DOCSLIB.ORG

8913Z the Cornerstone of Economic Nationalism

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
8913Z the Cornerstone of Economic Nationalism The Cornerstone of Economic Nationalism: National Self‑image Robert Mikecz Fudan Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences ISSN 1674-0750 Volume 12 Number 4 Received: 25 January 2019 / Accepted: 25 July 2019 / Published online: 23 September 2019 © Fudan University 2019 Abstract The focus of this article is Estonia’s post-socialist economic transition and the reasons behind the liberal nature of the country’s economic policies. I argue that the self-image of a nation plays a significant role in shaping its economic policies. Objectives associated with economic nationalism can be achieved through various means that can include strategies of economic liberalism as well. Thus, the concepts of economic nationalism and economic liberalism are not a dichotomy. I examine the construction of the Estonian self- image through the discourses of radical individualism and industriousness, historical suffering, desire for freedom and return to Europe and sense of abandonment. By showing how these discourses interact with the liberal paradigm, I claim that Estonian policy-makers chose liberal economic policies because they perceived them to most effectively serve their objectives. When economic policies are examined in view of the national self-image and motivation of policy-makers, the incongruence between economic nationalism and liberal policies disappears. Keywords Economic nationalism · Liberalism · Post-socialist transition · Estonia · Baltic · Central and Eastern Europe 1 1. Introduction Economic nationalism is on the resurgence. Donald Trump, President of the United States recently declared that he is a ‘Tariff Man’ to whom national interests always come first. Brexit has dealt a blow to the liberal trend in global trade (The Economist 18.05.2019). Although Brexit has a strongly nationalist character, it is not a uniquely British phenomenon. Economic nationalism has gained strength in various European countries as well (Hopkin 2017). Even though both Donald Trump’s policies and Brexit lead to the rise of trade barriers, economic nationalism does not have to mean protectionism. Traditionally, economic nationalism has been associated with protectionism and mercantilism that contradict liberal policies with their emphasis on free trade and a passive, non-interventionist state (Baughn and Yaprak, 1996; Nakano, 2004; Abbas, 2017). However, Shulman (2000), Helleiner (2002), Pickel (2003), Nakano (2004) and Johnson and Barnes (2015), and Reznikova, Panchenko and Bulatova (2018) all provide evidence that liberal policies can be compatible with economic nationalism. The argument of this article is that the self-image of a nation is a crucial determinant of economic policy decisions. It defines the objectives as well as the strategies chosen. Depending on the objectives and the national self-image of policy makers strategies of economic nationalism can also include liberal policies. By using policy formulation in Estonia as a case, I show how Estonian national self-image has shaped economic policymaking in 2 post-socialist Estonia leading to policies manifesting features of both economic nationalism and economic liberalism. I analyse the construction of Estonian self-image through a set of discourses: radical individualism and industriousness, historical suffering, desire for freedom and return to Europe, and sense of abandonment. By demonstrating how these discourses interact with the liberal paradigm I argue that Estonian policy formulators decided to pursue liberal policies because they perceived them to best serve their objectives of regaining and maintaining their sovereignty, breaking away from the geopolitical, economic and cultural influence of Russia, and reorienting their economy towards Western Europe. To Estonian policy makers liberal policies were a tool to achieve their objectives of building a prosperous sovereign state. The structure of the article is as follows. First, the concept of economic nationalism and its manifestations are discussed. Then an examination of the Estonian economy will be provided followed with a detailed analysis of the discourses of the Estonian self-image and a discussion of how policy formulators actualised these discourses when legitimating their pursuit of the liberal economic policies. 