted to freshly deceased, or warm, bodies. However, some

serial killers, such as Gary Ridgeway, have been known to later return to where they

disposed of their victim’s bodies and sexually violate the corpse once again. Class IX

necrophiles are similar to the necrophilic homicide group described by Rosman and

Resnick (1989).

 Class X - exclusive necrophiles. Necrophiles fitting this class are exceedingly rare but

not as dangerous as class IX necrophiles. Exclusive necrophiles are impotent unless NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 28

they are having sexual intercourse with a corpse. There would be no occasion this

individual would be physically able to or enjoy having sex with a living partner

(Aggrawal, 2009a; 2011).

A limitation of Aggrawal’s (2009a; 2011) classification system is that it hinges on the supposition that all homicidal necrophiles are primarily motivated by an overwhelming desire to have sex with a corpse. Rosman and Resnik (1989), however, make the distinction that necrophilia precipitated by homicide can have separate motivations- an urge for an unresisting or rejecting partner (necrophilic homicide group) or an extension of sadism (pseudonecrophilia group). Rosman and Resnik also delineated several common motivations associated with necrophilic behavior. These motivations include: possession of a partner who is unrejecting and unresisting, reunification of a romantic partner, conscious awareness of attraction to corpses, desire to overcome isolation or gain comfort, and power and control.

Although Aggrawal’s (2009a; 2011) classification system is far more comprehensive and detailed than Rosman and Resnick’s (1989), it is also more cumbersome. For example, many of

Aggrawal’s (2011) ten classifications are furthered subdivided. For instance, class IX, homicidal necrophilia, is broken down into six additional groupings (IXa-IXf). These subclasses are distinguished based on different combinations of how the offender treated his victim (presence of torture and/or mutilation and sexual activity before and/or after death). Depending on if or when

(before or after death) the homicidal necrophile tortured, mutilated, and had sex with his victim determines his sub-classification. This complex and precise method of cataloging is, in many ways, more confusing than elucidating.

The efficacy Rosman and Resnick’s (1989) necrophilic homicide group (similar to

Aggrawal’s (2009a; 2011) class IX necrophile), was challenged in Stein et al.’s (2010) study. NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 29

Stein et al. conducted a descriptive study of 16 cases of sexual homicide involving necrophilia.

They found none of the offenders in their study killed their victim for the sole of obtaining a dead body to engage in sexual intercourse. Furthermore, the Stein et al. iterate that a motivation for necrophilia commonly cited by other researchers (e.g. Rosman & Resnick, 1989) is the pursuit of an unresisting partner who will not reject them. However, Stein et al’s results did not support this theory since many of their subjects were married or involved in a serious relationship and almost half of their victims were also raped before being killed. Rather, the

Stein et al. assert that their subjects, and perhaps sexual murderers in general, more appropriately reflect the motivations of Rosman and Resnick’s pseudonecrophilia classification.

Aside from distinguishing different typologies for necrophilia, Rosman and Resnick’s

(1989) study was the first to conduct quantitative analysis of this paraphilia. Few studies since then (e.g. Lester & White, 2011; Stein et al. 2010) have also attempted to delineate specific characteristics of necrophiliacs. With regard to sadism, Rosman and Resnick found that 64% of their sample engaged in previous sadistic acts. Among the sub group who committed homicide in order to act on their necrophilic urges, 78% had histories of sadistic behavior. Those who engaged in sexual acts with corpses but had not committed murder to obtain the body were only found to have histories of sadism 30% of the time. Lester and White (2011) found that serial killers who engaged in necrophilia were more likely to mutilate (75%) and torture (91%) their victims.

Like sadism, necrophilia is generally a male dominated paraphilia; 92% of Rosman and

Resnick’s (1989) sample were men. Lester and White (2011) found that 100% of the serial killer necrophiles in their study were male, while 21% of the non-necrophilic serial killers were female. The mean age of necrophiliacs varied depending on the study. Rosman and Resnick NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 30 reported their group of homicidal necrophiles had a mean age of 33 while the age of comparable participants in Stein et al., (2010) and Lester & White’s (2011) study was approximately 26 years. Necrophile murderers also tend to be White (56.2%) (Stein et al., 2010). With regard to , a majority (79%) of non-serial killer necrophiles were heterosexual and similarly chose victims of the opposite sex (85%) (Rosman & Resnick, 1989). However twice as many necrophilic serial killers were homosexual or bisexual when compared to their non- necrophilic counterparts (31% vs. 15%) (Stein et al., 2010).

Personality disorders are also prevalent in those with necrophilia. Half of Rosman and

Resnick’s (1989) total sample were diagnosed with some type of . The researchers also contend that necrophiles do not generally exhibit psychotic features. Although they may not suffer from , necrophilic serial killers are much more likely to torture, mutilate, and eat their victims than non-necrophiles (Lester & White, 2011).

Cannibalism and Necrophagia

T. D. White (2001) describes the established taxonomies for the consumption of human flesh as ritual, survival, and pathological. Ritual cannibalism is practiced when group or family members ingest those who have died. Such ceremonies symbolize the attainment of the deceased’s qualities or to commemorate them. Survival cannibalism occurs when individuals experience extreme duress as a result of starvation. When no other food is available, some people resort to eating the flesh of another human in order to endure harsh conditions. The third classification is pathological cannibalism. These individuals typically kill their victims and then consume their flesh (T. D. White, 2001). According to Aggrawal (2011), this type of cannibalism, when motivated by sexual arousal, is more accurately referred to as necrophagia. NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 31

T. D. White (2001) describes three ways in which anthropologists have divided and categorized cannibalism. Endocannibalism is used to describe the act of consuming someone from within a tribe or specific culture. Exocannibalism, therefore, references the consumption of anyone outside of a group. Finally, autocannibalism refers to those who consume parts of their own flesh; is also covered under this term.

Based on the abundant amount of literature available on ritual cannibalism, it is appears there is more academic interest and research related the anthropological significance of this behavior. However, there is still little concrete evidence of its existence nor is there unanimous agreement between anthropologists.

Cannibalism has been suspected in many different cultures from the Anasazi Native

Americans to tribes of Papua (Kantner, 1999; T. D. White, 2001). Western culture allocates the practice of eating human flesh as one of its most serious taboos (T. D. White, 2001).

Therefore, while some archeologists and anthropologists support evidence of cannibalism (e.g.

Ernst, 1999; Gardner, 1999; Kantner, 1999; Rumsey, 1999; White, 2002), others exercise with more caution or refuse to accept that this practice ever existed at all (e.g. Arens, 1979; Bahn,

1990; Pickering, 1999).

As T. D. White (2001) states, it is largely impossible to study cannibalism in modern-day societies. Therefore, evidence must be accomplished through archeological findings and then be interpreted to establish what extent cannibalism was practiced. Many challenges are associated with this method of validating the existence of historical anthropophagy. Body disposal rituals are markedly different interculturally which can range from being buried to burned. Some

Tibetan cultures even feed the remains of their dead to vultures. As a result, there is a high threshold for confirming cannibalism (T. D. White, 2001) NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 32

Another setback, according to T. D. White (2001), stems from the stringent criteria used when attempting to establish if human flesh was used as a food source. Endoculturally, when marks made on animal bones from preparation of consumption match marks found on human remains, the assumption of cannibalism is made. Many other indicators of cannibalism may not be recognized due to this scrutiny of attribution. These rigid standards have offered confirmation of cannibalism as far back as 800,000 years ago in northern (T. D. White, 2001). However, according to Bahn (1990), until the presence of human remnants can be found in other ’ excrement, definitive proof of cannibalism remains absent.

As for forensic interest in necrophagia, research is scant. This paucity is largely due in fact that pathological consumption of flesh is extremely rare. While there are a few scholarly case studies that have been published over the years on cannibalism and autophagia (consuming one’s own flesh), no studies have been conducted specifically designed to examine variables and motivations associated with necrophagia, sexual serial killing, and necrophilia. Furthermore, several researchers allude to the comorbidity of necrophagia and other paraphilias such as vampirism and necrophilia, yet do not offer any full discussion.

While there is no direct research on necrophagia, the utilization of bite mark analysis has sparked some related discussion. Studying bite marks has long assisted investigators in the identification of perpetrators. Walter (1984) believed that the complex psychological needs of the offender could be identified through careful observation of the crime scene, victim, and style of attack. The ritualism associated with biting behavior as well as the context of the wounds (i.e. location of the bite mark) help paint a picture of the perpetrator’s psychopathological framework.

Walter (1984) identified three different groups these offenders tend to fall into: NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 33

 Anger-Impulsive Biting: This subset is demarcated by over-aggressiveness and

frustration. Unable to effectively cope with conflict, these individuals bite when their

emotions are highest. Biting externalizes anger and asserts power. Individuals in this

group target areas of their victim’s body that symbolize areas of domination. If made

to feel emasculated, biting serves as “the proverbial warning shot which signifies a

‘change in rules’ and is intended to thwart or stop further aggression toward him”

(Walter, 1984, p. 26). The act of biting alone does not offer the individual

gratification; this is gained through the fear and pain response of the victim which

reinforces the biter’s goal of feeling dominant.

 Sadistic Biting: These individuals are best described as psychopaths who fantasize

about blood and flesh. Not only is the fear and pain elicited by the victim enjoyable to

the sadist, obtaining these reactions specifically through biting is an integral part of

the fantasy dynamic. The specific biting blueprint may indicate an elaborate

demonstration of ritualism needed to achieve orgasm. Bite marks are often found on

breasts and inner thighs but the specific location of bite marks is very significant to

their psychopathology. Evidence of bite marks on internal organs may indicate an

extreme form of sadism.

 Ego-Cannibalistic Biting: This typology depicts the most brutal of the three. This

biter develops in one of two ways. The first occurs when the sadistic biter graduates

past a desire to simply create pain and suffering in his victim. The need becomes ego-

based and focuses on infusing the victim’s essence with his own. The second path of

development transpires when traditional expressions of sexuality are not sufficient or

relatable to the libidinal demands of this biter. For the cannibalistic biters, ego NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 34

demands are the central theme and are predicated when annihilation and consumption

symbolize the absorption of the victim’s “life essence.” Crime scenes include highly

mutilated bodies and ferociously applied bite marks. Often present are tearing and

tissue strains, indicating the removal of flesh from the victim’s body (Walter, 1984).

In cases of serial homicide where bite marks are consistent, Webb, Sweet, Hinman, and

Pretty (2002) explain this may indicate motivations of either the sadistic or cannibalistic biter whereas bite marks found inconsistently might be more indicative of the anger-impulsive biter.

These typologies are useful in conceptualizing general patterns of biting behavior and, more importantly, offer a rudimentary understanding of the continuum and psychopathological progression of biting behavior and necrophagic activities in forensic cases.

Research Question and Methodology

Does the comorbidity of necrophagia and necrophilia indicate a specific sexual motivation or is necrophagia present throughout a spectrum of motivations for sexual serial killers who engage in necrophilia?

Hypothesis

Analysis of the cases in this study will determine if necrophagia presents as a specific sexual motivation or throughout a spectrum of sexual motivations for necrophilic serial killers.

Null Hypothesis

Analysis of the cases in this study will not determine if necrophagia presents as a specific sexual motivation or throughout a spectrum of sexual motivations for necrophilic serial killers.

NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 35

Populations and Definitions

The nonrandom population size for the necrophagia offender category was six, seven for necrophagia and necrophilia (comorbid), and six for necrophilia. In total, the population size was

19 subjects. Three of the 19 offenders included in the study did not kill two or more people. They were chosen to use as a non-serial killer comparison within each category. Aside from those three, the remaining offenders chosen for this study killed a minimum of two people and were either convicted, sent to a psychiatric institution, or killed by police during the apprehension process.

All of the subjects were male but varied in ethnicity (Caucasian, African American, and

Asian) and country of origin (United States, Slovakia, South Korea, , Ukraine, ,

Germany, and ). Their ages ranged from 22 to 54 at the time of their arrest. All homicides occurred in either the twentieth or twenty-first century. Each offender participated in either necrophagia, necrophilia, or both. The offender only needed to participate in these behaviors with a minimum of one victim to be included in this study. Offenders were excluded if sufficient information regarding their necrophagic or necrophilic acts were not well documented within at least three separate sources (except for one offender, “G,” whose case was solely and extensively discussed by Boureghda, Retz, Philipp-Wiegmann, & Rosler, 2011- see Appendix).

Sexual serial killing, necrophilia, and necrophagia can be defined in many different ways.

In order to include a wider variety of offenders who participated in the relatively rare paraphilias analyzed in this study, the minimum number of victims necessary to be considered a sexual serial killer was reduced to two. The following terms were defined based on the specific purposes of this study: NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 36

a. Sexual Serial Killer – an offender who has killed a minimum of two victims and the

murders involved a sexual component, which was established based on crime scene

evidence, offender’s confession, or other verbal or written communication from the

offender.

b. Necrophagia – consuming the flesh of a deceased human for sexual or psychological

gratification. Using body parts from a corpse in the context of eating (i.e. using a human

cranium as a soup bowl) or forcing others to consume human remains also falls under this

definition. Eating any part of a human as a result of a survival situation or cultural

ritualism would be considered cannibalism or anthropophagy, not necrophagia.

c. Necrophilia – engaging in any behavior with a corpse that is sexually or psychologically

gratifying for the offender.

d. Mutilation- the excision of flesh, , or dismemberment of a victim by the

offender. This may occur before, during, or after death.

e. Torture- engaging in any behavior, apart from the homicide itself, that is intended to draw

out the physical or psychological distress of the victim and is also sexually or

psychologically gratifying for the offender. Rape that is immediately followed by the

victim’s death is not considered a form of torture.

