GLOBAL VILLAGE OR GLOBAL GHETTO? AND THE NEW WORLD INFORMATION AND COMMUNICATION ORDER.

THEEN LIANG KHENG

THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT FOR THE HONOURS DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS IN SOCIOLOGY, THE UNIVERSITY OF NEW SOUTH WALES.

May 1992 1

Certificate Of Originality

I hereby declare that this submission is my own work and that, to the best of my knowledge and belief, it contains no material previously published or written by another person nor material which to a substantial extent has been accepted for the award of any other degree or diploma of a university or other institute of higher learning, except where due acknowledgment is made in the text.

(Signed) ...... ii

CONTENTS

Acknowledgments Page IV

1 . Introducing communication as a cultural artefact 1

2 . The 'imagined' community through comm un ica tion 7

3 . The rise of media imperialism 1 8

4. New World Information and Communication Order 42

Introduction 42

The evolution of the free flow information doctrine 1945-1970 44

The establishment of a NWICO 1970-1980 46

The US position on the NWICO 1976-1980 54

The US Confronts UNESCO 1980-1985 59

5 The Case of Singapore 64

Historical background 64

The rise of nationalism and the formation of the 'imagined' community in Singapore 66

The role of the in the creation of the 'imagined' community 76

Singapore as a developed nation 79

The mass media's role remains consistent despite technological advancement 87 111

Singapore as a business and information hub 99

6 . Conclusion 105

The contradiction between as a commodity and a social good 1 0 5

The. paradox of Singapore's information and communication policy 1 0 8

The relevance of the NWICO 110

The new world era 1 1 3

A freer flow of information for a unified global culture based on diversity 117

Conclusion for Singapore 121

Bibliography 124 IV

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I am grateful to my supervisor, Associate Professor Grant McCall for his valuable comments and for having ensured the successful completion of this thesis. I also wish to thank Dr. Paul Jones for having supervised the initial stages of the research.

Part of the data encompassed in the empirical study has been collected through the assistance of the librarians· from the Central Library of the National University of Singapore and the Asian Mass Communication Research and· Information Centre (also located in Singapore).

Appreciation is extended to Elsie Cole for her assistance during the preparation of this thesis and to Ian Walker for his technical advice. My mother Wong Lien Hiong, my sister Monica Theen, and friends, Chu Said Thong, Br.Valens, Fr.David Wilson, Patricia Lee, Joanna and Maria have, by their support and encouragement, contributed to the completion of this thesis.

Lastly, I thank the examiners for having kindly consented to examine my work. Page. 1

CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCING COMMUNICATION AS A CULTURAL ARTEFACT

Communication forms the basis of society. It is through communication that knowledge, ideas and information are transmitted and disseminated. Through common knowledge, mores, values and ways of life, culture is formed. There are two conceptions of communication. The transmission concept views communication as ". .. a process whereby messages are transmitted and distributed m space for the control of distance and people". 1

This is evidenced m the spread of religion when Christian missions were sent overseas from Europe to the America~ and Asia.

"This movement in space was an attempt to establish and extend e the kingdom of God, to create the conditions under which godly understanding might be realised, to produce a heavenly though still terrestrial city " 2

Beyond transportation by land or sea, the forces of communication technology such as the telegraph have allowed transmission uninhibited by physical distances. Other than communication for the purpose of controlling space and people, there is another conception of communication: In a ritual definition, communication is linked to terms such as 'sharing', 'participation', 'association', 'fellowship' and 'the possession of a common faith'. This definition exploits the ancient identity and common roots of the terms 'commonness', 'communion', 'community' and

Carey, J.W., Communication as Culture - Essays on Media and Society, Unwin Hyman, 1989, P.15.

2 Ibid., P.16. Page. 2

'communication'. A ritual view of communication is directed not toward the extension of messag,'!s in space but toward the maintenance of society in time; not the act of imparting information but the representation of shared beliefs. 3

Communication m the ritual sense brings people together in common fellowship within a sense of community, not by control alone. Hence, the type of society and community desired will determine its communication model. It is the society which shapes communication to fulfil its goals of cultural formation. "Society substitutes for the world revealed to our senses a different world that is a projection of the ideals created by the community" .4

The world IS revealed through the mass media rn newspapers, news broadcasts, films, music, magazines, posters and others. The media content and the medium are determined by the society in pursuit of its cultural ideals. Hence, communication is constitutive and is constituted by society.

One illustration IS the development of communications to bring people all over a country and later, all over the world together which also resulted in the sharing of a common time frame. Although very precise clocks existed right up to the nineteenth century, they only told local time specific to each town or city. Every respectable town would have a clock tower erected at its city centre. It did not matter to any town what the time was at another town since there was minimum interaction and limited

3 lbid.,P. 18.

4 lbid.,P.19. Page. 3 travel, probably by foot. Once travel across hundreds of miles became possible with transport technology other than horse or another other type of animal power (cart driven), a common temporal reference at a supralocal ievel became indispensable for communication to take place between different towns.

It was the revolution in communication that the need for temporal coordination at a supralocal level arose. The indispensability of a uniform standard of time... was a direct product of the establishment of a national communication network... [which was]... first felt around the introduction of the British mail-coach service during the 1780s. This was the first service ever to connect different communities within one and the same communication network ... With the development of a fast railway network throughout Britain, communities which had previously led a rather autonomous existence gradually became interrelated parts of single systemic whole. Increasing interdependence among communities necessarily involves a need to achieve further temporal coordination... If there was a need for an entire railway system, there was also a need for a single, uniform standard of time.5

With railways, the feasibility of travelling across territorial boundaries broke down local parochialism. A schedule to run an inter-town train service would not be possible without a common temporal reference. Otherwise, the time at the point of embarkation would be one local time different from the time during disembarkation at another town. A single, uniform standard time was needed to constitute the coordination of the

5 Zerubavel.,E.(1982), " The Standardisation of Time: A Sociohistorical Perspective", American Journal of Sociology, 1982, 88(1), P. 5-7. Page. 4 entire railway network. Punctuality and precise timekeeping within the same time reference would not only provide a standard schedule for all passengers of every town, it was also crucial for the safe operation of trains at intersecting rail tracks. Since the Royal Observatory in Greenwich was the most reliable observatory in Britain, every mail-coach guard was required to carry a timepiece indicating Greenwich Mean Time (GMT), so that all clocks in the various post offices on the coach's route could be adjusted in accordance with it. This was the first attempt in history to synchronise different communities with one another.6

From the interconnection of communities by rail to instantaneous communication across long distances provided by more sophisticated development in communication technology - the telegraph and electric wires began to link people together and to overcome physical barriers of communication. The possibility of immediate communication across distances necessarily brought people within a common time frame.

Greenwich Mean Time was proposed as the prime meridian as it was most extensively used by railroad transportations in the world - the American and Canadian railway network had adopted a standard time-reckoning system derivative of GMT. The Greenwich meridian as the world's prime meridian would involve the least number of necessary alterations of the system already in use, and that choosing any other meridian would only add unnecessary confusion, expense and inconvenience. 7

6 Ibid., P.6.

7 Ibid., P.13-14. Page. 5

The discussion of how communication has brought different communities together in a common time reference leads to the focus of this thesis which is on communication a:; a constituent of a community. This is in line with John Dewey's emphasis on the ritual view of communication: There is more than a verbal tie between the words common, community, and communication. Men live in a community in virtue of the things which they have in common; and communication is the way in which they come to possess things in common. What they must have in common... aims, beliefs, aspirations, knowledge - a common understanding like-mindedness as sociologists say. Such things cannot be passed physically from one to another like bricks; they cannot be shared as persons would share a pie by dividing it into physical pieces... Consensus demands communication.8

Chapter Two exammes the growth of a community - the nation through communication in the form of print languages and print capitalism. Chapter Three points out the control of communication, particularly news information m the hands of a few international media giants from the developed Western nations. Chapter Four traces the development of a New World Information and Communication Order to bring about a more balanced and free flow of information between the developed and underdeveloped nations. A case of study of Singapore is examined in Chapter Five to illustrate a country's media policy that retains absolute control over information within its territorial boundaries but freely trades on information as part of its economic policy. The final chapter provides a paradoxical analysis of