2. Economic nationalism 2.1 Are economic nationalism and economic liberalism mutually exclusive? The drivers of globalisation – the advancement and diffusion of technology, the internationalisation of production, consumption, input and output markets, harmonisation of economic policies, and standardisation of laws and regulations across borders - all have a 3 significant impact on national policies and behaviours. The complexity of the world economy, the interdependence of national and regional economies through the extraordinary integration of the supply chain make it practically impossible to decouple a nation’s economy from the global economy. Private capital through its locational decisions (i.e. where to invest) can considerably restrict governments in their policy choices. International financial and economic organisations have contributed to the homogenisation of economic policies with their policy recommendations (Pryke 2012; Crane 1998). Hobsbawm (1992, 191) argues that “nationalism is historically less important” and claims the “decline of the old nation-state as an operational entity” in view of the “new supranational restructuring of the globe”. In other words, globalisation and the integration of national economies have been eroding the impact of nationalism. It is nations through their representatives at various national and international institutions that shape economic globalisation. In today’s interdependent world locational qualities – tax regimes, the state of the infrastructure, the economic, political and legal environment, spending on health care and education – are all largely determined by decisions made at national governmental level. “As states compete for global capital, we see intense efforts to play up the distinctiveness of local characteristics and competitive advantages” (True 2005, 202). Pryke (2012, 281) promotes the understanding of economic nationalism as a “set of practices designed to create, bolster and protect national economies in the context of world markets”. He distinguishes between “nationalist motivation of economic policy” and economic nationalism. Indeed, it would be political suicide for any politician not to dress up economic policies as in the ‘best interest of the nation’. As Hobsbawm (1992, 183) states, 4 “National economies… undermined by the transnational economy, coexist and intertwine with it”. To Baughn and Yaprak (1996), Capling (1997) and Berend (2000) economic nationalism is equivalent to protectionism as well as neomercantilism. Berend (2000, 317) defines it as “guaranteeing the command of native investors instead of foreign entrepreneurs, thwarting foreign competition in the domestic market by high protective tariffs and other isolationist measures…” In Hall’s (2005, 124) summation, economic nationalism mostly includes policies that liberal economists ‘disapprove’. Economic nationalism emphasises “the anarchic nature of international affairs” highlighting the central role of state-building and the “moral superiority of one’s own state over all other states” (Gilpin 2001, 14) contradicting liberal economic theory which underlines free trade and an economically passive, non- interventionist state. According to Helleiner (2005, 308), liberal economists have referred to economic nationalism to “describe policies they did not like”. This narrative of economic nationalism contradicts liberal policies – the promotion of free mobility of inputs and outputs, and non-discriminatory access to resource and output markets, which involve the dismantling of all forms of trade barriers. Liberal theorists do not dwell on the concept of nation or nationalism but focus on the role of the self-motivated individual and the betterment of free society through proactive rational individual effort unhampered by government intervention. 5 As multidimensionality of the nation is a common theme in the literature on national identity (Crane 1998), it is not unreasonable to expect a broad range of policies adopted by economic nationalists, including liberal ones. Numerous economic liberals in the 19th century were nationalists claiming that liberal economic policies were in the best interest of the nation (Helleiner 2002). Liberalism does not mean that the government should withdraw from all economic matters; as Hayek (1960, 194) argues, “it is the character rather than the volume of government activity that is important”. “The consistent liberal is not an anarchist” (Friedman 1962, 34) but intervention in economic affairs must be evaluated carefully on a case-by-case basis. Liberalism and economic nationalism do not constitute a dichotomy. There are numerous examples of economic policies bearing the hallmarks of both economic nationalism and liberalism. By examining the role of economic nationalism in the Japanese context of the ‘developmental state’ Hall (2005) argues that economic nationalism needs to be defined not in terms of policies but in terms of its goals and motivations. True (2005) analyses the interdependence between economic nationalism and globalisation in the case of the radical economic reforms that took place in New Zealand. She brings up the creation of Brand New Zealand, the successful marketing of the Chinese gooseberry as the kiwifruit of New Zealand around
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Country Background Report Estonia