Methodology

A qualitative approach was utilized as a result of inherent difficulties associated with studying serial killer populations quantitatively (Singer & Hensley, 2004). Since it is not practical or possible to observe serial killing in an undisturbed environment or employ experiments designed to alter its occurrence (Singer & Hensley, 2004), case studies were utilized to examine the research question. A case study, according to Yin (1994), “is an empirical inquiry NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 37 that investigates a contemporary phenomenon within its real-life context, especially when the boundaries between phenomenon and context are not clearly evident” (p. 13). By employing this method of investigation, it was possible to identify common trends and attributes (Yin, 1994) associated with the motivations of the offenders included in this study.

As previously discussed, engagement in necrophilia and necrophagia is uncommon, therefore, a small sample size was necessary due to the scarcity of offenders who fit the required criteria in conjunction with reliable documentation of their crimes. Data were collected from 19 cases of male offenders who participated in necrophagia and/or necrophilia, had adequate information regarding their engagement in these behaviors, and fit the study’s specific definition of terms. Three of the 19 offenders (one from each group) who did not kill two or more victims were identified and included; this was done in order to compare data with the 16 sexual serial killer offenders. Information used to compile each case study was drawn from books, news reports, court records, and journal articles (see Appendix for a complete list of references used for each case).

A comparative analysis was conducted on the variables common amongst these offenders in order to establish relevant precipitating factors. Variables associated with the offender’s background, parental dynamic, crime features, and behavior toward victims were investigated, however, specific attention was focused on the offender’s motivation. Several motivations identified for necrophilia, according to Rosman and Resnik (1989), were adapted to fit the spectrum of motivations for necrophilia and necrophagia observed in the 19 case studies.

For each table within the Finding’s section, any box left blank indicates either the characteristic did not apply to the offender or evidence was not found within the literature to support its presence. NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 38

Case study 1- Stephen Griffiths. Stephen Griffiths, who dubbed himself the “Crossbow

Cannibal” in court, was born in England in December, 1969. Griffiths was the oldest of three siblings. When his parents divorced, the children went to live with their mother who began dressing provocatively and would often bring men home after a night of drinking. Without a male role model in his life, Griffiths began getting in trouble with the law and was caught torturing animals by his neighbors. As a teenager, he was charged with assault. Upon a psychological evaluation, it was determined he had a personality disorder and was given outpatient care after serving his youth . Four years later, Griffiths was charged again with assault and sent to prison. While locked up, he disturbed other prisoners as he spoke candidly of his obsession with death, murder, and the notorious serial killer, . He was seen by a psychiatrist who determined Griffiths was a sadistic psychopath with schizoid personality disorder.

After his release, Griffiths went on to live in a one bedroom apartment on the outskirts of

Bradford, England’s red-light district. Although he owned and treasured several large reptiles,

Griffiths boasted to friends about his predilection for tormenting and torturing animals. Aside from strong animal odors, his apartment was kept immaculately clean; plastic sheeting covered much of his floor and furniture. He was also enrolled at the University of Bradford as a Ph.D. candidate focusing on homicide. Despite his high intellect, Griffiths dressed in gothic attire and was described as immature, introverted, egotistical, and emotionally flat by friends.

Griffiths had several possessive, manipulative, and physically abusive relationships with women which, on several occasions, lead to his arrest. He was known to drink heavily, do hard drugs, and was obsessed with violent pornography that depicted torture and rape. He was also NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 39 preoccupied with taking pictures of women’s . Griffiths often brought home prostitutes and would spend his nights loitering the red-light district.

Determined to be an infamous serial killer, Griffiths killed his first victim, Susan

Rushworth, in June, 2009; his second victim, Shelly Armitage, was killed in April, 2010; and his third victim, Suzanne Blamires, in May, 2010. All three victims were prostitutes and drug addicts. His killings came to an end when he was caught on camera assaulting Blamires outside of his apartment as she attempted to flee. He then shot her in the head with a crossbow before bringing her back into his apartment and dismembering her body.

Griffiths, then 40 years-old, was apprehended soon after and admitted to killing a total of six women but forensic evidence only linked him to three. Law enforcement found images documenting parts of his crimes on his computer and camera. Several images showed Griffiths touching the buttocks of one of his victims. Another image depicted Shelly Armitage with the words “My Sex Slave” spray painted on her back. In custody, he admitted to police that he killed

Rushworth by striking her with a hammer; the other two victims were shot with his crossbow. He described dismembering them in his bathtub in an attempt to get rid of their bodies.

He recounted how he invited the women to his house with the agreement of sex for money or drugs. Once they were dead, Griffiths told police he removed portions of his first two victims’ flesh, which he cooked before eating. However, he reported eating sections of his final victim raw. During his time in jail awaiting trial, he attempted suicide many times. He was later evaluated by Nigel Eastman who found Griffiths did not appear to have a mental illness or suffer from depression but had a severe (unspecified) personality disorder. The judge presiding over his trial stated he felt, based on what he had heard during the proceedings, that Griffiths’ crimes were sexually motivated and that his necrophagia was an attempt to exercise the ultimate control NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 40 over his victims. In December, 2010, Griffiths plead guilty to three counts of murder and was given three life sentences.

Case study 2- Yoo Young-chul. Yoo Young-chul was born in South Korea to impoverished parents. Observing those in his neighborhood who had money, he became resentful of this economical imbalance early on in life. In addition to his preoccupation with the rich, he also worried his family’s history of health issues would lead to his early death. His father and brother were both epileptics and each died while in their 30’s.

A chronic criminal, Young-chul was incarcerated 14 times for crimes ranging from to rape. Eventually he was jailed after raping a young child. Young-chul’s wife, who was a masseuse, divorced him during his incarceration. By many accounts, this rejection caused

Young-chul to let his anger and resentment at the world consume him. Once released from prison in 2002, he stocked up on weapons and practiced using them first on dogs. He then began targeting elderly individuals in Seoul who symbolized everything Young-chul was not- affluent and rich. In a series of daytime home invasions, he attacked and killed several older residents and an infant.

His hostility toward the wealthy switched when he was again rejected by a woman- a prostitute he had fallen in love with and denied his marriage proposal. As a result, Young-chul brought masseuses and prostitutes back to his apartment, engaged them in sex, and then bludgeon them with a hammer. After dismembering their remains, he took them to the mountains in Northern Seoul and disposed of their remains. Young-chul killed at least 11 female victims this way.

At the age of 33, Young-chul was arrested in July, 2003, after a masseuse managed to escape his attack. He absconded police custody temporarily but was soon recaptured and charged NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 41 with the murder of 21 individuals and sentenced to death in 2004. Young-chul told he ate the livers of four of his victims to refresh his soul. The psychologist who evaluated him described him as not mentally ill but suffering from antisocial personality disorder.

Case study 3- Matej Curko. As a computer technician in Slovakia and father of two,

Matej Curko, age 43, traversed the internet looking for willing victims who would consent to being killed and then eaten. No background information on his childhood is available so it is unknown when his desire to eat flesh began. Curko killed at least two victims; both were from

Slovakia. According to their correspondence with Curko, Lucia Uchnarova and Elena Gudjakova were suicidal and conceded to let Curko assist in their death knowing their flesh would then be eaten. It is unclear exactly when these two women were killed.

Curko was described as an ordinary man by those who knew him. Despite this, in his online correspondence with Uchnarova, he described himself as a pervert but delimited that he was not a rapist or homosexual. He further explained that he did not enjoy the panic, screaming, or fear of a victim. Voluntary consent, according to him, was essential. Curko also alluded to the fact that there might have been other victims, prior to Uchnarova, as he described inducing others with drugs prior to their eventual death and stated this method had worked well in the past.

On May 12, 2011, Curko was killed in a gun fight with an officer in the Kysak forest.

Wounded five times after managing to shoot the officer once, Curko later died in the hospital as a result of his injuries. The situation unfolded when a prospective victim, who initially agreed to

Curko’s plan, changed his mind after realizing it was not the fantasy role-play he initially thought. The victim, Markus Dubach, reported Curko to police who then sent an undercover officer pretending to be Dubach to the meeting point. NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 42

In the forest, the police found what appeared to be a ceremonial Alter where it was suspected Curko killed his victims and prepared their flesh to be eaten later. Photographs detailing his crimes were found as well as body parts in his refrigerator. It is unknown if Curko killed any other victims, but police suspect it is likely. Italian officials have also suspected his involvement in the disappearances of missing Italian women who fit similar descriptions of

Lucia Uchnarova and Elena Gudjakova.

Case study 4- Alexander Spesivtsev. Alexander Spesivtsev was born in 1970. A

Siberian native, Spesivtsev grew up in a poor neighborhood and suffered physical and psychological abuse at the of his sadistic father. His mother, a reporter for the court, would read Spesivtsev stories and share pictures of the gruesome murders she dealt with at work.

As a young man, Spesivtsev strangled his girlfriend to death and was sent to a mental institution rather than jail. Psychological evaluations showed that Spesivtsev had an impressive

IQ, which he put to use as he wrote and published poetry and other philosophical works highlighting the ills of democracy. Eventually he was considered cured and released in 1991.

It was at this time the collapsed and Spesivtsev went to live with his mother. Unable to find legitimate work, he began selling cigarettes illegally on the streets with his Doberman by his side. Spesivtsev was bothered by the numerous amount of homeless children who littered the streets begging or prostituting themselves. He believed their presence was the sole purpose for society’s decline and, with the help of his mother, set out to fix this problem.

Between 1991 and 1996, body parts were found along the Alba River. This was because

Spesivtsev and his mother, Ludmilla, were luring homeless youth, mostly girls, back to their apartment. After killing and their flesh, Ludmilla would then dispose of the remaining NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 43 body parts in the river near where she worked. Meanwhile, neighbors constantly complained to police about foul smells and loud music coming from Spesivtsev’s apartment. Police did nothing about these complaints until, in August, 1996, an overflowing toilet forced neighbors to call a plumber who discovered a chilling scene upon entering the residence.

Upon arrival, the police found bowls filled with flesh in the kitchen, a rib on the living room floor, a headless corpse in the bathtub, and fifteen-year-old victim, Olga Glatseva, clinging to life on the sofa. She had been stabbed several times in the chest and eventually died in the hospital several hours later. Before she succumbed to her injuries, Olga gave police a statement describing how Ludmilla had invited her and two of her friends, Darya and Irena, back to the apartment with the promise of food. When they arrived, Spesivtsev sexually assaulted them and killed Darya by strangulation in the midst of rape. He then forced the other two girls to dismember Darya’s body in the bathroom. Her intestines and organs were flushed down the toilet causing the backup. After, he and his mother cooked some of Darya’s flesh and forced the other two victims to eat it. Spesivtsev then killed Irina, who protested eating the meat, by having his

Doberman attack her. After sexually assaulting Olga for several hours, he stabbed her several times. It was at this time the plumber came inside and interrupted the incident.

Spesivtsev kept a journal describing the murder of 19 children (which was corroborated by the police) and wrote about cleansing the streets of society’s debris. Investigators also found

80 pieces of blood-soaked clothing in the apartment. Ludmilla was found guilty of murder and sentenced to prison for life while her son was again declared insane and sent to a psychiatric hospital.

NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 44

Case study 5- Gary Heidnik. Gary Heidnik was born in 1943, in Eastlake, . His mother was an alcoholic and, as a result, his parents divorced when he was two. Despite her drinking,

Heidnik and his brother lived with their mother for several years before eventually moving in with their father. In his care, Heidnik suffered from physical and psychological abuse. When

Heidnik wet the bed, his father hung the dirty sheets from the window for everyone in the neighborhood to see. In one particular instance, Heidnik’s father grabbed his son by the leg and hung him out of the second story window as punishment for his enuresis.

Although Heidnik was a bright individual who had an IQ of 130, he was severely bullied by his peers who were aware of his bedwetting. An accident early in life, when Heidnik fell out of a tree, caused him to have a slight deformity in the shape of his head- adding to the ridicule he incurred from his classmates. Although he did well in school academically, he dropped out two years shy of graduating and joined the army. He eventually completed his GED and was well regarded in the military as a medic.

Eventually Heidnik began experiencing health issues. He was diagnosed with schizoid personality disorder and was given an honorable discharge. Unable to hold down a job after leaving the military, Heidnik’s hygiene began to decline. He and his brother, who also suffered from mental illness, attempted suicide on several occasions and both were in and out of psychiatric facilities for many years. Their mother also successfully committed suicide by herself with mercury.

Despite his mental illness, Heidnik managed to amass a large amount of money from the stock market and founded the United Church of the Ministers of God in 1971. While acting as the bishop of his newly founded church, Heidnik’s criminal career began to flourish. He went to prison for several years for his girlfriend’s mentally handicapped sister whom he NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 45 chained to his basement, and sexually assaulted. While in prison he claimed the devil placed a cookie in his throat and took away his voice; he did not speak for over two years. In 1983, he was released and went back to his role as the bishop of his church. Several of his followers at this time were mentally handicapped women who were raped and impregnated by Heidnik. He eventually met and married a Pilipino woman though a marriage service agency. Only three months after their marriage she left him and went back to the Philippines. Heidnik had tormented, raped, and impregnated her; additionally, he forced her to watch as he had sex with other women.

In 1986, Heidnik kidnapped his first victim. Josephina Rivera was a prostitute who willingly went with Heidnik to his home. After raping her, he strangled Rivera and chained her to his basement. While in captivity, he told Rivera of his plans to kidnap more women and impregnate them. Eventually Heidnik abducted more women; Sandra Lindsay, Lisa Thomas,

Deborah Dudley, and Jacqueline Askins were kidnapped over the next year. Heidnik systematically raped, beat, and tortured the five women. After trying to escape, Lindsay was hung by her wrist in the basement and eventually died of starvation. Heidnik dismembered her body, mixed it with dog food, and fed parts of her remains to his dog and the other women. He boiled Lindsay’s head in a pot and cooked her rib cage in the oven, which created such a foul smell the neighbors complained to the police. After assuring the officers he had simply burned the roast he was cooking, the police left.