8 Carey, Op.Cit., P.22. Page. 6 communication as a powerful tool that 1s shaped by the society to form the desired community spirit. It concludes that the state (given Singapore as an empirical model) is able to contain the contradiction of the tendency towards one world (homogenous world) and the existence of distinctive nation-states (indigenous national cultures). Page. 7

CHAPTER 2. THE 'IMAGINED' COMMUNITY THROUGH COMMUNICATION

The nse of nationalism was a worldwide phenomena which unified various communities into single imagination of nationhood. As late as 1914, the world political system consisted of dynastic states whereby the monarchy was the centre of legitimate power and authority. Since Two, every successful revolution against the ancient order was organised around the legitimacy of the people, the basis for the formation of a nation state. This can be seen in the collapse of dynastic rule such as in China and Vietnam, and the rise of nationalist movements by the people to establish a nation - the People's Republic of China and Vietnam. Nationalism was not confined to movements against dynastic rulers but extended to upnsmgs against colonial powers by the colonies m the periphery.

Benedict Anderson, in his book Imagined Communities, proposed the definition of the nation as: an imagined political community - and imagined as both inherently limited and sovereign. It is imagined because the members of even the smallest nation will never know most of their fellow members, meet them, or even hear of them, yet in the minds of each lives the image of their communion. The nation is imagined as limited because even the largest of them,... has finite, if elastic, boundaries, beyond which lie other nations. It is imagined as sovereign because the concept was born in an age in which Enlightenment and Revolution were destroying the legitimacy of the divinely-ordained, hierarchal dynastic realm. Finally, it is imagined as a community, because, regardless of the actual inequality and exploitation that may Page. 8

prevail in each, the nation is always conceived as a deep, horizontal comradeship .1 The very possibility of imagining the nation only arose historically where three fundamental cultural concepts lost their grip on men's minds. The two relevant cultural systems were the religious community and the dynastic realm.

The sacral cultures, such as Christianity, Islam or Buddhism were imaginable through the medium of its sacred language and written script. This religious community was confined to those who possess the sacred language which was centred on the religious elite. The power of the religiously-imagined communities declined after the Middle Ages as a result of: the effect of the explorations of the non-European world, which... abruptly widened the cultural and geographic horizon and hence also men's conception of possible forms of human life. Second was a gradual demotion of the sacred language itself. Writing of medieval Western Europe... 'Latin' was ... the only language taught... Later, ... Latin ceased to be the language of a pan-European high intelligentsia... The fall of Latin exemplified a larger process in which the sacred communities integrated by old sacred languages were gradually fragmented, pluralised and territorialised".2

Another cultural system which lost its gnp was the dynastic, monarchal political system: Kingship organises everything around a high centre. Its legitimacy derives from divinity, not from populations, who ... are subjects, not citizens. In the modern conception, state sovereignty is... operative... over... a legally demarcated

Anderson, B., Imagined Communities - Reflections On The Spread Of Nationalism, Verso, 1983, P.15 -16.

2 Ibid., P.23 - 25. Page. 9

territory. But in the older imagining, where states were defined by centres, borders were porous and indistinct... During the seventeenth century,... the automatic legitimacy of sacral monarchy began its slow decline in Western Europe" .3

Other than the decline of sacred languages, religious communities and the monarchy, there was a concomitant change in the apprehension of time which made the imagining of the nation possible. "An idea of simultaneity... of past and future in an instantaneous present... an idea of 'homogenous, empty time' in which simultaneity is, as it were, transverse, cross-time marked not by prefiguring and fulfilment, but by temporal coincidence, and measured by clock and calendar" .4

The third cultural concept was the new understanding of time which fundamentally changed the apprehension of the world that was important for the birth of the imagined community, especially through the novel and newspaper. "For these forms provided the technical means for 're-presenting' the kind of imagined community that is the nation" .s Any national imagination is transmitted to and imagined by another reader irrespective of time and place. Plurals used in the language itself, such as 'we', 'nations', 'ours', 'the Chinese', weaved a net of identifiable and imaginable happenings with the outside world though physically invisible but mentally imaginable. The simultaneous reporting of a newly independent nation from colonial rule and another

3 Ibid., P.25 -27.

4 Ibid., P.30.

5 Ibid., P.30. Page. 10 community on the tough road towards nationhood . and other political events appearing on the same edition of the newspaper, paint a picture of the world in the mind of the reader, enabling him to imagine without being present at the locality and time of the historical event.

From Anderson's explanation of the nse of nationalism, the mass media has a significant role to play in nationhood: The newspaper is merely an 'extreme form' of the book ... but of ephemeral popularity... [which] creates this extraordinary mass ceremony: the almost precisely simultaneous consumption ('imagining') of the newspaper-as-fiction. Each community is well aware that the ceremony he performs is being replicated simultaneously by thousands (or millions ) of others of whose existence he is confident, yet of whose identity he has not the slightest notion. At the same time, the newspaper reader, observing exact replicas of his own paper being consumed by his subway, barber shop, or residential neighbours is continually reassured that the imagined world is visibly rooted in everyday life... fiction seeps quietly and continuously into reality, creating that remarkable confidence of community in anonymity which is the hallmark of modem nations". 6

The demise of the sacred languages was replaced by the rise of vernacular languages. Together with print-capitalism, the capitalist orientation of profit-making led to the publishing of books in vernacular !anguages which opened the widest possible market of readership beyond national boundaries. Ideas were transmitted by print to large numbers of people especially when the literate population had increased through the use of vernacular languages. It was through this dissemination of ideas that the new

6 lbid.,P. 39 - 40. Page. 11 community of a nation emerged in the minds of the literate. Although liberalism and the Enlightenment were the beginning of ideological criticism against monarchy and imperialism, the success of these ideas depended on its imagination and support by a large number of people. Anderson has proposed that: ... neither economic interest, liberalism, nor Enlightenment could, or did, create in themselves the kind, or shape, of imagined community to be defended from these [ancient] regimes' depredations; to put it another way, none provided the framework of a new consciousness... In accomplishing this specific task, pilgrim creole functionaries and provincial creole printmen played the decisive historic role. 7

When the first national liberation movements succeeded in America and Europe, the technology of print put to record these events. "The independence movements in the Americas became, as they were printed about, 'concepts', 'models', and indeed 'blueprints'. In effect, by the second decade of the nineteenth century, if not earlier, a 'model' of 'the' independent national state was available for pirating" .s It is little wonder that leaders of nationalist movements in other parts of the world were literate members of society, such as writers, journalists and lawyers who have access to literature on nationalist and democratic movements.

The inclusion of the case of Singapore in this thesis offers an illustration of the process of nationalism, liberation from colonial imperialism and nation building. Singapore's

1 Ibid., P.65.

8 Ibid. ,P. 78. Page. 12 independence movement which followed the Western model of democracy espouses the fact that the historical experiences of the Americans and Europeans were being modularly imagined m the non-European countries. The nationalist movement was indeed led by a group of Western-educated intelligentsia who formed a political party to gain independence and self-government for Singapore. Prior to and after independence, the efforts of this new nation towards nation building and creating the 'imagined' community were "a genuine, popular nationalist enthusiasm and a systematic, even Machiavellian, instilling of nationalist ideology through the mass media, the educational system, administrative regulations, and so forth" .9

Where the importance of knowledge was concerned, Singapore adopted as one of its priorities, an education policy to form a talented mass in order to run the new nation. It also adopted a policy of bilingualism which implied "access, through the European language-of-state, to modern Western culture in the broadest sense, and in particular, to the models of nationalism, nation-ness and nation-state produced elsewhere... " I o

The imagined community of nationhood was no longer confined to the literate who have access to print-languages; ideas can be transmitted as long as they are in print regardless of language smce translation in various vernacular languages 1s possible. This is the result of "advances in communications technology, especially radio and television, [ which gave] print allies

9 Ibid., P.104.

10 Ibid., P. 107. Page. 13 unavailable a century ago. Multilingual broadcasting can conJure up the imagined community to illiterates and populations with different mother-tongues" .11 Given the potential of the mass media to reach out to the entire population, Singapore's multilingual mass media .:;ought to achieve a common imagination amongst all the ethnic groups comprising its citizenry. This hints &t the power of the state to manage the contradiction of one nation versus distinctive groups. "In one case, they have used their force to create cultural diversity, and in the other case to create cultural uniformity. This has made the state the most powerful cultural force... ".1 2

From print to modern communications technology, images are created in pe<'ple's minds through electronic media such as the television. More and more people see the same series of images and share the same imagined community of common knowledge and expectations. Through the electro-magnetic waves of television, radio and satellite, people all over the world are brought closer and closer together, creating a 'global village'. The tendency towards homogenisation of different cultures 1n contradiction to the identity of distinctive nations 1s espoused m this thesis when various cultural entities (through the example of the New World Information and Communication Order and Singapore ) sought to contain this contradiction.