    OECD Review of Policies to Improve the Effectiveness of Resource Use in Schools Country Background Report Estonia This report was prepared by the Ministry of Education and Research of the Republic of Estonia, as an input to the OECD Review of Policies to Improve the Effectiveness of Resource Use in Schools (School Resources Review). The participation of the Republic of Estonia in the project was organised with the support of the European Commission (EC) in the context of the partnership established between the OECD and the EC. The partnership partly covered participation costs of countries which are part of the European Union’s Erasmus+ programme. The document was prepared in response to guidelines the OECD provided to all countries. The opinions expressed are not those of the OECD or its Member countries. Further information about the OECD Review is available at www.oecd.org/edu/school/schoolresourcesreview.htm Ministry of Education and Research, 2015 Table of Content Table of Content ....................................................................................................................................................2 List of acronyms ....................................................................................................................................................7 Executive summary ...............................................................................................................................................9 Introduction .........................................................................................................................................................10
    [Show full text]
  • List of Prime Ministers of Estonia
    SNo Name Took office Left office Political party 1 Konstantin Päts 24-02 1918 26-11 1918 Rural League 2 Konstantin Päts 26-11 1918 08-05 1919 Rural League 3 Otto August Strandman 08-05 1919 18-11 1919 Estonian Labour Party 4 Jaan Tõnisson 18-11 1919 28-07 1920 Estonian People's Party 5 Ado Birk 28-07 1920 30-07 1920 Estonian People's Party 6 Jaan Tõnisson 30-07 1920 26-10 1920 Estonian People's Party 7 Ants Piip 26-10 1920 25-01 1921 Estonian Labour Party 8 Konstantin Päts 25-01 1921 21-11 1922 Farmers' Assemblies 9 Juhan Kukk 21-11 1922 02-08 1923 Estonian Labour Party 10 Konstantin Päts 02-08 1923 26-03 1924 Farmers' Assemblies 11 Friedrich Karl Akel 26-03 1924 16-12 1924 Christian People's Party 12 Jüri Jaakson 16-12 1924 15-12 1925 Estonian People's Party 13 Jaan Teemant 15-12 1925 23-07 1926 Farmers' Assemblies 14 Jaan Teemant 23-07 1926 04-03 1927 Farmers' Assemblies 15 Jaan Teemant 04-03 1927 09-12 1927 Farmers' Assemblies 16 Jaan Tõnisson 09-12 1927 04-121928 Estonian People's Party 17 August Rei 04-121928 09-07 1929 Estonian Socialist Workers' Party 18 Otto August Strandman 09-07 1929 12-02 1931 Estonian Labour Party 19 Konstantin Päts 12-02 1931 19-02 1932 Farmers' Assemblies 20 Jaan Teemant 19-02 1932 19-07 1932 Farmers' Assemblies 21 Karl August Einbund 19-07 1932 01-11 1932 Union of Settlers and Smallholders 22 Konstantin Päts 01-11 1932 18-05 1933 Union of Settlers and Smallholders 23 Jaan Tõnisson 18-05 1933 21-10 1933 National Centre Party 24 Konstantin Päts 21-10 1933 24-01 1934 Non-party 25 Konstantin Päts 24-01 1934
    [Show full text]
  • Présidential Election in Estonia
    PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION IN ESTONIA 29th and 30th August 2011 European Elections monitor President of the Republic Toomas Hendrik Ilves is running for re-election as Head of Estonia from Corinne Deloy Translated by Helen Levy The presidential election will take place on 29th and 30th August next in Estonia. The 101 members of the Riigikogu, the only chamber in Parliament, are being invi- ANALYSIS ted to appoint the new Head of State. Toomas Hendrik Ilves, the Head of State in 1 month before office, announced last December that he would be running for re-election. He has the poll the support of the Reform Party (ER) led by Prime Minister Andrus Ansip, the Pro Patria Union-Res Publica (IRL), member of the government coalition and the Social Democratic Party (SDE), T. Ilves’s party. The 23 MPs of the Pro Patria Union-Res Publica have 7) by the main opposition party, the Centre Party already signed a document expressing their support (KE), on 18th June last. Indrek Tarand is the son to the outgoing Head of State. “From our point of of former Prime Minister (1994-1995) and former view, thanks to his work, Toomas Hendrik Ilves, has MEP (2004-2009), Social Democrat, Andres Tarand. helped towards the development of civil society and In the last European elections on 4th-7th June 2009 has encouraged debate over problems that Estonia he stood as an independent and came second with has to face. The President of the Republic also suc- 25.81% of the vote, i.e. just behind the Centre Party ceeded in taking firm decisions during the crises that (26.07%) rallying a great number of protest votes the country experienced, such as for example, the to his name.