The remaining women were stabbed in the ears with screwdrivers and electrocuted.

Heidnik then forced Rivera to help him electrocute the others on two occasions. Deborah Dudley died as a result. Heidnik decided he could trust Rivera since, in his mind, she was complicit in the torture and murder of one of his “wives.” Rivera was given more freedom and helped him NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 46 abduct his last victim, Agnes Adams. The next day, Rivera convinced Heidnik to let her visit her family and promised to bring back another victim. Instead, she called police and Heidnik was arrested in March, 1987. After rescuing the women, the police found pieces of Lindsay’s flesh in the freezer and human remains in the plumbing of Heidnik’s house. He was diagnosed with paranoid during his trial but, nonetheless, was found guilty of murder, rape, and kidnapping and was sentenced to death. He was executed in 1999 by lethal injection.

Case study 6- Armin Meiwes. Armin Meiwes, born in December, 1961, grew up in

Rotenburg, . He lived with his overbearing mother who he had an unhealthy attachment to. Meiwes was shy and mild-mannered. He served 18 years in the military before leaving in

1991. After, he worked for a software company as a computer technician. When his mother died in 1999, Meiwes began to explore the deviant sexual desires he felt since childhood.

Meiwes was a homosexual and spent much of his time surfing the Internet’s cannibal fetish websites, posting want ads for willing male victims. At least four people, one Italian and three other German men, responded to his ads and arrived at Meiwes’ house only to back out at the last minute. One man got to the point of being wrapped in plastic sheeting and hung on a meat hook before deciding he did not want to go through with it.

At the age of 41, Meiwes posted a message looking for a man between the ages of 18 to

30 who was willing to be killed and eaten. His ad was eventually responded to; 43 year-old

Bernd-Jurgen Brandes expressed he wished to be eaten alive. In March, 2001, Brandes prepared a notarized will, took the day off work, and the two men met at Meiwes’ home. After ingesting some alcohol and pain pills, Brandes allowed Meiwes to sever his penis from his body. It was cooked and eaten by both men. Waiting for Brandes to slowly die from blood loss, Meiwes read him a Star Trek novel before eventually stabbing him in the neck with a knife. Brandes body was NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 47 then dismembered and butchered. The entire event was videotaped by Meiwes as he prepared 65 pounds of Brandes’ flesh to later eat.

For ten months, Meiwes ate pieces of Brandes body. What was not eaten was buried in

Meiwes’ backyard. Growing low on meat, he began placing ads online looking for his next victim. Eventually, in December of 2002, he was arrested after someone who was concerned

Meiwes was serious, reported him to the police. In the freezer, police found 15 pounds of

Brandes remains.

Since cannibalism was not a crime in Germany, police charged Meiwes with sexually motivated murder. Before the trial started in 2003, he was evaluated by a psychologist and determined to have schizoid personality disorder but not considered mentally ill. Meiwes reported having cannibalistic fantasies since childhood and daydreamed about eating his classmates.

His attorneys claimed no murder had been committed since Brandes consented to his own death and consumption. Convinced that Meiwes would become a serial killer if given the chance, the prosecution read excerpts from Meiwes’ and Brandes’ email correspondence where Meiwes described, in graphic detail, the sexual enjoyment he anticipated experiencing from killing and eating Brandes. Meiwes was initially convicted of and sentenced to only eight years. The prosecution appealed this decision and he was later convicted of murder and sentenced to life in prison in 2006. It is reported that Meiwes is now a vegetarian.

Case study 7- Edmund Kemper. Edmund Kemper, also known as “The Co-ed Killer,” was born in December, 1948. He grew up in Burbank, as the middle child. In 1957 his parents divorced and he and his two sisters went to live with their mother who took pleasure in humiliating Kemper and frequently locked him in the basement. NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 48

Kemper enjoyed torturing animals and would act out sexually deviant behaviors on his sisters’ dolls. On one occasion, Kemper’s sister jokingly teased him about kissing his teacher.

Kemper responded by saying, “[i]f I kiss her, I would have to kill her first” (Berry-Dee, 2011, p.

230). His necrophilic fantasies persisted throughout childhood as he imagined killing his teacher and neighbors before having sex with their corpses.

Neither his mother nor father were able to control Kemper as he grew older and more antisocial. When Kemper was 13, he was sent to live with his paternal grandparents. He argued with them constantly. In 1964, 14 year-old Kemper killed his grandmother and grandfather with a rifle. Kemper called his mother who instructed him to call the police. Upon arrival, officers took note of Kemper’s calm demeanor.

He was never prosecuted for his crimes; instead he was sent to Atascadero State

Psychiatric Hospital. There, doctors tested Kemper and discovered he had an IQ of 136; they also diagnosed him with paranoid schizophrenia although he did not display many of the classic symptoms. He was eventually released at the age of 21. By this time, he was 300 pounds and 6 feet 9 inches tall. Kemper aspired to become a but was told he was too tall to join the academy. Kemper made it a point to hang around places frequented by law enforcement and easily became friends with several officers.

Kemper began picking up college-aged female hitchhikers; he fantasized about ways of killing them and started collecting items for his “kit.” His gentle persona worked to his advantage by putting the girls he picked up at ease. He worked on perfecting his approach until he abducted and killed his first victims, Anne Pesce and Anita Luchessa, in May of 1972.

Kemper wrapped Pesce’s head in a plastic bag before stabbing her to death. He then stabbed

Luchessa to death. After, he brought them home to his apartment, dismembered their bodies, and NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 49 took pictures. Kemper used their decapitated heads for and then disposed the rest of their remains in the mountains.

Aiko Koo was abducted by Kemper in September, 1972. He suffocated her, raped her corpse, and then drove her back to his mother’s house where he dissected her remains before dismembering her. He buried her body, except for her head, which he kept in the trunk of his car while he went to a court mandated appointment with his psychiatrist. The meeting went well and he was deemed “safe.”

In January, Kemper shot and killed Cindy Schall. He brought her back to his mother’s house and dissected and dismembered her. He did not dispose of her remains until the following day. He picked up and shot two more women, Rosalind Thorpe and Alice Lui, in February of

1973. Both of their bodies were sexually assaulted postmortem and then dismembered. Soon after, Kemper approached his sleeping mother and struck her in the head with a hammer until she was dead. He decapitated and raped her. When he was through, he called his mother’s friend and invited her over for dinner. He then strangled and decapitated her. In the wake of his mother’s death, Kemper got in his car and drove to Pueblo, . He called the Santa Cruz police, confessed to his crimes, and was picked up by the Pueblo Police Department.

Once he was extradited back to California, Kemper openly discussed his killings. He also told investigators that he removed and ate pieces of his victims’ legs, kept some of their meat in his freezer, and eventually made a casserole out of it. He also told them he liked to keep other body parts, such as teeth and skin.

Kemper attempted to commit suicide by cutting his wrists on two occasions before his trial. He was seen by three psychiatrists for the prosecution- all of whom found him sane. Dr.

Joel Fort told the court he believed it was very likely Kemper did, indeed, cook and consume NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 50 parts of his victims. On November 8, 1973, Kemper was found guilty of eight counts of first degree murder. He was sentenced to life in prison.

Case study 8- Joachim Kroll. German serial killer, Joachim Kroll, was born in 1933. He was the youngest of eight children and lived in a cramped, two bedroom house after his father died. Kroll had an IQ of 76 and was teased by members of his town. He wet the bed, was very introverted, and lived with his mother until he was 22 years-old.

In 1955, Kroll’s mother died, forcing him to move to , Germany. He made friends with local children who were endeared to him and his simplemindedness; they began calling him “Uncle Joachim.” In February, 1955, Kroll decided to act on his sexually deviant and murderous fantasies. He abducted 19 year-old Irmgard Strehl, strangled her, cut open her stomach, and raped her. A year later, twelve-year-old Erika Schuletter was Kroll’s next victim.

She was also strangled, raped, and mutilated.

In June of 1959, Kroll killed 24 year-old Klara Jesmer. She was killed in almost the same manner as his first two. A month later, he murdered Manuela Knodt, who was sixteen at the time. Like the others, she was strangled, raped, and mutilated, however, she was also missing pieces of flesh from her thighs and buttocks.

In 1962, Barbara Bruder went missing. Later the same year, Petra Geise, 13, and Monika

Tafel, 12, were killed, mutilated, and flesh was removed from their buttocks and thighs. Geise’s left arm was never found. The next documented murder did not occur until August, 1965. Kroll attacked a man and woman who were kissing in their car. Kroll stabbed the man several times but the woman managed to get away. A year later, Kroll strangled 26 year-old Ursula Rohling. In

December of the same year, five year-old Ilona Harke was raped first and then drowned. Kroll took parts of her buttocks and shoulders home with him to eat. NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 51

Maria Hettgen was a 61 year-old women who opened the door for Kroll, who then strangled and raped her, in July, 1969. The following May, Kroll killed 13 year-old Jutta Rahn.

In 1976, he strangled and raped a 10 year-old girl, Karin Toepfer. He was finally caught in July,

1976 when flesh and intestines were found in the toilet of the public bathroom inside Kroll’s apartment building. The body parts belonged to four year-old Marion Ketter who had recently gone missing. The police entered Kroll’s apartment and found the rest of the child’s dismembered body. Pieces of flesh were found on plates and stored in the freezer. Kroll had a pot of soup boiling on the stove with Ketter’s in it.

After his arrest, Kroll spoke candidly with the police. He explained that the sight of blood made him sexually aroused and he could not maintain an with a woman. He kept a plastic doll that he would strangle as he masturbated. He also told police he initially decided to consume his victim’s flesh out of curiosity. When he realized how much he enjoyed it, he made it a point to only kill women and children he thought would taste good. Kroll recounted a total of

14 murders, but admitted there was a possibility there were more victims. He was sentenced to life in prison.

Case study 9- Edward Gein. Edward Gein was born in August, 1906. His mother, who already had a son, was hoping for a girl. When Gein was a young boy, his family bought a dairy farm in Plainfield, . Gein’s father was an alcoholic and his mother was extremely religious; she honed in on Gein at an early age, determined that he would not grow up a sinner.

He was a timid child who was never able to make friends. His mother sheltered Gein, and he and his brother, Henry, were taught women, aside from their mother, were all whores. As a result, the brothers were not educated about sexuality; this left Gein curious about women and their NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 52 genitalia. Overall, Gein did not question his mother or her strict moral and religious expectations, although, she would often catch him masturbating in the bathtub, which deeply upset her.

When Gein was a teenager, he became sexually aroused when he witnessed his parents butcher a pig. He was also preoccupied with anatomy books and anthropological accounts of cannibalism. His brother was unsuccessful in getting Gein to socialize and openly ridiculed his dependency on their mother.

Gein’s father died in 1940 and his brother died a suspicious death in 1944. However, it was his mother’s death in 1945 that affected him the most. Gein, who was 39 at the time, spent hours at his mother’s grave, but he also became less reclusive and began speaking to other women in town despite his shyness. He also frequented a local bar, called the Pine Grove

Tavern, which was managed by a woman named Mary Hogan.

Gein and Hogan became friendly. She was kind to Gein yet flirtatious with other patrons, which confused the sexually immature man. So, in December, 1954, Gein acted out on this internal conflict by killing Hogan. After shooting her in her bar, he dragged her corpse to his truck and brought her back to his house. There were no additional murders until November,

1957, when Gein shot and killed Bernice Worden in the hardware store she owned.

Worden’s son, Frank, immediately suspected Gein based on his recent odd behavior toward his mother and a receipt found with Gein’s signature. When the police arrived at Gein’s house, they discovered he had not only killed Hogan and Worden, but he had also been robbing graves for several years. Initially, they found Worden’s corpse hung like a deer in Gein’s shed.

She was decapitated and gutted. Among other things, the police also found a body suit sewn together with human skin, boxes filled with female sexual organs, faces fashioned into masks, a NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 53 heart in a pan on the stove, and human flesh in the refrigerator. Skulls were also being used as food bowls.

When Gein was apprehended, he was calm. He eventually admitted to digging up 40 graves in search of body parts. He claimed it had become a compulsion and stated that he followed the news, waiting to read about a fresh body that was recently buried. He fiercely denied having sexual intercourse with any of the bodies he dug up because they “smelled too bad” (Berry-Dee, 2011, p. 100). Gein contested he did not eat any of the body parts, instead, he claimed he merely experimented with them.

Gein was charged with two counts of murder on November 19, 1957, but was found mentally unfit to stand trial and was committed to Central State Hospital. In January, 1968, he was deemed mentally competent and was tried for his crimes where he was found guilty, but insane.

Case study 10- Andrei Chikatilo. Andrei Chikatilo was born in October, 1936, in the

Ukraine. He was beaten often by his mother, slept in the same bed as his parents, and wet the bed. He grew up angry, socially inept, and in fear of monsters, witches, and wolves that would take and eat little children. His mother told him that his brother had been kidnapped and eaten although it is unknown if that is really true.

Chikatilo found out, when he hit puberty, he was impotent. This increased his socially awkward nature and low self-esteem. He went on to join the military and when he got out he married his wife, Fayina, in 1963, and had two children. His impotence made conceiving his children difficult; Chikatilo was forced to masturbate and manually place his inside of his wife. NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 54

He eventually became a teacher after receiving his degree in . However, he was fired after allegations that he was molesting male and female students. His frustration with his impotence began to mount and he began seeing prostitutes in order to help him, although unsuccessfully, overcome this issue. In 1978, Chikatilo killed his first victim- a nine- year-old girl. She was stabbed to death after Chikatilo was unable to sexually assault her.

Instead, he ejaculated on her dead body.