1 1 /bid., P. 1 2 3 .

12 Wallerstein,I., Geopolitics and Geoculture, Cambridge University Press, 1991, P.192-193. Page. 14

McLuhan explains the importance of communication m modern society as: The medium, or process, of our time - electronic technology is reshaping and restructuring patterns of social interdependence and every aspect of our personal life. ... Societies have always been shaped more by the nature of the media by which men communicated than by the content of the communication. The alphabet, for instance, is a technology that is absorbed by the very young child in a completely unconscious manner, by osmosis so to speak. Words and the meaning of words predispose the child to tilink and act automatically in certain ways. The alphabet and print technology fostered and encouraged a fragmentary process, a process of specialism and detachment. Electronic technology fosters and encourages unification and involvement. It is impossible to understand social and cultural changes without a knowledge of the workings of the media " 1 3

In the age of satellite communications and electronic media, a common information base across the world is constantly being forged through the undercurrent of news reporting. People across the globe form images of the world they live m through information provided by the news. The value of news lies in its communicative ability to disseminate information on local events and international affairs to a wide audience.

News as a form of communication can bring a nation together and foster understanding across national boundaries. However, in building a common culture through the news media, one news source belonging to a particular culture may dominate the flow of information leading to cultural imperialism. In another

13 McLuhan, M. & Fiore, Q., The Medium is the Massage, Harmondsworth, UK:Penguin, 1967, P.8. Page. 15 words, communication 1s capable of controlling people even from a distance through the transmission of ideas and hence, the formation of cultural values. It is the ability of the modern media to control men's minds that movements against hegemonic media powers have been launched. There is the fear of a hegemonic community being created at the global level, swallowing up other indigenous identities. One such movement, organised at the international level was the New World Information and Communication Order (NWICO) which will be discussed in this thesis.

The NWICO was fundamentally anti-hegemonic towards global media control and battled for an indigenous imagination of community in view of likely synchronisation of cultures through the dominant, foreign media channel and its contents. This suggests that power lies in the hands of those countries with the most sophisticated tools of information-gathering and processing who have the technology to produce information, unlike others who can only be passive receivers in their capacity.

It is the argument of this thesis that communication only takes place when the traffic of information in the form of news 1s not just one way involving one or a few major senders. Instead, effective communication can only take place when receivers also participate actively by responding to messages received and sending their own messages too. When this form of reciprocal communication process takes place, the communication between different countries and cultural systems all over the world will integrate these umque entities upon a basis of common Page. 16 understanding. In this way, distinctive communities can still exist in a global village without losing their unique identities.

It should be noted that communications m the context of this paper refers to communications in the modern, technological age that possess the capacity to reach out to a mass audience. More specifically, it refers to mass communications in the field of news via newspaper (printed ) and broadcasting (electronic media).

Human existence manifests itself through communication. McLuhan has asserted that "the one thing of which the fish is unaware is water, the very medium that forms its ambience and supports its existence. Similarly, communication, through language and other symbolic forms, comprises the ambience of human existence" .14

The mass media 1s thus an essential element of human society. Its peculiar characteristics will reflect its relation to the existing social order. For example, development journalism, which includes historical background to its reports, is characteristic of the press in developing nations and other Third World countries whereby journalism functions as an agent to achieve consensus, solidarity and national development by reporting and supporting nation building efforts by the state. The nation has to be built on common understanding and nationalist imaginings. The idea of a responsible press arose when adverse reactions were directed towards the dominance of news flow by the news agencies of

14 Carey, J.W., Communication as Culture - Essays on Media and Society, Unwin Hyman Inc., 1989, P.24. Page 17 developed countries who were not sensitive to the needs of underdeveloping and developing countries, with a focus only on 'spot' news such as floods, refugees and other sensational stories.

The mass media is also dynamic, transforming its own form and content. News reporting is fast moving into the age of electronic media to meet the nsmg need for immediate coverage of . events. The interrelations amongst the world's various media agencies are also governed by the political, ideological, economic and social system to which they belong. The role of the international media has to be redefined in face of changing international relations in the post-Cold Wur era. The study of mass communications must be examined within the paradigm of culture. The mass media, in creating a way of life, will in turn take the form of the culture that is emerging at the national or global level.

The next chapter examines this form of domination and control through media imperialism. It begins with the examination of the mass media as an instrument of cultural influence. Where print-language invented nationalism to gain liberation from colonialism, the modern technology of mass communications has given rise to another type of imperialism - media imperialism supporting cultural imperialism. Page. 18

CHAPTER 3. THE RISE OF MEDIA IMPERIALISM

This chapter will explore the view that the world's mass media have been dominated by the West, in particular by the (US), and to counter this cultural imperialism, a new information order has been demanded.

Every institution, from the government to the corporate organisation wishes to control the expression of opinion. It is unlikely that the political power m control will tolerate dissent against its policies being published or telecast nor a company accommodate 'official' discussion of office politics in its corporate newsletter. Opinion becomes the vital element in the legitimisation and reinforcement of the existing power structure. In the process, diversity of opinion risks suppression. The attitude towards a particular issue is seldom universal , whereas the desired opinion 1s propagandised across the board.

John Stuart Mill in his writings On Liberty, impresses that "the peculiar evil of silencing the expression of an opinion is, that it is robbing the human race... If the opinion is right, they are deprived of the opportunity of exchanging error for truth; if wrong, they lose, what is almost as great a benefit, the clearer perception and livelier impression of truth, produced by its collision with error" .1

A wide range of information and different sources of opinion ought to be sought as any opinion in a state of obscurity or

Mill, J.S., On Liberty, Edited by Alburey Castell, New York: F.S Crofts and Co., 1947,P.79. Page. 19 suppress10n may possibly be true. An accommodation of vanous opinions will provide a multi-dimensional perspective towards a particular issue where its good and bad points can be fully examined. "To refuse a hearing to an opinion, because they are sure that it is false, is to assume that their certainty is the same thing as absolute certainty. All silencing of discus~ion is an assumption of infallibility" .2 Mill continues to argue that, "complete liberty of contradicting and disproving our opinion is the very condition which justifies us in assuming its truth for purposes of action; and no other terms can a being with human faculties have any rational assurance of being right" .3

Any form of sanctions placed against freedom of expression restricts the capacity and right of ihe human mind to inquire. There may be legal penalties for statements considered libellous. The existing media may not provide a channel for diverse express10n of opm10n m which owners of the media have vested interests to safeguard under a monopoly. As the control of information becomes increasingly centralised, the doctrines of freedom of express10n and the press gradually submerge almost to non-existence. This control is not limited to a few media corporations within a single country but across national boundaries on a global basis. News are liable to serve the economic and political interests of the media giant belonging to any one polity.