    [Show full text]
  • Implementation of the Recommendations of the OSCE High Commissioner on National Minorities to Estonia, 1993-2001
    Institute for Peace Research and Security Policy at the University of Hamburg Wolfgang Zellner/Randolf Oberschmidt/Claus Neukirch (Eds.) Comparative Case Studies on the Effectiveness of the OSCE High Commissioner on National Minorities Margit Sarv Integration by Reframing Legislation: Implementation of the Recommendations of the OSCE High Commissioner on National Minorities to Estonia, 1993-2001 Working Paper 7 Wolfgang Zellner/Randolf Oberschmidt/Claus Neukirch (Eds.) Comparative Case Studies on the Effectiveness of the OSCE High Commissioner on National Minorities Margit Sarv∗ Integration by Reframing Legislation: Implementation of the Recommendations of the OSCE High Commissioner on National Minorities to Estonia, 1993-2001 CORE Working Paper 7 Hamburg 2002 ∗ Margit Sarv, M.Phil., studied Political Science at the Central European University in Budapest. Currently Ms. Sarv works as a researcher at the Institute of International and Social Studies in Tallinn. 2 Contents Editors' Preface 5 List of Abbreviations 6 Chapter 1. Introduction 8 Chapter 2. The Legacies of Soviet Rule: A Brief History of Estonian-Russian Relations up to 1991 11 Chapter 3. Estonia after Independence: The Radicalized Period from 1991 to 1994 19 3.1 From Privileges to Statelessness: The Citizenship Issue in Estonia in 1992 19 3.2 Estonia's Law on Citizenship and International Reactions 27 3.3 HCNM Recommendations on the Law on Citizenship of 1992 29 3.4 Language Training - the Double Responsibility Towards Naturalization and Integration 35 3.5 New Restrictions,
    [Show full text]
  • Archipelagos, Edgelands, Imaginations
    Peil, T 2021 A Town That Never Was – Archipelagos, Edgelands, Imaginations. Karib – Nordic Journal for Caribbean Studies, 6(1): 2, 1–10. DOI: https://doi. org/10.16993/karib.86 RESEARCH ARTICLE A Town That Never Was – Archipelagos, Edgelands, Imaginations Tiina Peil School of Culture and Learning, Södertörn University, SE [email protected] This article is an attempt at an interplay between Édouard Glissant’s archipelagic thinking, Marion Shoard’s edgeland and an imagined geography and history of a particular location and the people who have lived there. The town of Paldiski – the Baltic Port – bordering the Gulf of Finland, may be a remarkable Glissantian vantage point, and simultaneously an edgeland from which to draw attention to the creation and persistence of the ‘imaginaire’ that Glissant argued binds people as much as economic transactions. The port is both closed (as a military base or due to customs regulations) and open as a harbour. Thus, it frames all kinds of flows of peoples, materials and policies, yet it is on the edge literally and figuratively. In Paldiski, the imaginary seems independent of the physical environment, the past and future, and the people highlighted by the lifepaths of two historic figures. Keywords: edgeland; ethnicity; Paldiski (Baltic Port); Carl Friedrich Kalk; Salawat Yulayev Introduction This contribution is an Édouard Glissant-inspired investigation into a history and geography of a town – Paldiski on the Pakri Peninsula, the south coast of the Gulf of Finland, on the Baltic Sea – that never got to be the hub that it was envisioned to be, despite a multitude of efforts to create a superior military port, or at least a flourishing commercial centre in a location persistently argued to be ideal for such enterprise.1 This is not to say that there are no physical traces of a settlement in this particular spot but its assumed potential has been contained within a strictly defined outline and described persistently in similar terms despite numerous tumultuous changes in the physical environment and political system.