There was not another documented murder until 1981, when Chikatilo killed a young girl. He bit her neck and tore off part of her with his teeth and ate it. He mutilated her sexual organs and then ejaculated. Over the next several years he continued to kill young girls and boys. In 1983, his behavioral pattern changed and he began murdering adult female prostitutes. Chikatilo’s murders all followed the same general format- he lured runaways, homeless children, or prostitutes into the forest. Chikatilo would attempt to rape them. Enraged he was unable to perform as a result of his impotence, he killed them and mutilated their bodies.

It was only then that Chikatilo was able to reach sexual climax.

Chikatilo killed his victim’s in multiple ways. Some he stabbed, others he beat with a hammer. Over the period of twelve years, he killed at least 53 people throughout Russia. He castrated the boys and ate his female victims’ sexual organs. Sometimes he consumed his victims flesh and organs raw, other times he started a small fire in the woods to quickly cook the meat.

When he was finally arrested in November, 1990, he confessed to 36 murders. Soon after, he confessed to 20 more. Three victims could not be verified so he was charged with a total of 53 murders.

Before the trial, despite Chikatilo’s best efforts to portray himself as mentally ill, it was presented by Dr. Andrei Tkachenko that Chikatilo was a sadistic sexual psychopath and NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 55 competent to stand trial. Several medical experts testified that in some instances, Chikatilo’s mutilation had occurred while his victims were still alive. After six months, the trial ended and

Chikatilo was found guilty of 52 of the 53 murders. He was sentenced to death and received his in 1994.

Case study 11- Jeffrey Dahmer. Jeffrey Dahmer was born in Wisconsin, in May of

1960. He was fascinated with death from an early age, keeping bones and preforming experiments on frogs and insects. He was sexually abused by a neighbor. Dahmer had a high IQ but was an average student and did not have many friends. He began drinking alcohol heavily in high school. His parents often fought and divorced when he was 18 years-old. His parents showed obvious preference for his younger brother, which left Dahmer feeling rejected and abandoned.

Dahmer killed his first victim in June, 1978. Steven Hicks was hitchhiking when Dahmer brought him back to his house. After drinking and out, Hicks was killed when he decided it was time to leave. Dahmer struck him over the head and then dismembered his corpse.

Several years went by before Dahmer killed his next victim. After being discharged from the military for his heavy alcohol abuse, Dahmer went to live with his grandmother in 1982. He was arrested in 1986 for . Around this time Dahmer began frequenting gay bars.

In 1987, Dahmer killed Steven Toumi in a hotel. He dismembered him and brought

Toumi’s body back to his grandmother’s house. A year later, he killed a 14 year-old boy, Jamie

Doxtator. In 1988, he moved into his own apartment. Dahmer’s ritual was generally consistent.

He visited gay bars, picked up young men, brought them home for sex, drugged their drink, and killed them. On a few occasions, he attempted to turn his victims into sex slaves by drilling into NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 56 their skulls and pouring acid or boiling water inside the holes while they were still alive. Dahmer preferred to strangle his victims but cut the throat of one. He admitted to sodomizing and having oral sex with his victims postmortem. Pictures were taken of his victims both before and after their murder. He dismembered each victim and placed whatever remains he didn’t keep in acid vats.

In July, 1991, Dahmer’s final victim, Tracy Edwards escaped. Police were flagged down and when they entered Dahmer’s apartment they found the remains of 11 victims. Among other things, Dahmer had a decomposing head and genitals in his refrigerator and human meat in his freezer. He confessed to eating parts of his victims but maintained that he did not participate in this behavior frequently and only did so because he did not want his victims to go to waste.

Dahmer was charged with 15 counts of murder in August, 1991. Although he took an during trial, he was found guilty and sane and was sentenced to 15 life sentences. In November of 1994, Dahmer was killed by fellow inmate, Christopher Scarver.

Case study 12- Carroll Edward Cole. Carroll Edward Cole was born in May of 1938, in

Sioux City, . He was the third child and had two sisters. His father was in the military and his mother was emotionally and physically abusive. She liked to dress him up as a girl in front of her friends. Cole’s mother also slept with other men while Cole was in the next room and threaten to beat him if he told his father.

Cole did poorly in school even though he was exceptionally bright and had an IQ of 152.

He was often teased for his feminine name and he drowned a fellow classmate who bullied him when he was eight. In 1957, he joined the Navy. He was dishonorably discharge 18 months later for stealing a car. NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 57

As an adult, he was a chronic criminal, committing numerous crimes such as drunk driving, assault, and . He would frequently arrive at police stations and report that he was having urges to abduct women, strangle them, and have sex with their dead body. Cole was sent to several psychiatric institutions where his clinicians argued over diagnoses. Some believed him to be schizophrenic but ultimately it was agreed that he was sociopathic. Many believed he reported his homicidal urges only to receive free room and board. Since he did not have a mental illness, he never spent very long in institutions before he was discharged.

Eventually Cole did act on his desire to kill. He focused on prostitutes or women who were married and willing to cheat on their partner with Cole. These women, in Cole’s mind, symbolized his mother. He killed his first victim, Essie Buck, in May, 1971. The two were kissing when Cole decided to strangle her. He removed her clothes but did not sexually assault her. His reasoning was that he only wanted to humiliate her.

Between 1971 and 1980, Cole continued to meet women in bars, have sex, and then strangle them (one woman he hit with a hammer). Sometimes, as was the case with Dorothy

King, he would rape them after they were dead. Cole was drinking heavily during this time and in 1977, Cole met a woman at a strip club and brought her back to his home for sex. He blacked out and when he came to, he found her in the bathtub dead. He had no memory of removing her feet and right arm. He found them in the refrigerator; he also found a severed piece of her buttocks in a frying pan and some more on a plate partially eaten. Upon this discovery, Cole dismembered the rest of the woman and dropped her off at the city dump.

In 1979, he strangled his third wife, Diana Cole. Cole was eventually caught in 1980 after killing another victim, Sally Thompson. He confessed to 13 murders and was found guilty and given the death penalty, which he embraced. He died by lethal injection on December 6, 1985. NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 58

Case study 13- Issei Sagawa. A native to Japan, Issei Sagawa, was born in June, 1949 to wealthy parents. No information is available regarding his childhood. Sagawa was highly intellectual, which assured his acceptance into Wako University in . Sagawa was obsessed with Western women and began studying English literature as a way of increasing his contact with women who fit his fantasy. He came in contact with a German professor and began fantasizing about eating her flesh. He snuck into her bedroom one night and was about to hit her with an umbrella when she woke. She began to scream which caused Sagawa to flee.

Although he did not attack the woman again, he remained determined to taste flesh. After graduating, he went to for his postgraduate degree at Sorbonne Academy. There, he met a

Dutch woman named Renee Hartevelt. She became his new object of desire and he befriended her. Consumed with his desire to taste her, he invited her over to read poetry. On June 9, 1981, he shot her in the back of the head.

After she was dead, he cut into her buttocks and excised a piece of her flesh. He ate it raw. Sagawa then had sex with her body. After, he began removing random pieces of her body- some he cooked, other pieces he ate raw. He had sex with her again and slept with her in the bed that night. The next day he continued to eat her. Once he was done, he dismembered her corpse and placed her in two suitcases, which he abandoned in a busy park. A couple who witnessed

Sagawa’s odd behavior looked in the suitcases and found Hartevelt’s body.

The suitcases, along with the physical description of the man who left them, led police back to Sagawa. When they arrived at his apartment they found pieces of Hartevelt in Sagawa’s refrigerator. After he was arrested, Sagawa was taken to the Henri Colin psychiatric ward in

Villejuif. He was evaluated by three psychiatrists who all agreed he was dangerous because of his severe sexually deviant fantasies and could not be cured. He was eventually deemed legally NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 59 insane by a French judge where it was mandated he remain in a psychiatric institution indefinitely.

While institutionalized, Sagawa published a book, In the Fog, which made him a celebrity of sorts in Japan. This, combined with his father’s influence, caused to allow

Sagawa to be extradited back to Japan. After a brief stay at Tokyo Metropolitan Matsuzawa

Hospital, Sagawa was released on August 12, 1986. He is a free man today.

Case study 14- Dennis Nilsen. Dennis Nilsen was born in Scotland in November, 1945.

Nilsen’s parents divorced when he was young and he had no relationship with his father who was an alcoholic. As a young boy, Nilsen was very close with his grandfather. When he passed away, his mother shielded him from this news for many years. Instead of telling him the honest truth, she told Nilsen his grandfather moved on to a better place. This created confusion for Nilsen and took a dramatic emotional toll on him. His feelings of abandonment eventually transformed into a blended notion that death was a better place.

As a child, Nilsen was withdrawn and depressed. He recognized early on that he was a homosexual and became infatuated with a painting of a naked boy. In 1961, at the age of 15, he joined the military and left after 11 years of service. During this time his preoccupation with death continued. He would make himself up to look like a corpse and view himself in the mirror.

This was extremely sexually arousing for Nilsen.

After the army, Nilsen became a police officer for one year. He quit, moved to , and began working for the Department of Employment. At this point in Nilsen’s life, he was frequenting gay bars looking for a long-term relationship. In 1975, he became roommates with a man named David Gallichan. Nilsen shared his necrophilic role-play fantasies with him but after NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 60 two years, Gallichan, who did not reciprocate his homosexuality or necrophilic desires, moved out. This perceived abandonment further devastated an already emotionally fragile Nilsen.

In 1978, Nilsen began murdering men he met at gay bars. His first victim’s name is unknown. Nilsen, afraid the man would leave him in the morning, strangled him before placing his head in a bucket of water to drown him. After, Nilsen had sex with his victim’s corpse. He was so sexually aroused by the man’s dead body he could not dismember it. Instead, he stored him under the floorboards of his first floor apartment. He would frequently bring him out, bathe him, watch television with him, and have sex with his corpse. After seven months, Nilsen burned his remains in a fire.

Nilsen continued to kill in a similar fashion; he committed 15 more murders between

1978 and 1983. After killing his victims he kept their bodies under the floor boards or in cabinets. He would take them out periodically and have sex with them or masturbate over their corpses. Eventually, he dismembered them and buried or burned the remains. When he moved to an attic apartment, he began flushing pieces of his victims down the toilet. He grew tired of this lengthy process and started boiling flesh off the bones and then threw the bones away in the trash.

Nilsen’s idea to flush his victims’ remains eventually lead to his downfall. When the toilets in the building backed up in February, 1983, a plumber was called. He found the clog was caused by pieces of human flesh. The police were called and Nilsen was arrested. He was charged with two counts of and six counts of murder. Although he confessed to his crimes, he claimed he was not guilty by reason of insanity. He was deemed fit to stand trial and on November 4, 1983, he was found guilty on all charges. He was sentenced to life in prison. NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 61

Case study 15- Theodore Bundy. Born in November, 1946, Theodore “Ted” Bundy never knew his father. He was born in the Elizabeth Lund Home for Unwed Mothers in , but grew up in Philadelphia, when he and his mother, Louise, moved in with her parents. As a child, he was told his mother was actually his sister. His grandfather abused his grandmother and was cruel to animals. Bundy showed signs he was emotionally disturbed at an early age. For instance, his aunt once awoke to him putting knives in her bed as she slept when

Bundy was only three. She recalled that no one in the family was concerned with his behavior when she reported it to them.

Bundy’s mother married John Bundy in 1951 after they moved to Tacoma, .

Ted Bundy was very intelligent, however, he was disciplined on numerous occasions in school for his bad temper and disruptive behavior. As a teen, he was arrested for stealing a car and . He engaged in voyeurism and masturbated compulsively. He was also addicted to violent pornography. His criminal behavior subsided temporarily around the time he enrolled at the University of Puget Sound on scholarship and then the University of Washington where he volunteered for a suicide hotline.

While in college, Bundy began dating Stephanie Brooks. In 1968, Stephanie graduated, moved back in with her parents, and broke off her relationship with Bundy. This devastated him.

Around this time he also found out Louise was actually his mother, not his sister as he was told.

After Stephanie broke up with him, Bundy moved back to Seattle and got involved in politics. He graduated in 1972 and enrolled in law school. With his new status as a law student,

Bundy began to court Stephanie once again. He convinced her to accept his marriage proposal but two weeks later he abruptly ended the relationship as a way of getting revenge for her previous rejection. NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 62

Bundy began killing in January, 1974. Linda Healy was his first murder victim, however, he attacked and raped a college student several weeks earlier. Bundy’s usual modus operandi was to feign an injury (i.e. arm or leg cast or crutches) and approach a young girl in her mid- teens to early twenties with dark hair, similar to his former girlfriend, Stephanie. He would then abduct his victim and rape and murder them.

Bundy committed murders in numerous states from Washington to Florida. While he admitted to mutilating some of their corpses by decapitating and keeping their heads, there was never evidence found that he tortured any of his victims. For some of his victims, Bundy confessed to returning to where he dumped their bodies to lay with their corpses and have sexual intercourse. He would stop only when the bodies became too putrid.

Bundy was arrested on August 16, 1975. He escaped from jail twice in Colorado and escaped to Florida where he committed numerous murders at Florida State University. He was eventually recaptured and was convicted of murdering several Chi Omega Sorority women and

12 year-old girl, Kimberly Leach. He refused counsel and represented himself as his own lawyer.

Bundy was sentenced to death which was followed through on January 24, 1989. Before his death, Bundy confessed to killing 30 people but it is believed he may have up to 100 victims.

Case study 16- Andre Crawford. Andre Crawford was 37 at the time of his arrest for killing 11 women in Englewood and New City, between 1993 and 1999. Very little is known about his childhood except he and his sister were put in foster care after police discovered they were left alone in their home which was described as filthy. Their mother told the police she would often leave the children unattended for extended periods of time.