2 Ibid .. , P.79.

3 Ibid., P. 81. Page. 20

In the argument against media control, diverse viewpoints can contribute to truth, bringing to surface conflicting perspectives towards an issue that are no less false.. The false can then be clearly identified through open debate and a better grasp of the meaning obtained. After all, the paradox of an inseparably entwined truth and falsity has always existed. Thus, the freedom of opinion is necessary for mankind to realise mistakes, pursue truth and the highest ideals possible.

Since the newspaper is a media outlet for wide circulation, it offers extensively, a channel for the freedom of expression/opinion. This leads to the concept of . In other words, the freedom of the press will give opportunity for freedom of expression and public opinion. Citizens can freely express their opinions with regards to a government policy in the newspapers if the press is not under the scrutiny of the government. The government can obtain feedback from the grassroots through the press which acts as a link between public opinion and the government institutions.

It is stated m Boyce's work that "the first detailed discussion of public opinion m English was by Bentham, who insisted on the importance of public opm10n as an instrument of control. The free expression of opinion was a sanction, the chief safeguard against misrule... It was an integral part of the democratic theory of the state".4

4 Boyce,G., "The Fourth Estate: The Re-Appraisal Of A Concept", in Boyce,G. (eds), Newspaper History: From The 17th Century To The Present, London : Constable, 1978, P.21. Page. 21

The press in providing a channel for the expression of opm1on can only be effective if the press is free, which consequently encourages the freedom of express10n. The free press as a channel of voices from the public also serves as a watchdog, a voice in the interests of the people. Diverse opinions once expressed, challenge any single viewpoint before it gains legitimacy,. In its function as a guardian of government policies for the people, the press has assumed a role like the fourth arm of the government. As elaborated in Boyce's article,

journalism was not the instrument by which the various divisions of the ruling classes expressed themselves; it was rather the instrument by means of which the aggregate intelligence of the nation criticises and controls them all. It is indeed the 'Fourth Estate' of the Realm: not merely the written counterpart and voice of the speaking 'Third' ... And one of the essential elements of the Fourth Estate was diversity; the press should consist of many organs, representing every variety and nuance of sentiment which prevails in the community, and expressing through · numerous and divergent channels and aggregate of thought, feeling, prejudice, and passion which we term 'public opinion' .s

In order for the press to be free and to carry out its investigative function of safeguarding the interests of the people, the press should be independent of control. The concept of freedom of the press is extended, in the context of this thesis, to the independence of local media against foreign media monopoly and control.

5 Ibid., P.24. Page. 22

The freedom of opinion and freedom of the press have their limitations. The operation of a successful newspaper is governed by economic rationality. Advertising has been a rich source of revenue for newspaper publishers. As small press firms face tough competition in free market enterprise, conglomerates begin to merge small publishers into one firm, forming unintentionally a media monopoly. The smaller competitive papers who cannot afford mass circulation were eliminated as they were unable to attract big time advertisers. As pointed out by Bagdikian, "mass advertising has been a major contributor to the drastic shrinkage in shares of sales by small, local businesses and has helped large national and multinational corporations achieve market control and political power" .6

News-reporting must bring into consideration the vested interests of their financial supporters. Within the context of the US, "despite raised standards in journalism, American mainstream news is still heavily weighted in favour of corporate values... ".7 Such media monopolies are so powerful as to control information across national boundaries whereby a few media giants are responsible for the dissemination of information to the rest of the world.

The strength of a country is constituted by its economic, political and military capacity. Also implied m a "powerhouse" nation is a powerful communications complex that builds up its

6 Bagdikian, B.H., The Media Monopoly, Beacon Press, Boston, 1990, P.121.

7 Ibid., P.212. Page. 23 economic and political strength through control over information. For example, advertising as part of the communications media can convey information of a new product ready to be launched in a new market. The foreign import of goods and services, dependent on demand which can be gener:ited by advertising, in fact includes a foreign import of lifestyle, taste and ideals too.

This leads to the argument that the world 1s dominated by the US, not just in terms of economic, political and military capacity but in the domain of culture. The "weapon" used by America to build its empire is the mass media. In determining the content of information in the news, America possesses the control over knowledge. Parents from the less developed countries, for instance, often want to send their children to America for tertiary education. Their preconception is that success is American.

The post World War Two era witnessed the decline of European imperialism and the rise of America as an industrial power. As America values freedom of enterprise, freedom of American communications especially across international borders is essential for global expansion of its economy. The Americans were the first to initiate the free flow of information at the global level for the inherent benefits of extending American economic and social values. The Americans recognised the possibility of establishing an empire not by bloody warfare but through the mass media, influencing social and cultural values and preferences which in turn generate economic demand for America's industry. An international community can be created in the minds of everyone beyond America whereby the Americans will be the leader. From cultural domination comes economic dependence on Page. 24

America who then can acqmre wealth and power at a global level. In the name of free capitalist enterprise, some nations are more free than others. The Third World, many of whose states were newly independent from colonial imperialism, followed the American model for political, economic and social c0nduct.

In Schiller's work, the type of communications system we need is one "that gives the individual consumer the greatest resources to satisfy his needs for information and enrichment, and that strengthens his capacity to achieve personal development and autonomy of judgement. We need a communications system whose built-in 'lean' is toward increasing the range of information and of different sources of opinion and of different cultural experience that are simultaneously, and conveniently available to each user ... ,, 8

Although the vanous means of communications such as radio and television with its combined audio-visual impact, can accomplish educational and cultural objectives, these purposes are superseded by commercial interests such as commercial broadcasting. Programs are being broadcasted on the basis of economic value. Broadcasting as a means to achieve the objective of economk gains will determine the type of program released on au. A television movie with its characters driving in chic sports cars can generate a consumer interest in the latest car models and invite car manufacturers to advertise during the show-time of the

8 Schiller, H.I., Mass Communications And American Empire, Augustus M. Kelley Publishers, 1969, P. 19-20. Page. 25 film. The revenue generated by advertising 1s needed, m fact, to cover the costs of producing the film.

Hence, the media offers limitless possibilities of conveying messages. It acts like a chisel in the sculpture of the human mind. However, the media's potentialities have been limited by the dominance of one culture, that is the American values and way of life through their dominance in mass communications. Other topics and cultures have not found expression nor have they been able to exercise the same amount of impact through the media. This 1s of particular relevance to the 'dominated' cultures from the poorer nations in the Third World. As argued by Schiller, "communications which could be a vigorous mechanism of social change, have become instead, a maJor obstacle to national reconstruction. They have been seized by the commanding interests in the market economy, to promote narrow national and international objectives while simultaneously making alternate paths seem rather undesirable or preventing their existence from being known". 9

As the US continued to expand its economic power and military capacity and reached the status of a world superpower, the underdeveloped nations on the continents of South America, Africa and Asia stagnated in growth, or became poorer. · A vicious circle of poverty is being generated by the US machinery of dominance: the build up of its military capacity and the associated economic growth foster developments 10 communications technology, which in turn enhance military and economic power.

9 Ibid., P 29. Page. 26

Sophisticated satellite and communications systems have been installed for national security and military purposes. As a superpower, the US has assumed the responsibility of detecting war zones and deploying its military and weapons anywhere in the world. The US' communications capacity is also developed to facilitate economic expansion. The development of communications technology is constantly being reinforced by military and economic expansive demands, granting the US world dominance m military and communications strength in the world. Capacity to disseminate information and accessibility to information are a source of power.

For military purposes, sophisticated communications technology is needed by the US not only for its defence but also to detect trouble in foreign territories. In this way, the US position as a superpower is enhanced when it can intervene and mobilise its military for a 'global' cause.

America's dominance of the media has largely been in terms of financial involvement and equity investment in telecasting in many countries all over the world such as Canada, Panama, Lebanon, the Philippines, Australia, Bermuda and others. Besides having a stake in the interests of foreign media companies, American cultural infiltration has been effected through program exports. Revenue from program exports has contributed a substantial amount to America's media industry.