    [Show full text]
  • Politics, Migration and Minorities in Independent and Soviet Estonia, 1918-1998
    Universität Osnabrück Fachbereich Kultur- und Geowissenschaften Fach Geschichte Politics, Migration and Minorities in Independent and Soviet Estonia, 1918-1998 Dissertation im Fach Geschichte zur Erlangung des Grades Dr. phil. vorgelegt von Andreas Demuth Graduiertenkolleg Migration im modernen Europa Institut für Migrationsforschung und Interkulturelle Studien (IMIS) Neuer Graben 19-21 49069 Osnabrück Betreuer: Prof. Dr. Klaus J. Bade, Osnabrück Prof. Dr. Gerhard Simon, Köln Juli 2000 ANDREAS DEMUTH ii POLITICS, MIGRATION AND MINORITIES IN ESTONIA, 1918-1998 iii Table of Contents Preface...............................................................................................................................................................vi Abbreviations...................................................................................................................................................vii ABBREVIATIONS ............................................................................................ VII 1 INTRODUCTION..........................................................................................3 1.1 CONCEPTUAL AND METHODOLOGICAL ISSUES ...............................................4 1.1.1 Conceptualising Migration ..................................................................5 1.1.1.1 Socio-Historical Migration Research....................................................................................5 1.1.1.2 A Model of Migration..........................................................................................................6
    [Show full text]
  • D3.3.3 Process-Tracing Case Study Report on Estonia
    This project is co-funded by the Seventh Framework Programme for Research and Technological Development of the European Union D3.3.3 Process-tracing case study report on Estonia Author: Valts Kalniņš Centre for Public Policy PROVIDUS 28 May 2015 KEYWORDS Corruption, Anti-Corruption, Particularism, Reforms, Universalism, Estonia Valts Kalniņš Centre for Public Policy PROVIDUS ([email protected]) \\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\ © 2015 GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies. Acronyms CPSU Communist Party of the Soviet Union ECP Estonian Communist Party ESSR Estonian Soviet Socialist Republic EU-FS European Union – former Soviet MEP Member of the European Parliament MP Member of Parliament NATO North Atlantic Treaty Organization OECD Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development USSR Union of Soviet Socialist Republics Introduction By a number of measures, Estonia is the most successful country of the former Soviet area, although its level of wealth lags behind Western European countries. Estonia was forcefully incorporated into the Soviet Union in 1940 and regained its independence in 1991. In 2004, the country acceded to NATO and the European Union. In 2011, it introduced the Euro. Estonia is still relatively poor compared to the average level in the European Union. The country’s GDP per capita was EUR 14,200 in 2013 (EUR 26,600 for the EU 28) (Eurostat 2014a). Estonia’s population was 1.3 million in 2014 and it is one of the smallest populations among the countries of the EU (Eurostat 2014b). Ethnic Estonians made up approximately 70% of the population in 2011 (Statistikaamet 2014: 54). The majority of the rest of the population are Russian speakers, many of whom are Soviet-era immigrants or their descendants.