While in foster care, Crawford reported he was sexually abused by a fellow foster child- a girl who was older than Crawford. When he was a teenager, Crawford left foster care and went NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 63 to live back home. There, he reported that he was raped by a female relative and then forced to have sex with her friends for money. Crawford was described by people who knew him as a mild-mannered, nice guy who never made derogatory comments about women or showed signs of violence.

At some point in Crawford’s life he was in the Navy. After, he ended up jobless and homeless, living on the same streets he would use as his hunting ground. He knew his victims, who were African American prostitutes and drug addicts. Crawford would lure women by promising drugs in exchange for sex. Once alone, he either strangled or beat them to death and had sex with them as they lay dying or with their corpses. He left his victims in abandoned buildings. He told police that he would sometimes return the next day to have sex with them again. Crawford engaged in postmortem anal, vaginal, and oral sex.

Between June 1998 and April 1999, Crawford injected himself into the investigation by attending community meetings and handing out flyers asking for the public’s help in tracking down the man responsible for killing prostitutes. Police had DNA evidence from several victims.

They developed a profile of the killer and used it to generate a list of suspects. The police obtained a DNA sample from Crawford’s mother which matched the DNA found on the victims.

Crawford was arrested on January 30, 2000.

During his trial, it was suggested that Crawford committed his crimes out of a deep seeded rage toward women as a result of his mother’s abusive and neglectful parenting and his reported history of sexual abuse. On December 10, 2009, he was found guilty of 11 counts of murder, nine counts of rape, and one count of attempted murder and was sentenced to life in prison. NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 64

Case study 17- Jerome Brudos. Jerome “Jerry” Brudos was born in January, 1939, in

South Dakota, but was raised in California. Brudos had two older brothers. His gender was a disappointment to his mother who was hoping for a girl to complete the family. As a result, his mother was abusive, emotionally negligent, and would frequently disparage him. Brudos’ shoe fetish began when he was in preschool. He found a pair of high heels in a dump and brought them home. When he mother found him wearing them, she reacted angrily and burned them in a fire.

Brudos continued stealing shoes throughout his childhood and, after puberty, graduated to burglarizing homes for shoes and women’s underwear. He was also known to spy on women in his neighborhood as they undressed. Brudos began to realize he was sexually aroused by dressing up as a woman.

When Brudos was 17, he attacked a girl and was sent to the State Hospital for nine months. In his therapy sessions, he openly discussed his fantasies of keeping sex slaves and storing dead bodies in freezers in order to position their frozen corpses in sexual positions. After his release and completion of high school, Brudos joined the military in March, 1959. He was discharged after a year for not being a good fit. He then became an electronics technician which he was very skilled at. In 1961, he married and soon became a father. During their marriage, his wife was instructed to clean the house naked with only high heels on. She also caught him several times wearing lingerie.

Brudos killed the first of his four victims in January, 1968. Linda Slawson, 19, was selling encyclopedias door-to-door when she arrived at Brudos’ house. He lured her inside the house, struck her with a wooden plank, and then strangled her to death. He then had sex with her body, dressed her up in different underwear from his personal collection, and mutilated her NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 65 corpse. He kept her foot in his freezer for several months and frequently took it out and dressed it up in different high heels. He disposed of Slawson’s remains in the . Her foot soon joined her after it became too decomposed.

In November, 1968, Brudos picked up 23 year-old Jan Whitney from the side of the road.

He strangled her, had sex with her body, and took her corpse back to his private workshop he had set up in his house. He repeatedly had postmortem sex with her and then hung her from the ceiling in his workshop. For several days Whitney’s body remained there. Brudos returned to take pictures and molest her body several times. He removed her breast to use as a paperweight.

He then disposed of her body in the Willamette River.

His third victim, Karen Sprinker was 19 years-old. She was abducted in a parking garage at gunpoint. It was reported that a man dressed as a woman was seen lurking around the garage prior to Sprinker’s disappearance. She was brought back to Brudos’ home and kept in his workshop. He raped her while she was alive and made her the wear underwear he provided her.

After taking pictures, Brudos hung Sprinker, and then removed both of her breasts. He dumped her body in the Long Tom River.

Brudos’ final victim was 22 year-old Linda Salee. Impersonating a police officer, he abducted her and took her back to his workshop. As he raped her, he strangled her. He eventually attached her corpse to a transmission and sunk her body in the Long Tom River.

However, a fisherman found Salee’s body in May, 1969. Sprinker’s body was found soon after.

The investigation launched by the police turned up several accounts from students who described a man roaming the Oregon State University campus approaching women for dates.

One woman agreed and went on one date with Brudos. The police implored her to set up another date, which she did. He was arrested but soon released. Five days later, on May 30, 1969, Brudos NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 66 was back in custody. This time, he confessed to the murders. He was evaluated by court appointed psychiatrists and was found to have no mental illnesses, but did they diagnose him with antisocial personality disorder. He was eventually found guilty of murder and sentenced to three life sentences.

Case study 18- Gerard Schaefer. Gerard Schaefer was born in March, 1946 in

Wisconsin. He had two younger siblings and described his father as an alcoholic who often cheated on his mother and was verbally abusive. In 1960, he and his family moved to Fort

Lauderdale, Florida. After he graduated from high school in 1964, he attended Florida Atlantic

University and graduated with a degree in geography. While working on his degree, his parents divorced.

Schaefer later described to his court-appointed psychiatrist, Dr. R. C. Eaton, that his childhood was filled with sexually deviant behavior. When Schaefer was around 12 years-old, he recalled instances where he would tie himself to a tree and do things to hurt himself in order to get sexually aroused. He also masturbated to fantasies about hurting others. He reported wearing women’s underwear on several occasions. Schaefer also told his psychiatrist that, in childhood, he often had thoughts of wanting to die and wished he was a girl. This resulted from his father’s blatant favoritism toward his sister.

After being rejected from joining St. John’s Seminary, Schaefer gave up on his idea of joining the priesthood and denounced his Catholic faith entirely. He then tried his hand at teaching but was fired for pushing his own politics and morals on the students. He was married in 1968 but divorced in 1970. His wife claimed Schaefer was extremely cruel. Next, he applied for a job as a police officer for Broward County Sherriff’s office. Unable to pass the NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 67 psychological exam, he was turned down but was later hired by the Wilton Manors Police

Department.

He was fired from this job in April, 1972 for illegally accessing the personal information of women he had given traffic citations to and then contacting them asking for dates. A few months later he was hired by the Martin County Sherriff’s Department. It was less than a month before he was arrested. Schaefer picked up two hitchhikers, Pamela Wells and Nancy Trotter, hung them from a tree with their feet barely touching the ground, and threatened to sell them as sex slaves. The girls were able to escape and identify Schaefer. He was eventually sentenced to a year in jail and three years’ .

Police suspected Schaefer killed teenagers Susan Place and Jessup who went missing in Fort Lauderdale while he was out on bond awaiting his trial for kidnapping. When

Place and Jessup’s skeletal remains were found, evidence indicated they were restrained to a tree and mutilated. The investigation led to the discovery of I.D. cards at Schaefer’s mother’s house belonging to two additional women who had gone missing shortly before Schaefer went to jail for abducting Trotter and Wells. However, charges were not filed for these suspected homicides.

Several other items belonging to several other missing women were also found among

Schaefer’s belongings, however, charges were also never filed for any of them, even after their skeletal remains were found.

Schaefer was eventually charged with killing Jessup and Place and, in October, 1972, was convicted and received two life sentences. Although he was not charged with any of the other murders, investigators believed he was responsible for numerous others. They believed his modus operandi was to hang his victims, have sex with their dead bodies, and then burry them.

He would return to their graves, dig them up, and sexually abuse their corpses again. NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 68

His high school girlfriend eventually published stories written by Schaefer where he described several murders in great detail. Schaefer asserted they were fiction, but investigators question this as they suspected him of killing at least eleven other victims. At one point, Schaefer claimed he was responsible for anywhere from 80 to 110 murders. He was killed in prison by a fellow inmate in 1995.

In Schaefer’s journals and short stories, he described abducting women and frequently described methods of inducing urination or defecation which he found pleasurable. He wrote about ways in which to degrade his victims and described resuscitating them after they suffocated from hanging. Schaefer also focused on postmortem sexual activity and mutilation before burial. Sometimes he wrote in generic terms of what he would do with a victim, other times he was specific and described, in extremely graphic detail, how he murdered his victim

(without offering a name). In one such story, Schaefer described having anal intercourse with his victim after shooting her in the head. He then wrote about returning a week later to the place he buried her, dug her up, and masturbated on her corpse.

Case study 19- “G.” Researchers Boureghda, Retz, Philipp-Wiegmann, and Rosler

(2011) presented a case study on a German man referred to only as “G” in order to protect his identity. “G” engaged in necrophilic behavior but did not kill anyone. He grew up in a strict religious household he described as generally normal. He had a competitive and strained relationship with his younger sister. “G” witnessed his father butcher rabbits as a child and while he reported this did not cause him to become sexually aroused at the time, the images stuck in his mind indefinitely.

“G” did well in school and had an estimated IQ of 130. He was shy but still able to maintain limited friendships. He joined the military for one year which he reportedly enjoyed. He NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 69 then married his wife when he was 22 years-old. He went on to obtain a degree in engineering and graduated when he was 27.

He was married and his relationship with his wife was generally harmonious; they had only one major fight which was related to “G” wanting to have sexual relations her more than she was willing. Outside of his marriage, “G” was able to keep and maintain relationships with others and had no other mental health issues aside from necrophilia and a short time period when he experienced suicidal ideations. The latter was related to his son’s psychiatric hospitalization; his reactive depression was resolved within one year.

“G” was interested in death since childhood. He began reading books about illnesses at the age of seven and, although he never killed animals himself, dissected those he found already dead. “G” was also fascinated and aroused by movies about cannibals.

As an adult, he read and visited cemeteries. When he was 22, he began breaking into mortuaries to view the corpses. He reported he did not touch the dead bodies at this time nor did he masturbate, however he did collect several bones from cemeteries. He would also view pornography on the Internet that contained cannibal themes as well as images of injured and deceased individuals, necrophilia, and children. “G” was able to maintain a normal sexual relationship with his wife despite the progression of his paraphilic necrophilia.

“G” took the bodies of three corpses on three separate occasions. The first corpse he took was an 18 year-old female. The second body belonged to a woman in her twenties. The third corpse, which he was subsequently caught with, was that of a 14 year-old girl. The first incident,

G took the body to a field. After disarticulating the legs, he buried it only to disinter the body four years later. He then kept the bones at his house. NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 70

The second incident, “G” broke into a and mutilated the body there. He cut off her breast and removed her eyes. He took her breasts home. “G” used gloves while mutilating the body. Regarding the final incident, “G” had a key to a morgue (how he obtained this key is unknown) and stole a body. He took the body to an isolated area and molested and masturbated next to it, but did not have vaginal penetration. “G” took pictures continuously throughout his necrophilic activities. He left to go home and then returned to the body several times. He began to mutilate it and did not wear gloves this time. The head, breasts, and legs were removed. “G” put the intestines in a container and removed the face of the corpse.

Over the next few weeks, “G” took various body parts home, draped them over his penis, and masturbated. Pictures were found showing how he removed the ovaries and placed them on his genitalia. “G” had a preoccupation with the bowels. He was able to successfully hide this behavior from his family until he was arrested at the age of 40; he was found guilty of possessing illegal pornography and disturbing the dead in 2000.

NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 71

Findings

Table 1

Offender’s Background Characteristics

High Wet Animal Set Offender Country Ethnicity Married IQ bed torture fires Stephen Griffiths Scotland Caucasian X X Yoo Young-Chul S. Korea Asian X X Matej Curko Slovakia Caucasian Alexander Spesivtsev Russia Caucasian X

Necrophagia Gary Heidnik USA Caucasian X X X Armin Meiwesᵃ Germany Caucasian Edmund Kemper USA Caucasian X X

Joachim Kroll Germany Caucasian X X

Edward Gein USA Caucasian Andrei Chikatilo Ukraine Caucasian X X Jeffrey Dahmer USA Caucasian X X

Necrophilia

Necrophagia & Necrophagia Carroll Edward Cole USA Caucasian X X Issei Sagawaᵃ Japan Asian X Dennis Nilsen USA Caucasian

Theodore Bundy USA Caucasian X X African Andre Crawford USA American Jerome Brudos USA Caucasian X

Necrophilia Gerard Schaefer USA Caucasian X “G”ᵃ Germany Caucasian X X ᵃDenotes nonserial offenders.

Offender’s Background- Table 1

As seen in Table 1, the majority of the total sample were Caucasian (84%). Out of the five necrophilic serial offenders, 80% were Caucasian; the same results were found for the necrophagic serial killers. For the comorbid serial killers, 100% were Caucasian. Two of the three nonserial offenders were Caucasian (67%). NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 72

With regard to offender IQ, it should be noted that specific intelligence scores were not available for each offender who was listed as having above average intelligence. In some cases, it was only stated in the literature that the offender had a high IQ. With that said, a connection was found between high intelligence and necrophagic behavior. For the comorbid serial offender group, 67% were identified as having an above average IQ as were (60%) of the necrophagia serial offenders. Only 20% of the necrophile serial offender group fit this description. Overall,

50% of the sexual serial killers and 67% of nonserial offenders had above average intelligence.

Bed wetting (19%), torturing animals (25%), and fire setting (0%) were uncommon characteristics for the sexual serial offenders. Only one offender, Edward Gein, was associated with fire setting but it was never proven. None of the necrophilic serial offenders or nonserial offenders had histories of wetting the bed, animal abuse, or starting fires. No offender engaged in more than one of the tirade behaviors.

Regarding offender marriage status, 44% percent of all sexual serial offenders were married at some point in their lives. Of the necrophagic serial killers, 40% were married, 33% of the comorbid serial killers were married, and 60% of the necrophilic serial killers were married.