Thirty years ago, American film advertisements flashed across billboards in countries outside the US. Today, the most popular films are also American. The film 'Home Alone' (1991), Page. 27 an American-produced film about a little boy who was accidentally left behind when his family goes on holiday, hit one of the highest box office sales in and outside the US. 'Home Alone' has grossed nearly S$ l.71 million (Singapore dollars) after running for forty­ five days in Singapore, making it to the country's biggest-ever box office hit. The distributors of 'Home Alone', Twentieth Century­ Fox said that media reports about the film's enormous popularity in the United States - where it has grossed over US$260 million which made it to the biggest hit from 1990 - also contributed to its attraction. 10 This illustrates the effectiveness of the media for publicity and influence on consumer tastes. No local film was as popular across international boundaries.

There is no doubt that the American film, television and media industry has penetrated all corners of the earth. This would have immense cultural consequences for America and the rest of the world. America has become used to being the dominant culture, and the other cultures lose their identity, finding themselves out of style. By following foreign consumer tastes, these indigenous communities merge into the global community of Euro-American culture.

The increasing 'Americanisation' of ways of life outside the US may be taken for granted as the trend in modernisation. Since the US leads the world in the music, film and entertainment industry and other areas of science and technological innovations, to be modern requires up-to-date imitation or at the mm1mum,

1 0 "Home Alone Poised To Become Biggest Hit Here",The Straits Times, July 16, 1991. Page. 28 awareness of the American vogue. This phenomena is not limited to non-Western countries but disturbs other Western countries too.

In the context of an Asian country, "Singaporeans ate more than two million pizzas [in 1990] .. . although, as nutritionists point out, the Chinese have traditionally avoided milk and cheese. The US fast-food pack such as Kentucky Fried Chicken, Burger King, 'Dunkin' Donuts and their ilk are all here [in Singapore]. Hanging around or inside these outlets are, to use an American term, 'kids' who would not look out of place if they were transported to a downtown shopping mall in urban America... [The Japanese also]... lament the 'Americanisation' of their society, particularly among the young. Canada so close to the US, makes a fetish out of defining itself as being not American. France, a country which is nothing if not supremely confident of its own culture, has a Culture Minister, Jack Lang, who decries because of the worldwide dominance of US television" .11

More on American infiltration into the Singapore scene, "US programs occupy the largest air-time slot of all imported programs on Singapore Broadcasting Corporation. On any one evening, at prime time, from 8 pm to closing time, Singaporeans watch more American shows than homemade programs on Channel 5 [the English channel amongst two others], where US fare makes up about two-thirds of total programmmg... Local events are

1 1 "Yankee Doodle Singapura", The Straits Times, April 13, 1991.

Nevertheless, America's icon of Disneyland remains a symbol of fun and fantasy in the recent Euro-Disney Opening in April 1992 in France. Page. 29 increasingly beginning to look more and more American, with all the razzmatazz of slogans, stickers, lasers and parades. All this usually with the paid help of professional public relations firms, another US contribution to international culture" .12

As recipients of news, information and products manufactured overseas, the countries from the Third World are open to foreign cultural penetration. Western news, events and life-styles are constantly being drummed into the people from the non-Western countries. A classic example is the drink, Coca-cola which has gained world wide popularity through transnational advertising. Traditional drink such as tea brews umque to a culture became 'obsolete' in taste, only favoured by the older generation.

Schiller has pointed out the commercialisation of broadcasting whereby television and broadcasting provide an excellent medium for advertising. Through program exports and advertising placements in these programs, mass consumption is being created. He also argued that the content of programming would determine the cultural outlook and social direction of new nations for generations. In order to reverse this situation. some form of international regulation of television programming is needed to counter commercial interests in the media and release cultural expression in the face of the danger of global homogenisation. Schiller suggested that unless the national hegemony and commercial monopoly m communications be

12 "I Wanna Play Yew This Hut, Noo Daa-nce Single", Ibid., April 13, 1991. Page. 30 subjected to domestic societal restructuring, a viable international order may not be attainable.

Western domination of the media, more specifically the international flow of information is evident in the news. The major news agencies that supply news to both the developed and underdeveloped countries are Western based. These agencies are the Associated Press (US), United Press International (US), Reuters (UK) and Agence France Presse (France). Their major role in the collection and distribution of news to most countries of the world has rendered their reputation as the "Big Four" world agencies.13

As paramount news gatherers and suppliers, the "Big Four" have gained recognition from national agencies that belong to a particular country, as legitimate news sources. The national agencies from the less developed countries are dependent on the world agencies especially for international news due to resource constraints. Even the major world agencies themselves incur high expenditure m maintaining correspondents overseas. It is important to state the fact that revenue received by the world agencies mainly come from the domestic markets in the US and Western Europe, who are rich media customers. Nevertheless, the world agencies still maintain overseas operations in the Third World despite high costs and low revenue in order to retain their right of gathering news form foreign countries, which will in turn serve the information needs of their domestic markets too. In this way, these world agencies maintain the ability to construct a

13 Boyd-Barrett, 0., The International News Agencies .. Constable and Company Ltd., London, 1980, P.14 Page. 31 pkture of world events happening simultaneously m time, which 1s constitutive of the imagined community at home and abroad.

The bureaus or overseas stations of the major agencies and their manpower deployment in foreign countries are less than in the domestic markets. It will be of no surprise that news gathered from foreign countries are geared towards the needs and interests of the world agencies. As the poorer countries do not possess the means to gather and disseminate their national news, they will also be dependent on the news agencies for their national news or regional news affecting them. It is pointed out by Boyd Barrett that "unevenness in the rate of adoption and dissemination of new technologies, which reflects differences m the purchasing power of clientele in different countries, is a factor which contributes to the gap between the advanced and developing nations in the quality of agency news services provided". 14

Since the independence of more than ninety countries after World War Two, a relationship of dependency was created whereby these newly independent nations are dependent economically on the developed Western countries. This relationship has been referred to as the North-South relations to illustrate the gap between the developed Western nations in the North (North America, Western Europe) and the underdeveloped nations in the South (South America, Africa and Asia). While the gap 1s understood in terms of economic measures of domination, another type of control 1s 'hidden' beneath international commodities and capital/finance markets, that is the power of

14 Boyd-Barrett,Op.Cit.,P 54. Page. 32 communications and information market in the exercise of cultural domination. From the rise of nationalism through print languages and print capitalism, the new information and communications technology is directed towards a new imagined community on a wider scale than the nation, that 1s a global village operating on the principle of free market enterprise.

The , a capitalist one 1s dominated by the developed West through the economic unit of the multinational corporation (MNC) with its head office in either the US or UK and subsidiaries situated all over the world. This dominance is extended to and perpetuated by the communications system. To achieve the profit motive of MNCs, the content of advertising, broadcasting and news are oriented towards the interests and concerns of these corporations. The impact of the MNCs has reached the realm of individual and social consciousness in the periphery reg10ns. For example, m trying to integrate with the capitalist world economy to get out of the poverty trap, these nations would gear their education and training systems to provide manpower that is internationally competitive to meet the needs of the MNCs. "In this sense, the concept of cultural imperialism ... best describes the sum of the processes by which a society is brought into the modern world system and how its dominating stratum is attracted, pressured, forced, and sometimes bribed into shaping social institutions to correspond to, or even promote, the values and structures of the dominating centre of the system" .15

1 5 Schiller, H., Communication and Cultural Domination, International Arts and Sciences Press, 1976, P.9. Page. 33

One measure to counter this cultural imperialism was to regulate information flow from the developed core countries to the underdeveloped countries in the periphery and promote the flow from both directions. It is of particular interest to mention here that in recognition of freer communications as a stimulant to economic expansion, the Americans were the first to advocate for a freer flow of information within the international body of UNESCO.