    [Show full text]
  • Riigikogu Committee of Investigation to Ascertain the Circumstances
    Riigikogu Committee of Investigation to Ascertain the Circumstances Related to the Export of Military Equipment from the Territory of the Republic of Estonia on the Ferry Estonia in 1994 FINAL REPORT I Introduction The basis for forming the Riigikogu Committee of Investigation to Ascertain the Circumstances Related to the Export of Military Equipment from the Territory of the Republic of Estonia on the Ferry Estonia in 1994 (hereinafter “Committee” and “Committee of Investigation”) was the allegation made by former Swedish customs officer Lennart Henriksson in the 30 November 2004 STV1 transmission Uppdrag granskning, to the effect that in 1994, immediately prior to the sinking of the ferry Estonia, he had witnessed the Swedish Armed Forces use the ferry Estonia for exporting equipment from Tallinn to Stockholm. Customs officer Lennart Henriksson claimed that he and his immediate superior were called to the Customs Board on 14 September, where he was given direct orders to let pass unchecked the contents of vehicles with certain registration numbers. Another vehicle with a larger cargo passed through the Stockholm harbour unchecked on 20 September of the same year, as agreed. Obliged to “fake” the customs check, Lennart Henriksson cast an eye on the vehicles in September 1994 and found that the cargo, in all likelihood, consisted of electronic equipment for the military industry. After this interview the Swedish Armed Forces confirmed that there “was and still is an agreement between the Armed Forces and the customs, but its contents are classified” and “Armed Forces cannot specify why the Swedish Armed Forces were interested in military equipment from Estonia, however the Armed Forces are always interested in the equipment of neighbouring countries”1.
    [Show full text]
  • Estonian Review E E S T I R I N G V a a D E VOLUME 18 NO 19 APR 30- MAY 6, 2008
    Estonian Review E E S T I R I N G V A A D E VOLUME 18 NO 19 APR 30- MAY 6, 2008 LITHUANIAN PRESIDENT’S STATE VISIT FOREIGN NEWS 76% of Population Supports Giving Aid to Poorer Nations May 6 - The results of a public opinion survey study showed that Estonians’ interest towards developing co- operation has increased significantly. The population’s interest in global issues has grown from 57% to 67% since 2005. Out of regular residents, 81% had heard about Estonia’s development co-operation, while 99% of opinion leaders knew about this topic. It was also clear from the survey that the population’s support for providing aid to poorer President Toomas Hendrik Ilves with his Lithuanian colleague Valdas countries had grown from Adamkus in Tallinn 65% to 76% since the last study. The reason for President Ilves met with the Lithuanian Head of State providing aid that was Apr 30 - President Toomas Hendrik Ilves received Lithuanian President most often mentioned was Valdas Adamkus, who arrived on a state visit to Estonia. The discussions at to help those in need while the meeting focused primarily on cooperation between the Baltic countries opinion leaders also on issues related to energy security, the European Union Neighbourhood brought up moral Policy, and Baltic Sea strategy. obligation as a reason. Speaking of energy security, the Estonian Head of State stressed that electricity Foreign Minister Urmas import from third countries is one of the primary dangers for the European Union’s Paet believes that every domestic market and its energy security.
    [Show full text]
  • Candidate Party -- Estonia
    Estonia1 Group in the Link to the Link to the party’s official Link to the National Parties European official Slogan Link to the detailed list site programme Parliament camaign site Õiged otsused http://www.irl.ee/ Pro Patria Union-Res http://www.ir raskel ajal! http://www.irl.ee/et/E et/EP- Publica (IRL)2 www.irl.ee/en l.ee/et/EP- (The good P- valimised/Program Isamaa ja Res Publica Liit valimised decision in valimised/Kandidaadid m hard times) Inimesed http://www.s eelkõige: uus http://www.sotsde Social Democratic Party otsdem.ee/ind suund http://www.sotsdem.ee m.ee/index.php?arti (SDE) ex.php?article Euroopale /index.php?article_id=9 www.sotsdem.ee cle_id=1162&img= Sotsiaaldemokraatlik _id=910&page (People first, 10&page=80&action=ar 1&page=80&action Erakond =80&action=a a new ticle& =article& rticle& direction for Europe) http://ep2009 .reform.ee/ind