Of the three nonserial offenders, only one offender was married (33%).

NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 73

Table 2

Offender/Parent Relationship

Parents Abusive/overbearing Mother Gender Offender divorced Mother Father promiscuous confusion Stephen Griffiths X X Yoo Young-Chul

agia Matej Curko Alexander Spesivtsev X

Necroph Gary Heidnik X X Armin Meiwesa X Edmund Kemper X X

Joachim Kroll

Edward Gein X X Andrei Chikatilo X Jeffrey Dahmer X

Necrophilia

Necrophagia & Necrophagia Carroll Edward Cole X X X Issei Sagawaa Dennis Nilsen X

Theodore Bundy Andre Crawford X Jerome Brudos X X

Necrophilia Gerard Schaefer X X “G”a aDenotes nonserial offenders.

Offender/Parent Relationship- Table 2

Only 13% of the sexual serial offenders had a promiscuous mother; having an overbearing or abusive mother, however, was much more common (38%). The highest prevalence of mothers who were overbearing or abusive occurred within the comorbid serial offender group (67%); necrophilic serial offenders had a median rate (40%) while the lowest incidence was within the necrophagic serial offender group (0%). NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 74

An unexpected finding was 36% of the 11 sexual serial offenders who engaged in necrophilia experienced gender confusion. In childhood, these offenders were either dressed in feminine clothing by their mother or were made to feel they would experience more love and acceptance by their parent if they were born a girl.

Table 3 Offender’s Crime Characteristics # of Pictures/ Alcohol/ Victim sex Victims Offender Age victims videos drugs Male Female high-risk Stephen Griffiths 3+ 40 X X X X Yoo Young-Chul 21 33 X X Matej Curko 2+ 43 X X Alexander Spesivtsev 19 26 X X

Necrophagia Gary Heidnik 2 44 X X Armin Meiwesa 1 41 X X Edmund Kemper 8 24 X X X

Joachim Kroll 14+ 43 X

Edward Gein 2 51 X Andrei Chikatilo 53+ 54 X X X Jeffrey Dahmer 15 31 X X X X

Necrophilia

Necrophagia & Necrophagia Carroll Edward Cole 13 42 X X X Issei Sagawaa 1 32 X Dennis Nilsen 16 38 X X X

Theodore Bundy 30+ 29 X Andre Crawford 11 37 X X X Jerome Brudos 4 30 X X

Necrophilia Gerard Schaefer 2+ 26 X X “G”a 0 40 X X Note. Victim sex considers only victims killed for sexual motivations; + indicates the possibility of more victims. aDenotes nonserial offenders.

NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 75

Offender Crime Characteristics- Table 3

The mean age of offenders at the time of apprehension was 37 years for the total sample of sexual serial offenders, 37 years for the necrophagic serial group, 41 years for the comorbid serial group, and 32 years for the necrophilic serial group. The mean age for the nonserial group was 38 years.

About one third of the sexual serial offenders took pictures or videos of their crimes

(31%). With regard to the nonserial offenders, 67% took videos or photographs. Keeping digital documentation was most common for necrophagic serial killers (40%) and least common among necrophilic serial killers (20%).

Drug or alcohol abuse was prevalent in 31% of the sexual serial offender population and was not noted for any of the nonserial offenders.

As anticipated, the sexual serial offenders targeted female victims at a much higher rate than male victims (88%). All of the necrophagic serial offenders targeted women. Only one of the three nonserial offenders victimized a male (33%).

In addition to choosing mostly female victims, a majority of the sexual serial killers focused on high-risk demographics for victim selection; this included victims who were drug addicts, prostitutes, homeless, hitchhiking, or picked up while drinking in a bar. Over half (63%) of the sexual serial offenders chose these types of victims. None of the nonserial offenders chose high-risk victims.

NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 76

Table 4. Offender’s Behavior with Victim(s)

Mutilation Sexual activity Offender Torture Before After Before After death death death death Stephen Griffiths X X

Yoo Young-Chul X X Matej Curko X Alexander Spesivtsev X X X

Necrophagia Gary Heidnik X X X Armin Meiwesa X X X Edmund Kemper X X

Joachim Kroll X X X

Edward Gein X Andrei Chikatilo X X X X X Jeffrey Dahmer X X X X

Necrophilia

Necrophagia & Necrophagia Carroll Edward Cole X X X Issei Sagawaa X X Dennis Nilsen X X X

Theodore Bundy X X X Andre Crawford X X Jerome Brudos X X X

Necrophilia Gerard Schaefer X X X “G”a X X aDenotes nonserial offenders.

Offender’s Behavior with Victim(s)- Table 4.

The overall prevalence of torture for the sexual serial offenders was 25%. The most common group to engage in torture was the necrophagic serial killers (40%). The least common group to torture their victims was the comorbid serial offenders (17%).

Mutilation prior to death was very uncommon. Out of the 16 sexual serial offenders, only two mutilated their victims antemortem (13%). Conversely, 95% of total sexual serial offenders engaged in postmortem mutilation. Of the individual groups, 100% of the necrophagic serial NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 77 offenders, 100% of the comorbid serial offenders, and 80% of necrophilic serial offenders mutilated their victims after killing them. Andre Crawford was the only offender who did not engage in mutilation. “G” did not kill any of his victims but participated in extensive postmortem mutilation. The rate of antemortem sexual activity for the sexual serial offenders was 75%.

Combining the comorbid and necrophilic serial offender groups, 73% engaged in some sort of antemortem sexual activity with their victim and 91% had postmortem sex with their victims.

Table 5.1 Motivations for Necrophilia

Possess Conscious sexual Gain comfort/ unresisting/ Assert power and Offender attraction to overcome unrejecting control over victim corpses isolation partner History of Wanted necrophilic fantasy Dennis companionship; fear and role play but of rejection and Nilsen also enjoyed sex abandonment with the living Raped victims as they Theodore died; kept victims’ heads and returned for Bundy postmortem sex to extend control Andre Raped victims as they died; postmortem sex Crawford extended sadistic pleasure

Fantasized about Took pictures and forced Jerome Wanted sex freezing dead victims to wear lingerie

Necrophilia Brudos slaves bodies for sexual ante- and postmortem; pleasure retained body-parts Postmortem sex was

associated with

Gerard humiliation, torture, and

degradation of victims Schaefer based on writings and

drawings Extensive history “G”a of sexual attraction to corpses Note. The motivations listed in this table were originally detailed by Rosman and Resnik (1989). This is not an exhaustive list. The researchers listed several other motivations for necrophilic behavior, however, they were not included as they did not apply to any offenders in this study. aDenotes nonserial offenders. NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 78

Table 5.2 Motivations for Necrophilia and Necrophagia

Possess Conscious sexual attraction Gain comfort/ unresisting/ to: Assert power and Offender overcome unrejecting Eating control over victim Corpses isolation partner flesh Fantasies of Extensive dissection Edmund murder and of victims; necrophilia consumption of flesh Kemper present since for protracted sadistic childhood pleasure Sexually Necrophilia a result of Unable to aroused by sexual arousal gained maintain an Joachim blood; from erection with masturbated victims; necrophagia Kroll living while strangling maintained sexual females a doll arousal after homicide Read books Companionship Became on cultural and comfort sexually

Edward cannibalism achieved by aroused by the and female surrounding Gein slaughtering of anatomy as himself with a pig a child corpses Aroused only by the Necrophagia torture and brutality of Andrei focused on his murders. Biting sexual Chikatilo and eating victims organs extended arousal Fascination Experiments to create Experiments and with death since sex slaves; preoccupation childhood. Ate his necrophagia and

Necrophagia & NecrophiliaNecrophagia Jeffrey Wanted sex with victims’ Retained body victim’s retention of corpses slaves corpses offered Dahmer parts for genitals demonstrated desire relief from continued for complete power isolation stimulation and control Enjoyed humiliating History of Carroll victims; necrophilia fantasies of Edward and necrophagia murder and demonstrated power Cole necrophilia and control Fantasized Issei about a necrophagia Sagawa since childhood Note. The motivations listed in this table were originally detailed by Rosman and Resnik (1989). This is not an exhaustive list. The researchers listed several other motivations for necrophilic behavior, however, they were not included as they did not apply to any offenders in this study. aDenotes nonserial offenders.

NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 79

Table 5.3 Necrophagia Motivations

Possess Conscious sexual Gain comfort/ Offender unresisting/ Assert power and attraction to overcome unrejecting control over victim eating flesh isolation partner Obsessed with sadistic Stephen sexual serial killers; ate victims for sadistic Griffiths pleasure and power and control Yoo Extended power and control over victims by Young- consuming victims in Chul order to refresh his soul Self-described Targeted those pervert; sought out Matej who willingly individuals consented to Curko specifically for being killed consumption Aroused by exerting power over victims. Eating them was an

extension of sadistic pleasure and Alexander dehumanization of

Spesivtsev victims; control was protracted by psychologically Necrophagia torturing his victims by forcing them to eat human flesh. Dehumanized his victims. His engagement in Primary sexual necrophagia as well as Gary arousal from feeding human flesh to

Heidnik subjugating his dog and living victims victims demonstrated sadism and desire to assert power and control Sought out Targeted those individuals Armin who willingly specifically for a consented to Meiwes consumption; ate being killed victim’s penis Note. The motivations listed in this table were originally detailed by Rosman and Resnik (1989). This is not an exhaustive list. The researchers listed several other motivations for necrophilic behavior, however, they were not included as they did not apply to any offenders in this study. aDenotes nonserial offenders. NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 80

Motivations- Tables 5.1-6.3

Based on the five common necrophilia motivations Rosman and Resnik (1989) found in their study, four match the motivations related to both necrophilic and necrophagic offenders in this study. It was discovered that many of the sexual serial offenders fit into more than one motivational category (69%).

Of the five necrophilic serial offenders, the average number of motivations was 1.6 and the five necrophagic serial offenders had an average of 1.4 motivations. Table 5.2 reveals there were many more motivating factors associated with the serial offenders who engaged in both necrophilia and necrophagia compared with the other two groups. These comorbid serial offenders averaged 2.4 motivations. Jeffery Dahmer was the only offender in the entire sample to fit into all four motivations.

The results of table 5.2 and 5.3 indicate that sexual serial killers who engage in necrophagia, like necrophilia, do so for a variety of motivations. The most common motivation for the eleven sexual serial offenders who engaged in necrophagia was to assert power and control over the victim (56%), followed by conscious awareness of their sexual attraction to eating flesh (25%), possession of an unresisting and unrejecting partner (25%), and gain comfort or overcome feelings of isolation (13%).

Similarly, the five sexual serial killers who only engaged in necrophilia were also motivated by power and control (80%). Two were consciously aware of their sexual attraction to corpses (40%), one offender wanted to overcome isolation and gain comfort (20%), and one was looking for an unresisting and unrejecting partner.

NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 81

Limitations

There are several limitations associated with this study, primarily regarding the methodology. When compiling case studies, the information gathered is restricted by several factors. Hinch and Hepburn (1998) note that qualitative data obtained from archival information such as news articles, biographies, and offender diaries may contain inaccurate information.

However, the alternative of interviewing serial killers is not always possible; even when it is, there is no assurance the offender will be forthcoming or entirely truthful. Also, O'Reilly-

Fleming (1996) points out that access to these offenders may be restricted by the offender’s lawyer or due to prison policy. With regard to studying serial killers who are no longer living, researchers are forced to rely on alternative information sources (Wright & Hensley, 2003).

Furthermore, Hempel, Meloy, and Richards (1999) assert that reliance on a nonrandom and small sample size reduces generalizability. These limitations apply to this study, however,

Wright and Hensley (2003) explain that it is often challenging to obtain ample information on a wide variety of serial murderers since only certain cases become sensationalized. The resources available to this researcher reflected this. Many sexual serial killers fit this study’s definitions for necrophagia and necrophilia, however, their cases were not sensationalized in the media or literature. Therefore, they were not included in this study based on lack of accessible information.

Another relevant limitation relates to the subjective nature of case study research.

Motivations were extrapolated from the content of available literature due to the impossibility of knowing the offender’s true motivation with complete certainty. Even if it were possible to ask serial killers about their motivations directly, the researcher is still not guaranteed truthful responses. NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 82

Conclusion

Although the relationship between necrophilia and sexually motivated homicide has been discussed by other researchers (e.g. Lester & White, 2012; Stein, et al., 2010) and some have acknowledged a vague connection between necrophagia and necrophilia (e.g. Aggrawal, 2011;

Lester & White, 2011; Rosman & Resnick, 1989), the specific dynamic between necrophilia, necrophagia, and sexual serial killing has not been directly addressed. This study was the first to evaluate how necrophagic desires fit into the spectrum of motivations for sexual serial killers, especially those with necrophilic tendencies.

Before evaluating possible motivations associated with each offender’s paraphilic behavior, other factors were first assessed. To begin, the majority of offenders in this study were

Caucasian as were all of the comorbid serial offenders. Several other studies have found that paraphilias are more common among Whites (Able et al., 1988; Kafka & Hennen, 2002; Price et al., 2002) and that White serial killers are more sexually deviant, overall, when compared to

African American serial killers (Lester & White, 2014). Conversely, Stein et al. (2010) found

43.8% of their sample of necrophile murderers were African American compared with only 20% of the necrophilic serial killers and 0% of the comorbid offenders in this study.

Prentky et al. (1989) and James and Proulx’s (2014) found serial sexual murders had higher IQs than single victim sexual murderers. This study, however, found a higher percentage of nonserial offenders had increased intelligence when compared with the 16 serial killers.