In the first few decades of the twentieth century, British imperialism and its worldwide communication network controlled the news and information which shielded its colonial markets from invasion. US news agencies also faced another competitor from the French agency, Havas. In order to break into the empire of the colonial powers and penetrate its markets, the US adopted a communications policy along the line of a free-flow doctrine which was explained in a State Department broadcast in January 1946, "the State Department plans to do everything within its power along political or diplomatic lines to help break down the artificial barriers to the expansion of private American news agencies, magazines, motion pictures, and other media of communications throughout the world... Freedom of the press and freedom of exchange of information generally is an integral part of our foreign

po 1icy". 16 The elevation of the principle of free flow of information at national and international policy level rallied support on the basis of an imperative to accomplish economic goals (to open new markets) and an anti-capitalist Soviet ideology

16 Ibid., P.29. Page. 34 since free enterprise would entail a free flow of information too. Hence, to support the free flow doctrine was to support the capitalist, lasseiz-faire enterprise in opposition to state-controlled socialism and commumsm.

In the promotion of the free flow doctrine at the international level, "the earliest proposals for the constitution of UNESCO, which were drafted by a US panel of experts and reviewed by the State Department, prominently espoused the free flow of information as a UNESCO objective... believing that the organisation should concern itself with the quality of international communications through the mass media and should give serious study to the means by which the mass media may be of more positive and creative service to the cause of international understanding and therefore of peace... From the start, UNESCO, with the US delegation taking the initiative, made free flow of information one of its major concerns" .1 7

The US' views on free flow of information were incorporated m the final act of The United Nations Conference on held in 1948 m Geneva. This represented an ideological polarisation between capitalism and communism when the other free market economies, though aware of the US power potential, supported the doctrine, "especially Great Britain [who] ... supported the principle as a means of embarrassing the Soviet sphere and placing it on an ideological defensive. On this question, a united Western position defending private ownership of the mass

1 7 Ibid. ,P.34 - 35. Page. 35 media took precedence over the internal conflicts ir. the Western world about who should dominate these instruments" .1 s

Within two decades following the Conference in 1948, the free flow doctrine was advocated by the us, when the American communications systems and media products infiltrated into all parts of the world. This led to a new concern with respect to the doctrine of free flow of information which arose m the international community in the late 1960s and early 1970s. The proliferation of Americanism through the media led to the question of cultural privacy, cultural autonomy of the recipient countries and the possibility of cultural imperialism through media imperialism. The consequences of the doctrine of free flow of information had to be examined. The paramount concern of safeguarding national and cultural sovereignty was especially fervent with the emergence of newly independent nations after 1945 who were in their early stage of development. The props of the international stage of communications had to be adjusted to new actors, newly independent from colonialism.

As these newly independent nations struggle from the periphery, the world economy is no longer demarcated along clear core and peripheral nations. The young nations are unique and are fast developing in their economic strength. A significant growth from the non-Western world has been the emergence of Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, Hong Kong and Singapore. The domination of local media by foreign agencies was of particular concern to the underdeveloped nations. A whole new perspective was needed to

18 /bid.,P.38. Page. 36 put the interests of the Third World into focus on the free flow information doctrine which had been defined from the Western perspective. As pointed out by Finland's President, Urho Kekkonen in 1973: When the declaration of Human Rights was drawn up after the Second World War, the 19th century liberal view of the world in the spirit of the ideas of Adam Smith and John Stuart Mill was the guideline. Freedom of action and enterprise, laissez-faire, was made the supreme value in the world of business and ideology, irrespective of at whose expense success in this world was achieved. The state gave everyone the possibility of function, but did not carry the responsibility for the consequences. So the freedom of the strong led to success and the weak went under in spite of this so-called liberty... In the world of communications,... the flow of information between states... is to a very great extent a one-way, unbalanced traffic, and in no way possesses the depth and range which the principles of require. I 9

Through the same forum whereby the free flow of information was first initiated by the Americans, the need for a redefinition of how information should flow was advocated, this time by the opposite party of non-Western, underdeveloped concerns. A free flow of information in terms of limitless quantity of information had to be reconsidered upon its quality and consequences, which was m terms of a more balanced flow between the developed and underdeveloped states.

When the Third World advocated a more balanced flow of information through the UNESCO forums, the Western major news agencies' interest were naturally threatened. As a matter of fact,

19 Ibid., P.43-44. Page. 37 the agencies, especially those from the US played a significant roie in the call for a new information order in that they supported the US withdrawal from UNESCO for placing the new information order in the agenda. "News-agency coverage was strongly anti-UNESCO and supportive of the US withdrawal. More than two-thirds of the themes were critical of UNESCO; only a quarter were favourable toward the agency and critical of the withdrawal".2 0

The American-based agencies, such as the Associated Press had a strong tendency to rely on US sources. As the US government was hostile towards UNESCO's call for a new information order, news reports form the news agencies were anti­ UNESCO and supportive of US' position. These reports were carried across to the major newspapers in the US and other major news agencies. The selective reporting of events based on selective use of sources which supported US interests is a manifestation of the news agencies' capacity to influence public opinion on the new information order issue. The danger of US and other Western news agencies domination m their own countries and foreign territories cannot be denied. Evidence gathered from their biased reporting of a new information order largely supports the claim of Western domination through the media - that is imperialism. Instead of military colonialism, a new form of imperialism is effected through the media, influencing the cultures of the receiving countries.

News from the Third World and the products from the underdeveloped countries do not receive the same amount of

20 Giffard, C. A., UNESCO and the Media, Longman, 1989, P. 117. Page. 38

publicity in the developed c01mtries. From the viewpoint of many Third World countries, their economic dependency has also made them victims of cultural domination. The central· issue for these countries is that increasing]y their cultural autonomy 1s being threatened. Hamelink has argued that "transnational corporations introduce value patterns which are native to the metropolis but which have no relation to the genuine social needs of the receiving countries. The selection of news by the few large international news agencies undoubtedly reflects the values of metropolitan countries" .21

Unless this situation of imbalance is reversed, the world will proceed towards a single global culture, essentially of a Western type. Global cultural synchronisation is against the principle of full and independent development of every society, which entails cultural autonomy. The newly independent nation, though modularly imitated from Western nationalisms must strive to retain its own imagined community and combat foreign media/cultural influence aimed at an international imagination dominated by the interests of core nations.

The demand for change as carried m the can for a new information order is a demand for the 'democratisation' of communication structures, for a more free and balanced flow of information. Concepts such as 'free' and 'balanced' flow of information have arisen out of the basic principle of freedom of speech and opm1on. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights

21 Hamelink, C. J., Cultural Autonomy in Global Communications, Longman, New York, 1983, P. 9. Page. 39 states that "everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers". 2 2

In order to exercise this right, a new order is needed to mm1m1se distortion of news content whereby "a more heightened sense of journalistic responsibility might present a fuller, fairer and more accurate picture of the world to the public it serves". 23

To prevent the homogenisation of different societies, to curb foreign influence and to keep indigenous cultural forms alive, expression of these forms must be encouraged by the individual states and by the international community so that through recognition, diverse cultural identities are safeguarded. At the national level, resistance to external imperialist forces has resulted in national communications policies designed to promote autonomous cultural development. Examples of such policies can be found in Canada and Australia which have imported on a large scale, cultural goods and services through the multinational communications information industry from the US: The Canadian government [has]... passed laws designed to slow the stream of imported North American media... The new laws states that magazines must be predominantly Canadian in both ownership and content. [Another regulation stated]... that the Canadian broadcasting system must be fundamentally Canadian... [which] ... did

2 2 MacBride Report, (Many Voices, One World: Towards a more just and more efficient world information and communication order), International Commission for the Study of Communication Problems, UNESCO, 1980, P.137.