ex.php?utm_s Vali Euroopa ource=reform. tasemel Reform Party (RE) ee&utm_medi http://ep2009.refor http://ep2009.reform.e www.reform.ee tegijad! Eesti Reformierakond um=banner&u m.ee/programm e/kandidaadid (Choose your tm_content=a leaders) valeht&utm_c ampaign=ep2 009 1 Updated 27/05/09 2 The parties highlighted in blue are the governing parties Centre Party http://kesker http://www.keskerakon (K) www.keskerakond.ee akond.ee/tegij d.ee/eurovalimised/est Eesti Keskerakond ad / Vali uus http://rohelin http://roheline.erakond Greens http://roheline.era energia! www.roheline.erakond.ee e.erakond.ee/i .ee/index.php/Kandidaa (EER) kond.ee/images/d/ (Choose the ndex.php/Vali tide_%C3%BCleriiklik_
    [Show full text]
  • Estonia “Has No Time”: Existential Politics at the End of Empire
    Estonia “has no time”: Existential Politics at the End of Empire Kaarel PIIRIMÄE Associate Professor in History University of Helsinki (FI) University of Tartu (EE) [email protected] Abstract This article is about the Estonian transition from the era of perestroika to the 1990s. It suggests that the Estonian national movement considered the existence of the nation to be threatened. Therefore, it used the window of opportunity presented by perestroika to take control of time and break free of the empire. This essay has the following theoretical premises. First, Estonia was not engaged in “normal politics” but in something that I will conceptualise, following the Copenhagen School, as “existential politics.” Second, the key feature of existential politics is time. I will draw on the distinction, made in the ancient Greek thought, between the gods Chronos and Kairos. By applying these concepts to Estonia, I suggest Kairos presented the opportunity to break the normal flow of time and the decay of Socialism (Chronos) in order to fight for the survival of the Estonian nation. The third starting point is Max Weber’s historical sociology, particularly his notion of “charisma,” developed in Stephen Hanson’s interpretation of the notions of time in Marxism-Leninism-Stalinism. Based on this, I will argue that Estonian elites thought they were living in extraordinary times that required the breaking of the normal flow of time, which was thought to be corroding the basis of the nation’s existence. Keywords: Notions of Time, Existential Politics, Perestroika, Estonia, Soviet Union, Social Transitions. Résumé Cet article porte sur la transition estonienne de la perestroïka aux années 1990.
    [Show full text]
  • REPORT on the MARCH 5, 1995 PARLIAMENTARY ELECTION in ESTONIA and the STATUS of NON-CITIZENS: Tallinn and Northeast Estonia
    105th CONGRESS Printed for the use of the 1st Session Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe REPORT ON THE MARCH 5, 1995 PARLIAMENTARY ELECTION IN ESTONIA AND THE STATUS OF NON-CITIZENS: Tallinn and Northeast Estonia MAY 1995 A Report Prepared by the Staff of the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe ABOUT THE ORGANIZATION (OSCE) The Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, also known as the Helsinki process, traces its origin to the signing of the Helsinki Final Act in Finland on August 1, 1975, by the leaders of 33 European countries, the United States and Canada. Since then, its membership has expanded to 55, reflecting the breakup of the Soviet Union, Czechoslovakia, and Yugoslavia. (The Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, Serbia and Montenegro, has been suspended since 1992, leaving the number of countries fully participating at 54.) As of January 1, 1995, the formal name of the Helsinki process was changed to the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE). The OSCE is engaged in standard setting in fields including military security, economic and envi- ronmental cooperation, and human rights and humanitarian concerns. In addition, it undertakes a variety of preventive diplomacy initiatives designed to prevent, manage and resolve conflict within and among the participating States. The OSCE has its main office in Vienna, Austria, where weekly meetings of permanent represen- tatives are held. In addition, specialized seminars and meetings are convened in various locations and periodic consultations among Senior Officials, Ministers and Heads of State or Government are held. ABOUT THE COMMISSION (CSCE) The Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE), also known as the Helsinki Commission, is a U.S.
    [Show full text]