Interestingly, the twelve serial killers who engaged in necrophagic behavior had higher reports of elevated intelligence than the serial killers who participated only in necrophilia. In Rosman and

Resnik’s (1989) study, they found 69% of their necrophilic sample with available IQ data scored over 100. The researchers dispute the argument that necrophiles generally possess below average NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 83 intelligence. Since the current study did not have exact intelligence scores for all offenders, it is not possible to compare and contrast the findings of these studies directly. However, only one of the 12 offenders (8%) in this study who engaged in necrophilic activity was specifically remarked in the literature as having below average intelligence (Joquim Kroll). Although a positive relationship was found between necrophagia and high IQ, this finding is limited in scope. Future research would benefit from the attainment of precise IQ scores for necrophagic and non-necrophagic serial offenders to confirm if serial killers who eat their victims have higher

IQs than those who do not.

The findings related to animal cruelty, bed wetting, and fire setting were lower than reported in other studies. Ressler et al. (1988) found 68% of their population of sexual serial killers suffered from enuresis and 36% tortured animals as a child. More recently, James and

Proulx, (2014) found serial sexual murderers were more prone to abuse animals but less likely to suffer from enuresis when compared with nonserial sexual murderers. None of the offenders in the necrophilia group had histories of wetting the bed, fire starting, or animal abuse. Lester and

White (2011) combined these three variables and found that necrophilic serial offenders were almost twice as likely to exhibit one or more of these behaviors than non-necrophilic serial murderers.

With regard to offender marriage status among necrophilic serial offenders, Rosman and

Resnick (1989) found much lower rates in their study; marriage was prevalent in only 26% of necrophiles. The high rate of marriage noted in this study supports Stein et al.’s (2010) assertion that the most common motivation for necrophilia (possession of a partner who is incapable of offering resistance or rejection) may not generally be the case for sexual murderer populations.

Additionally, Stein et al. point out that since almost half of the victims in their study were raped NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 84 by their offender prior to being killed, sexual arousal and performance for the offender was not hindered by the presence of a resisting partner. This was also supported in this study; 67% of the combined necrophilic and comorbid serial offender groups had sex (consensual or nonconsensual) with their victim(s) before killing them.

Concerning the offender’s conduct with their victim, about a third of the sexual serial killers took pictures or videos. Despite the risks, this type of documentation is common behavior for sexually motivated serial killers as it offers an opportunity for the offender to re-experience his sexual fantasies and creates an additional method of exercising infinite power and ownership over the victim (Warren et al., 2013).

Research on serial killer reflects that females are targeted much more frequently than men (Chan, Beauregard, & Myers, 2014; Hickey, 2006a; Ressler et al. 1988). As anticipated in this study, females were the preferred victims (88%); this was only slightly lower than Stein et al.’s (2010) findings (94%). Similar to Rosman and Resnik’s (1989) conclusions, the sex of the victim matched the sexual orientation of the offender except in one case, Andrei

Chikatilo, who was heterosexual but killed males and females. It is logical that sexually motivated homicides are perpetrated against victims who mirror the offender’s sexuality.

Chikatilo’s impotency merely added more complexity to his victim selection. His choice of male victims and behavior with them (i.e. destroying/ingesting their genitalia) may have been his way of acting out libidinal , not a result of sexual attraction.

The most common group to engage in torture were the necrophagic serial killers. Gary

Heidnik and Alexander Spesivtsev psychologically tortured some of their victims by forcing them to eat the flesh of others. Overall, only 25% of the sexual serial offenders tortured their victims. This is much lower than what previous research has indicated. For example, Stein et al. NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 85

(2010) found this occurred in 69% and 72% of their sample. Lester and White’s (2011) results were even higher; they found 91% of necrophilic serial killers and 58% of non-necrophilic serial killers engaged in torture. It is conceivable that for the offenders in this study, the focus was on destroying their victims after death rather than relishing in their pain and suffering prior to killing them. Also, Stein et al. and Lester and White did not operationalize torturous behavior. It is possible that their definition for torture was more inclusionary (i.e. raping victims prior to death) compared to this study.

Antemortem mutilation was also uncommon. Only one of the three nonserial killers,

Armin Meiwes, mutilated his victim prior to death. Despite this fact, torture was not the objective since removal of the victim’s penis was sanctioned by the victim himself. Within the comorbid serial killer group, Andrei Chikatilo and Jeffery Dahmer both engaged in antemortem mutilation; however, Chikatilo was the only offender who also tortured his victim. Although

Dahmer drilled holes in the heads of some of his victims, like Meiwes, Dahmer was not motivated by pain and suffering. The fact that Dahmer drugged his victims before mutilating them indicates several potential reasons other than torture. Perhaps he did not wish to cause them pain, his motives were more pragmatic and he simply needed them to be still while he drilled, or a mixture of both. Either way, antemortem mutilation appeared to be a means to another end- turning his victims into zombie-like sex slaves.

On the other hand, postmortem mutilation was extremely common among all offenders in the sample. Andre Crawford was the only offender who did not mutilate his victim. These findings were not surprising as mutilation is common with sexual homicide (Ressler et al. 1988) and is a necessary function for any offender intent on eating their victim. The findings of this NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 86 study were supported by Lester and White (2011) who found necrophiles were over twice as likely to mutilate victims compared to non-necrophiles (75% compared to 30%).

What was surprising, however, was the rate of antemortem sexual activity for necrophilic offenders. Of the 12 offenders who killed at least one victim and had sex with their corpses, 67% also engaged in some sort of sexual activity with their victim prior to killing them. In a comparable sample, Stein et al. (2010) found only 43.8% of their victims were raped prior to being killed by the offender. As previously mentioned, high rates of sexual activity with living victims combined with high instances of marriage are inconsistent with a motive of acquiring unresisting and unrejecting partners. Rather this, in conjunction with low instances of torture and antemortem mutilation, indicates sexual arousal was achieved primarily from the power and control of the victim and anticipation of murder. This follows Masters (as cited in Stein et al.,

2010) assertion that necrophilia, in association with sexual homicides, simply occurs as a way of protracting the violation of their victim.

According to Aggrawal’s (2011) class IX sub-classifications, most of this study’s necrophilic and comorbid offenders would be considered sadistic necrophiles. However,

Aggrawal’s classifications are based on offender behavior and focus very little on internal motivations. Also, these sub-classifications were only relevant to necrophiliacs and could not be adapted to help extrapolate motivations for necrophagic offenders. However, four out of the five common necrophilia motivations reported by Rosman and Resnik (1989) were easily adapted and applied to offenders in this study.

Analysis of Table 5.1 through 5.3 indicated that offenders rarely had only a single sexual imputes for necrophilia and necrophagia. Specifically, it was determined that comorbid offenders had the most motivations for sexually deviant conduct with their victims. Overall, offenders were NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 87 not confined to one motivation for necrophagic or necrophilic behavior. Instead, the case studies indicated that many intrinsic psychological needs were met simultaneously for most offenders.

These findings support this study’s hypothesis.

Three offenders specifically sought out their victims with the primary intention of eating them, Armin Meiwes, Matej Curko, and Issei Sagawa. Only one, Curko, killed more than one victim. These three offenders established a preoccupation with eating flesh and spent countless hours specifically ruminating about eating flesh and planning how to satiate their desires.

As for the remaining offenders in this study, power and control over their victims tended to be the most prevalent motivation. This offers strong evidence that necrophilia and/or necrophagia alone did not primarily motivate most of the offenders to kill. Otherwise, it would be expected that wanting unresisting and unrejecting partners and/or a conscious sexual attraction to corpses or ingesting flesh would have motivated more offenders. The theme of power and control reinforces the idea that the offenders in this study chose necrophilia and necrophagia as ways of perpetuating the victimization and ownership of their victims. While some offenders are primarily motivated to kill for the consumption of flesh or postmortem sex, necrophagia and necrophilia manifest as cumulative or collateral paraphilias for most sexual serial killers.

Most necrophilic and necrophagic serial killers were aroused by the subjugation and death of their victims; sexual activity with and/or consumption of their victim’s cadaver occurred as a result. It is hard to imagine ways in which an offender could demonstrate more power or control over a victim than to sexually abuse or eat their corpse. Future research should focus on collecting larger samples of these specific serial killers in order increase the generalizability of findings. This study did not have a comparison group of serial killers who did not engage in NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 88 necrophilia or necrophagia. By including this in future research, it would be possible to elucidate similarities and differences among the separate groups. Exploring the motivations of necrophagia through different theoretical perspectives may also offer a more robust insight into this behavior.

NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 89

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murder and sex offender crime scenes. Journal of Forensic Sciences, 52(5), 1194-1201.

White, T. D. (2001). Once were cannibals. Scientific American, 284(2), 60-65.

Wright, J., & Hensley, C. (2003). From animal cruelty to serial murder: Applying the graduation

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NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 96

Appendix

Case Study References

Case 1- Stephen Griffiths

Brooke, C., Tozer, J., & Narin, J. (2010, December, 22). ‘My Shelley's mutilated body is probably in that

rucksack’: Father of Crossbow Cannibal victim tells of trauma after seeing CCTV of killer. The

Daily Mail. Retrieved from http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-1340673/Crossbow-

Cannibal-Stephen-Griffiths-told-officers-intended-murder-women.html

Carter, H. (2010, December 21). Stephen Griffiths: The self-styled demon who drew inspiration from

serial killers. . Retrieved from

http://www.theguardian.com/uk/2010/dec/21/stephen-griffiths-crossbow-cannibal-profile

Dixon, C. (2011). The Crossbow Cannibal the Definitive Story of Stephen Griffiths - The Self-Made Serial

Killer. London: John Blake Pub.

Harris, P. (2010, May 29). ‘I am the crossbow cannibal’: Murder suspect charged with killing three

prostitutes in extraordinary court appearance. The Daily Mail. Retrieved from

http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-1282399/PhD-student-Stephen-Griffiths-tells-court-

crossbow-cannibal.html

Stokes, P. (2010, December 21). Crossbow cannibal serial killer: Stephen Griffiths admits murdering

three prostitutes. The Telegraph. Retrieved from

http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/crime/8216231/Crossbow-cannibal-serial-killer-

Stephen-Griffiths-admits-murdering-three-prostitutes.html

Stokes, P. & Rayner, G. (2010, December 22). Crossbow cannibal: Killer diagnosed as a psychopath 19

years ago. The Telegraph. Retrieved from

http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/crime/8218550/Crossbow-cannibal-killer-diagnosed-

as-a-psychopath-19-years-ago.html

NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 97

Case Study 2- Yoo Young-chul

Keller, R. (2014). Human monsters volume one: 30 terrifying serial killers from around the world [Kindle

Version]. Retrieved from Amazon.com

Rahn, K. (2009, August 11). Yoo Young-chul included in world’s 31 serial killers. Korea Times.

Retrieved from http://www.koreatimes.co.kr/www/news/nation/2009/09/113_49958.html

Scanlon, C. (2004, July 18). Seoul man ‘admits killing spree.’ BBC News. Retrieved from

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/3904021.stm

Yong-hyun, A. (2004, August 8). Serial killer claims to have eaten victims’ organs. The Cho Sun Ilbo.

Retrieved from http://english.chosun.com/site/data/html_dir/2004/08/13/2004081361048.html

Case Study 3- Matej Curko

Boyd, J. (2011, May 20). Two victims volunteered to be cannibal victims. The Daily.sk. Retrieved from

http://www.thedaily.sk/two-victims-volunteered-to-be-cannibal-victims/

Chansanchai, A. (2011, May 16). Craigslist cannibal’s dinner plans spoiled by ‘main course.’ MSNBC.

Retrieved from http://www.today.com/money/craigslist-cannibals-dinner-plans-spoiled-main-

course-123253

Hoffman, J. (2011, May 17). Would-be Czech cannibal arrested after firefight. The News Record.

Retrieved from http://www.newsrecord.org/would-be-czech-cannibal-arrested-after-

firefight/article_272a0212-6c96-5833-ae16-9ab49b4572ed.html

Police: Would-be cannibal arrested after gunbattle in Slovakia. (2011, May 11). MSNBC. Retrieved from

http://www.nbcnews.com/id/42990831/ns/world_news-weird_news/#.VaV7GhvbJMt

Sideri, M. (2011, August 2). Slovak cannibal’s possible Italian victims – Thirty missing women profiled.

Corriere Della Sera. Retrieved from http://www.corriere.it/english/11_agosto_02/cannibal-

victims_fa52f944-bcf3-11e0-b530-d2ad6f731cf9.shtml?refresh_ce-cp

Vilikovska, Z. (2011, May 13). ‘Kysak cannibal’ dies from gunshot wounds. The Slovak Spectator.

Retrieved from http://spectator.sme.sk/c/20039822/kysak-cannibal-dies-from-gunshot-

wounds.html NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 98

Case Study 4- Alexander Spesivtsev

Bennett, V. (1997, May 25). Cannibalism latest gruesome symptom of Russia’s social ills. The Los

Angeles Times. Retrieve from http://articles.latimes.com/1997-05-25/news/mn-62454_1_social-

hierarchy

Keller, R. (2014). Human monsters volume one: 30 terrifying serial killers from around the world [Kindle

Version]. Retrieved from Amazon.com

Keller, R. (2015). Cannibal killers 1: 18 horrific true crime cases [Kindle version]. Retrieved from

Amazon.com

Webb, W. (2013). Hungry for humans: 15 shockingly true stories of cannibalism [Kindle version].

Retrieved from Amazon.com

Case Study 5- Gary Heidnik

Adamson, A., & Smith, J. (1999, July 7). Horrors’ killer gets his wish victims’ kin watch as Gary Heidnik

gets lethal injection. Philly News. Retrieved from http://articles.philly.com/1999-07-

07/news/25522531_1_gary-heidnik-lethal-injection-death-chamber

Bovsun, M. (2013, May 18). Philadelphia sicko Gary Heidnik inspired role of Buffalo Bill in ‘the silence

of the lambs.’ New York Daily News. Retrieved from http://www.nydailynews.com/news/justice-

story/philly-sicko-death-dungeon-inspired-famous-movie-scene-article-1.1348191

Hickey, B. (2002, March 13). Return to the house of horrors. Philadelphia Weekly. Retrieved from

http://www.philadelphiaweekly.com/news-and-opinion/cover-

story/return_to_the_house_of_horrors-38347699.html

In re: Gary Heidnik (1997). United States Court of Appeals, Third Circuit. Retrieved from

http://caselaw.findlaw.com/us-3rd-circuit/1097178.html

Marlow, J. (2013). Forcible confinement: Monstrous crimes of the modern age [Kindle version].