2 3 Ibid., P. 159. Page. 40

indeed result in a greater number of Canadian produced programs. In 1973, ... an Australian Film Authority [was set up]... to encourage the production and distribution of Australian films.24

The success in the efforts to resist cultural synchronisation is dependent on the economy of the country. Strong economies such as the industrialised countries of Canada and Australia have the capacity to develop their own media industry. This advantage may not necessarily be enjoyed by all countries, especially the underdeveloped ones who lack the resources and are dependent in their economic status. One example is the case of Tanzania where amongst other inhibiting factors is the persistence of the colonial past in the media structure, posing an obstacle in the education of the people on their cultural roots. "The models [of public media in Tanzania] are Anglo-American; the broadcasting and other infrastructures are underdeveloped; professional personnel are lacking. Illiteracy is a further problem. In 1980, more than 50% of the government budget was based on foreign aid" .2 5

Essentially, the battle against media imperialism involved challenging the global media powers who were also economically dominant. To alter the information flow whereby the developed nations by virtue of their economic and technological superiority feed media content to the underdeveloped nations, a new world information order had to be incorporated into the existing international relations. It was the necessity of the issue of media

24 Hamelink, Op. Cit., P.33 -35.

25 Ibid., P.49. Page. 41 imperialism to be discussed at the international level that a new world information order was called for at UNESCO.

The emergence of a new information and communication order has brought to surface the containment of diverse cultures within an increasingly homogenised, global culture. The problem posed through an analysis of the new order is however not limited to a thesis against media and cultural imperialism. The call for a new world information and communication order and its subsequent prntest from the developed nations and eventual collapse manifest ideological polarisation rn the world over communications - conflicting interests of different countries with regards to the relationship between the media and their government and the entire sociopolitical entity. Communications as a maJor factor in the creation of a community is also evident when various communities struggle to build and retain their own imagined community. The success of a new world information and communication order 1s dependent not only on the developed nations but also on the developing countries themselves. Both parties must share the responsibility to remedy and reform deficiencies in the current information flow. The next chapter will give a historical overview of a major movement which attempted to restore the balance to the international flow of information. This movement is a striking example of a planned cultural resistance organised at the global level to maximise success in transforming the world; to create an 'imagined community' derived from 'the South', the Third World, to challenge that communications order that comes from 'the North', the rich industrial nations. Page. 42

CHAPTER 4. NEW WORLD INFORMATION AND COMMUNICATION ORD.ER

INTRODUCTION:

On 12 November 1991, news of a massacre m the island of East Tim or, 1,900 km east of Jakarta ( capital of ) flashed across the world within hours. Indonesian troops fired on a crowd after a memorial service held at a cemetery on the outskirts of Dili, the capital of East Timor. The death toll remained uncertain. Among the dead was a non-Timorese who was a student at the University of New South Wales, Australia. He was doing translation work in the island.

East Timor was a Portuguese colony until November 1975 when Portugal decided to give it up. Shortly after East Timor declared its independence, Indonesia invaded the country in December 1975. Since the absorption of East Timor as Indonesia's fifty-seventh province, there have been reports of continuous killings and terrorising of the Timorese.

The atrocities suffered by East Timor are not new but the world has not been paymg attention to the oppressed island , situated m a remote corner of South East Asia. News has not reported the development of East Timor since its independence and invasion by a neighbouring country. Not until the major bloodshed which happened recently, was the world provoked by the major humanitarian insult that in the modern world of Page. 43 international co-operation and diplomacy, a strong country still invades a weaker one.

Why has the oppression in East Timor not been reported consistently since 1975? Had there been a sustained interest in East Timor by the maJor news agencies, a concerted action by world organisations such as the United Nations might have prevented a massacre. It was only when the death of a significant number happened that due attention was given in the press. It was admitted in a news magazme that "since Indonesia invaded the former Portuguese colony 16 years ago, between 100,000 and 200,000 Timorese - about one-fifth of the population are believed to have been killed, provoking scant international protest" .1 The murder and mayhem in East Timor has been ignored which is unlike the tendency of international agencies to highlight negative news from the Third World. Only when events from this part of the world deteriorate to the point of disaster that they justify a news report.

It is apparent that news from the Third World tends to be bad news. Only bad news makes it to the newspapers. The reporting of East Timor's problems only after the massacre is a direct failure by the media to alert the world of a forthcoming disaster. It is unfortunate that the media, a powerful tool of communication fails to convey facts for the good of every nation, particularly the Third World. Instead, their disasters are

1 Time , Australia , November 25, 1991. Page. 44 highlighted for news reporting and that 1s their place m the world news bulletin.

Does the possibility exist of an alternative structure for the reporting of news to ensure a two-way flow , not just a one-way flow from a few major news agencies from the d~veloped Western countries? A reversal of the situation is only possible through a new information order to bring about a more wholesome picture of the world inclusive of 'obscure' communities. There developed a climate of opinion that a reversal of the information flow was needed and calls were mounted for a new approach.

THE EVOLUTION OF THE FREE FLOW INFORMATION DOCTRINE 1945-1970:

During the first half of the twentieth century, global communications were dominated by European agencies such as Reuters. The European monopoly of news led to a one-sided , one­ way flow of news. This was heavily resented by the Americans when they wrote that "many Europeans believe that Indians, bathing beauties, and gangsters infest our streets, and the country

1s m immediate danger of being taken over by organised crime". 2

In protest of Britain's hegemonic media control and use for nationalistic propaganda and imperialistic aims, the United States (US) began to lobby world support for freedom of information and

2 Bullion, S.J., " Old Vinegar In New Bottles: An Historical View Of The NWICO Debate", Nieman Reports.., 37:4 , Winter 1983, P.39-40. Page. 45

the elimination of barriers to world communication. Especially after World War Two, the US immediately recognised the postwar importance of communications to stimulate interchange of goods and ideas between countries.

As mentioned in the previous chapter, the US sought to institutionalise the call for a free flow of information particularly though a specialised international agency of the United Nations, that is the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO). "The US delegation to the constitutional Conference of UNESCO rn 1945 repeatedly emphasised their conviction that the free flow of information was a basic principle" .3

Hence, the US participated in UNESCO and became its major financial contributor. The initial call for a free flow of information was challenged by the , some other western countries and by the Soviet Union who was opposed to the potential for American media imperialism. This is contrasted to the later situation when Third World countries started to struggle for a freer flow of information. The support rendered by the Soviets in the Third World's call further provoked US resistance to the whole concept of a new information order.

As countries of the Third World began to enter the international scene to articulate their struggles against colonialism

3 Schiller, H.I., " The diplomacy of cultural domination and the free flow of information", Freedomways, 22:3, 1982, P.152. Page. 46 and new forms of imperialism, UNESCO no l0nger was a forum for major powers to assert their communication needs alone. The inadequacy of information flow from the Third World and their dependency on news agencies from the developed West, especially the American design of global realities became a major issue on the agenda of UNESCO's conferences. With the establishment of American dominance of the media, the definition of what constitutes a free flow of information had to be reviewed, this time by the developing countries.

THE ESTABLISHMENT OF A NWICO 1970 - 1980:

By 1970, the membership of UNESCO had risen from 59 in 1946 to 127. UNESCO was charged with the task of providing a forum for conflicts in the field of world communications. It was amongst multifarious interests of developed, under-developed, developing and newly-developed countries that a New World Information and Communication Order (NWICO) was conceptualized. It was also the dominance of some interests over others which led to the demise of this order.

UNESCO, essentially an international body set to tackle problems faced by its member states, made an attempt to examine the rising concerns of the less developed countries in world communications. This attempt was first made 1n the Intergovernmental Conference on the Institutional, Administrative and Financial Aspects of Cultural Policies held by UNESCO at Venice in 1970. UNESCO laid a cultural policy at its foundation which Page. 47 recognised that cultural development was an integral part of all development. Every individual must be accorded the right to participate in cultural heritage and traditions. World communications, be it the press, magazmes, television programs, advertisements or song lyrics must promote the cultural express10ns of every country and not let one dominant culture overshadow another through media dominance and control. In a largely monopolised world communications system, an alternative media would be to provide a framework for the participation of the audience in formulating the messages.