Retrieved from Amazon.com

Newton, M. (2006). The encyclopedia of serial killers. New York, NY: Checkmark Books.

NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 99

Case Study 6- Armin Meiwes

Berry-Dee, C., & Morris, S. (2010). Online killers: Portraits of murderers, cannibals and sex predators

who stalked the web for their victims. Berkeley, CA: Ulysses Press.

Bovsun, M. (2015, February 7). Sicko German cannibal places a personal ad for a well-built 18- to 30-

year-old to be slaughtered and then eaten - and he finds a taker! New York Daily News. Retrieved

from http://www.nydailynews.com/news/crime/sicko-finds-taker-slaughter-consume-personal-ad-

article-1.2106399

Brandes, B. J., Meiwes, A., & Moore, J. (2008, January). My dinner with antrophagus. Retrieved from

http://harpers.org/archive/2008/01/my-dinner-with-antrophagus/

Castleden, C. (2011). Issei Sagawa, Armin Meiwes, Robin Gecht: Three cannibal killers [Kindle version].

Retrieved from Amazon.com

Harding, L. (2003, December 3). Victim of cannibal agreed to be eaten. The Guardian. Retrieved from

http://www.theguardian.com/world/2003/dec/04/germany.lukeharding

Case Study 7- Edmund Kemper

Berry-Dee, C. (2011). Cannibal serial killers: Profiles of depraved flesh-eating murderers. Berkeley, CA:

Ulysses Press.

Dobbert, D. (2009). Psychopathy, , and lust homicide: Recognizing the mental disorders that

power serial killers. Santa Barbara, CA: Praeger/ABC-CLIO.

Marlowe, J. (2014). The world’s most psychopaths: Horrifying true-life cases [Kindle version].

Retrieved from Amazon.com

Newton, M. (2006). The encyclopedia of serial killers. New York, NY: Checkmark Books.

Case Study 8- Joachim Kroll

Berry-Dee, C. (2011). Cannibal serial killers: Profiles of depraved flesh-eating murderers. Berkeley, CA:

Ulysses Press

Coleman, A. (2014). The serial killer spotlight: Joachim Kroll, a unique serial killer [Kindle version].

Retrieved from Amazon.com NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 100

Keller, R. (2015). Cannibal killers 2: 18 horrific true crime cases [Kindle version]. Retrieved from

Amazon.com

Newton, M. (2006). The encyclopedia of serial killers. New York, NY: Checkmark Books.

Case Study 9- Edward Gein

15 years ago case shocked world. (1972, November 13). The Sentinel. Retrieved from

https://news.google.com/newspapers?nid=1368&dat=19721113&id=AHtQAAAAIBAJ&sjid=Xx

EEAAAAIBAJ&pg=7394,3887458&hl=en

Berry-Dee, C. (2011). Cannibal serial killers: Profiles of depraved flesh-eating murderers. Berkeley, CA:

Ulysses Press

Dobbert, D. (2009). Psychopathy, perversion, and lust homicide: Recognizing the mental disorders that

power serial killers. Santa Barbara, CA: Praeger/ABC-CLIO.

Jensen, S. (2014). Top 10 American serial killers: Inside the minds of psychopaths [Kindle version].

Retrieved from Amazon.com

Newton, M. (2006). The encyclopedia of serial killers. New York, NY: Checkmark Books.

Nuristani, M. (2013, October 10). Meet Ed Gein, the true monster behind , Silence of the Lambs,

and The Chainsaw . The Herald Sun. Retrieved from

http://www.heraldsun.com.au/news/law-order/meet-ed-gein-the-true-monster-behind-psycho-

silence-of-the-lambs-and-the-texas-chainsaw-massacre/story-fni0ffnk-1226734820627

Case Study 10- Andrei Chikatilo

Berry-Dee, C. (2011). Cannibal serial killers: Profiles of depraved flesh-eating murderers. Berkeley, CA:

Ulysses Press

Bovson, M. (2012, March 23). Russian cannibal killed 53 from 1978 until capture in 1990. New York

Daily News. Retrieved from http://www.nydailynews.com/news/justice-story/cannibal-killed-53-

article-1.1297479

NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 101

Dobbert, D. (2009). Psychopathy, perversion, and lust homicide: Recognizing the mental disorders that

power serial killers. Santa Barbara, CA: Praeger/ABC-CLIO.

Newton, M. (2006). The encyclopedia of serial killers. New York, NY: Checkmark Books.

Schmemann, B. (1992, July 30). The Man in the Iron Cage: A Russian Horror Story. The New York

Times. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com/1992/07/30/world/the-man-in-the-iron-cage-a-

russian-horror-story.html

Case Study 11- Jeffrey Dahmer

Berry-Dee, C. (2011). Cannibal serial killers: Profiles of depraved flesh-eating murderers. Berkeley, CA:

Ulysses Press.

Dobbert, D. (2009). Psychopathy, perversion, and lust homicide: Recognizing the mental disorders that

power serial killers. Santa Barbara, CA: Praeger/ABC-CLIO.

Jensen, S. (2014). Top 10 American serial killers: Inside the minds of psychopaths [Kindle version].

Retrieved from Amazon.com

Jentzen, J., Palermo, G., Johnson, L. T., Khang-Cheng, H., Stormo, K. A., & Teggatz, J. (1994).

Destructive Hostility: The Jeffrey Dahmer Case: A Psychiatric and Forensic Study of a Serial

Killer. The American Journal of Forensic Medicine and Pathology, 15(4), 283-294.

Newton, M. (2006). The encyclopedia of serial killers. New York, NY: Checkmark Books.

Schram, J. (2015, April 15). Why I killed Jeffrey Dahmer. The . Retrieved from

http://nypost.com/2015/04/28/meet-the-prisoner-who-murdered-killer-cannibal-jeffrey-dahmer/

Serial killers part 7: The FBI and Jeffrey Dahmer. (2014, August 8). Federal Bureau of Investigation.

Retrieved from https://www.fbi.gov/news/stories/2014/august/serial-killers-part-7-the-fbi-and-

jeffrey-dahmer

NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 102

Case Study 12- Carroll Edward Cole

Cole v. State. (1985). Supreme Court of . Retrieved from

http://law.justia.com/cases/nevada/supreme-court/1985/16070-1.html

Dobbert, D. (2009). Psychopathy, perversion, and lust homicide: Recognizing the mental disorders that

power serial killers. Santa Barbara, CA: Praeger/ABC-CLIO.

Drifter gets three life terms for . (1981, April 10). The Ledger. Retrieved from

https://news.google.com/newspapers?nid=1346&dat=19810410&id=qYxOAAAAIBAJ&sjid=Nv

sDAAAAIBAJ&pg=7066,2857652&hl=en

Freed, D. (1985, December 7). Nevada executes killer of five: 25 view death of Carroll E. Cole by lethal

injection. The Times. Retrieved from http://articles.latimes.com/1985-12-

07/news/mn-14259_1_lethal-injection

Keller, R. (2015). Cannibal killers 2: 18 horrific true crime cases [Kindle version]. Retrieved from

Amazon.com

Newton, M. (2006). The encyclopedia of serial killers. New York, NY: Checkmark Books.

Case Study 13- Issei Sagawa

Berry-Dee, C. (2011). Cannibal serial killers: Profiles of depraved flesh-eating murderers. Berkeley, CA:

Ulysses Press

Castleden, C. (2011). Issei Sagawa, Armin Meiwes, Robin Gecht: Three cannibal killers [Kindle version].

Retrieved from Amazon.com

Keller, R. (2015). Cannibal killers 2: 18 horrific true crime cases [Kindle version]. Retrieved from

Amazon.com

King, B. (1996). Lustmord: The writings and artifacts of murderers. Burbank, CA: Bloat.

Case Study 14- Dennis Nilsen

Davlee, N. (2011, October, 25). From the archive, 26 October 1983: Dennis Nilsen: ‘I have no tears for

these victims.’ The Guardian. Retrieved from

http://www.theguardian.com/theguardian/2011/oct/26/ukcrime-london NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 103

Dobbert, D. (2009). Psychopathy, perversion, and lust homicide: Recognizing the mental disorders that

power serial killers. Santa Barbara, CA: Praeger/ABC-CLIO.

Newton, M. (2006). The encyclopedia of serial killers. New York, NY: Checkmark Books.

Perring, R. (2014, September 23). ‘I am a creative psychopath’: Chilling letter written by Dennis Nilsen

revealed. Express. Retrieved from http://www.express.co.uk/news/uk/514382/Chilling-self-

appraisal-letter-written-by-Dennis-Nilsen-revealed

Case Study 15- Theodore Bundy

Dobbert, D. (2009). Psychopathy, perversion, and lust homicide: Recognizing the mental disorders that

power serial killers. Santa Barbara, CA: Praeger/ABC-CLIO.

Gehrke, R. (2000. September 3). A wrong turn led to ’s twisted road to justice. The Los

Angeles Times. Retrieved from http://articles.latimes.com/2000/sep/03/local/me-14716

Jensen, S. (2014). Top 10 American serial killers: Inside the minds of psychopaths [Kindle version].

Retrieved from Amazon.com

Marlowe, J. (2014). The world's psychopaths: Horrifying true-life cases [Kindle version].

Retrieved from Amazon.com

Newton, M. (2006). The encyclopedia of serial killers. New York, NY: Checkmark Books.

Nordheimer, J. (1989, January 25). Bundy is put to death in Florida after admitting trail of killings. The

New York Times. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com/1989/01/25/us/bundy-is-put-to-death-

in-florida-after-admitting-trail-of-killings.html

Serial killers part 3: Ted Bundy’s campaign of terror. (2013, November 15). Federal Bureau of

Investigation. Retrieved from https://www.fbi.gov/news/stories/2013/november/serial-killers-

part-3-ted-bundys-campaign-of-terror

Case Study 16- Andre Crawford

Garcia, J. (2009, December 10). Guilty verdict in trial of accused serial killer. ABC 7 . Retrieved

from http://abc7chicago.com/archive/7164459/ NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 104

Jurkanin, T. J., & Hillard, T. G. (2006). Chicago police: An inside view- the story of superintendent Terry

G. Hillard. Springfield, Il: Charles C Thomas Publisher.

Lutz, B., & Ponce, A. (2008, December 18). Andre Crawford gets life sentence. NBC Chicago. Retrieved

from http://www.nbcchicago.com/news/local/andre-crawford-sentencing-79661577.html

Walberg, M. (2009, December 16). Andre Crawford case: Chicago serial killer was physically and

sexually abused as a teen, defense witness says. The . Retrieved from

http://articles.chicagotribune.com/2009-12-16/news/0912160326_1_serial-killer-abused-sexually

Walberg, M. (2009, December 17). Andre Crawford case: Serial killer developed a hatred of woman,

jurors told. The Chicago Tribune. Retrieved from http://articles.chicagotribune.com/2009-12-

17/news/0912160902_1_serial-killer-jurors-hatred

St. Clair, S., & Burnette, D. (2009, November 3). Chicago serial-killing trial: selection begins in

Andre Crawford case. The Chicago Tribune. Retrieved from

http://articles.chicagotribune.com/2009-11-03/news/chi-murder-trial-03-nov03_1_12th-south-

side-marion-lemott-hunt-by-chicago-police

Suspected Serial Killer Confesses. (2000, January 31). CBS News. Retrieved from

http://www.cbsnews.com/news/suspected-serial-killer-confesses/

Case Study 17- Jerome Brudos

Bovsun, M. (2014, June 12). Sicko shoe fetishist goes on a killing spree. New York Daily News. Retrieved

from http://www.nydailynews.com/news/crime/sicko-shoe-fetishist-killing-spree-article-

1.1829333

Dobbert, D. (2009). Psychopathy, perversion, and lust homicide: Recognizing the mental disorders that

power serial killers. Santa Barbara, CA: Praeger/ABC-CLIO.

Hickey, E. W. (2006a). Serial murderers and their victims (4th ed.). Belmont, CA: Thompson

Wadsworth.

Marlowe, J. (2014). The world’s most evil psychopaths: Horrifying true-life cases [Kindle version].

Retrieved from Amazon.com NECROPHILIC AND NECROPHAGIC SERIAL KILLERS 105

Newton, M. (2006). The encyclopedia of serial killers. New York, NY: Checkmark Books.

Case Study 18- Gerard Schaefer

Glover, S. (1995, December 13). Untangling tortured web of a killer. Sun Sentinel. Retrieved from

http://articles.sun-sentinel.com/1995-12-13/news/9512130172_1_young-women-life-sentences-

schaefer-s-mother

King, B. (1996). Lustmord: The writings and artifacts of murderers. Burbank, CA: Bloat.

Newton, M. (2006). The encyclopedia of serial killers. New York, NY: Checkmark Books.

Treadway, T. (2010, November 28). Former Martin County deputy's killing spree in 1970s still one of

most gruesome murders in St. Lucie County’s history. TC Palm. Retrieved from

http://www.tcpalm.com/news/former-martin-county-deputys-killing-spree-in-of

Case Study 19- “G”

Boureghda, S. S. T., Retz, W., Philipp-Wiegmann, F., & Rosler, M. (2011). A case report of necrophilia–

A psychopathological view. Journal of Forensic and Legal Medicine, 18(6), 280-284.