The sixteenth General Conference of UNESCO, held in Paris m 1970, endorsed the recommendations of the Venice Conference and passed a resolution "to help member states in the formulation of their 'mass communication policies'". It was also at this conference that the issue of imbalance in information flow was first introduced at an intergovernmental level. The resolution also affirmed the "inadmissibility of using information media for propaganda on behalf of war, racialism and hatred among nations".4

At the following 17th General Conference of UNESCO in 1972, the developing countries' resolution against global information and communications inequality was intensified. The conference highlighted the fact that the developed countries have used the media as a means towards "the domination of world

4 UNESCO, Records of the General Conference, 16th session, 12 Oct. to 14 Nov. 1970. Page. 48 public opinion or a source of moral and cultural pollution" .s An alternative could be provided through the establishment of a national communications policy for each individual country. A request was made at this conference to prepare a draft declaration concerning the fundamental principles governing the use of mass media with a view to strengthening peace and understanding towards international harmony.

Since 1972, the principle of a free and balanced information flow has remained in the agenda of UNESCO's conferences. Through the debates on this principle, the communication needs of the underdeveloped countries were expressed and bitterly defended. The world communications issue was split between the developed and the underdeveloped nations.

As the Third World struggled for colonial and economic independence, the non-aligned countries' efforts towards a new international economic order recognised the need for a new international information order. The victory against colonialism would be complete only with independence from media imperialism too. In a meeting in Algiers in 1973, the heads of the non-aligned countries determined that "developing countries should take concerted action to reorganise existing communication channels which are a legacy from the colonial past". 6

5 Smith, A ., The Geopolitics of Information : How Western Culture Dominates The World, New York: Oxford University Press, 1980, P.31.

6 Declaration by the Heads of State of the Non- aligned Countries, Algeria, 1973. Page. 49

At . the eighteenth General Conference of UNESCO, held in Paris in 1974, the draft declaration on the Fundamental Principles Governing the Use of the Mass Media to Strengthening Peace and International Understanding, to the Promotion of Human Rights and to Countering Racialism, Apartheid and Incitement to War was presented for consideration subject to amendments by member states.

For the purpose of preparing a revised draft declaration, an intergovernmental meeting of experts was convened in December 1975 to propose amendments to the draft. The amended declaration was submitted at the 19th General Conference in 1976. It was suggested that the amended declaration be revised agam m search of a common ground and a final declaration to be adhered to by all nations with regards to their media policy. An International Commission for the Study of Communication Problems was also established during this session.

The newly appointed director-general of UNESCO, Amadou Mahtar M'Bow of Senegal (during the eighteenth General Conference) submitted the final declaration after lengthy negotiations and consultations with the heads of the delegation of member states and discussions with observers attending the General Conference. At the twentieth General Conference held on · 22 November 1978 in Paris, the draft declaration was put to vote and adopted by acclamation.

The declaration manifested the spirit of co-operation and the determination of the international community to reach a Page. 50 consensus. The resolution to establish a NWICO was undertaken. In Article I of the document, it was declared that: The strengthening of peace and international understanding, the promotion of human rights and the countering of racialism, apartheid and incitement tc, war demand a free flow and a wider and better balanced dissemination of information. To tl:tis end, the mass media have a leading contribution to make. This contribution will be more effective to the extent that the information reflects the different aspects of the subject dealt with. 7

A further highlight of the debate during the twentieth General Conference was an interim report by the International Commission for the Study of Communication Problems (the MacBride Commission, set up during the 19th session) that established the concept of the free flow of information and its necessary complement, a more balanced and objective flow both between countries and within and between regions. The proposed solution for a more balanced flow of information was for a new order designed "to promote a sense of responsibility towards the national and international public among those who work in the media". 8

1 Declaration on fundamental principles concerning the contribution of the mass media to strengthening peace and international understanding, the promotion of human rights and to countering racialism, apartheid and incitement to war, UNESCO, 1979, P.12.

8 Osnolnik, B., Aims And Approaches To A New International Communication Order, International Commission for the Study of Communication Problems, UNESCO, 1978, P.13. Page. 51

On 18 December, 1978 at the thirty-third Session of the United Nations General Assembly, a resolution was passed which "affirms the need to establish a new, more just and more effective world information and communication order, intended to strengthen international peace and understanding, based on the free circulation and wider and better balanced dissemination of information". 9

The year 1980 was significant in the NWICO debate. Results from the International Commission .for the Study of Communication Problems were compiled in a report - the MacBride Report, also published as Many Voices, One World. This report became the focus of discussion by journalists, academics and politicians from the developed and under-developed countries.

Recommendations by the MacBride Report were formally discussed at the twenty-first General Conference of UNESCO in Belgrade, Yugoslavia in October 1980. A project for the establishment of an International Program for the Development of Communication (IPDC) was also submitted. This project was the result of an intergovernmental conference towards co-operation m communication development, aimed at setting up a mechanism to develop communication infrastructures in the Third World.

The establishment of the IPDC was part of the implementation program of establishing the NWICO. As the

9 United Nations, General Assembly 33rd session, 18 Dec., 1978, Resolution, 33/115. Page. 52

MacBride Report m argument for a NWICO offered a senes of recommendations, diverse interests among member states would be concerned with the various implementation policies which would be to the benefit or detriment of a particular polity. It should be noted that the emphasis of the lPDC on physical and technological aspects, to build communication infrastructures m the Third World countries was intended to divert the attention in establishing the NWICO away from the issues of the content and the flow of information.

The concern of the NWICO is for the quality of information flow, not for the quantity through accessibility by sophisticated communication technology. The technology itself does not guarantee a more balanced flow of information between countries. News and information items from the dominant cultures can still be transmitted via adopted satellites. Adequate communications infrastructure can only be a precondition for establishing a national communication policy. Besides, the technology of communications is shaped socially. The advanced countries would develop the technology in such a way so as to maintain control over information in the underdeveloped countries. The independence of such a policy to curb foreign cultural dominance lies in the argument for a new communication and information order. As soon as the Third World media policy-makers are able to distinguish foreign aid in terms of communications technology from actual development of their own information, the developed West's attempt to maintain the status quo through the provision of technology will fail. In the face of determined struggles for a Page. 53

NWICO, the US as media imperialist, had no choice but to cast a dissenting vote on all resolutions towards a NWICO at the UNESCO conferences.

Nevertheless, the MacBride report resulted in an unammous adoption of resolution on the NWICO. The major issues of the NWICO were succinctly summarised in the following resolution: Elimination of the imbalances and inequalities which characterise the present situation; respect for each people's cultural identity and the right of each nation to inform the world public about its interests, its aspirations and its social and cultural values; respect for the right of all peoples to panicipate in international exchanges of information on the basis of equality, justice and mutual benefit; respect for the right of the public, of ethnic and social groups and of individuals to have access to information sources and to participate actively in the communication process. I 0

The NWICO, if successfully implemented could have led to stronger national communities in co-existence with one another on a global basis. The global village would not then be dominated by single interests but representative of all communities (including East Timor).

The idea of a balanced flow of information raised the question of who would do the balancing act. The US had been apprehensive towards the 'balancing mechanism' as it would imply government intervention and control of the flow of information. With a media interest in almost every corner of the world, the

1 O Hamelink, C.J., Cultural Autonomy in Global Communications, Longman, New York, 1983, P.69. Page. 54 ,.

American media empire would not tolerate individual state intervention in their dissemination of information in the name of regulation for a more balanced information flow across the world when American sources had dominated and stifled other cultural express10ns. As the weight of information from American sources was heavier on one side of the scale balance against the underdeveloped countries, efforts to restore the balance would provoke adverse reactions from the United States. The fate of NWICO was essentially laid in the hands of the US, a major player in the international scene, and a major financial contributor to UNESCO (a good 25% of UNESCO's budget). The illumination of the US position in the NWICO debate can contribute to the understanding of the failure of the concept.

THE UNITED STATES POSITION ON THE NWICO 1976-1980:

When the development of a new international information order was recognised as an integral part of the establishment of a new international economic order, particularly for the political sovereignty and economic liberation of the dependent underdeveloped countries, the western press immediately reacted to safeguard its interests. The major media interests in the US, mainly private, formed a unified front to launch an anti-NWICO campaign. "The creation of the World Press Freedom Committee Page. 55

(WPFC ) in 1976 brought most of the representatives of the private sector who had some stake in the NWICO debate". 11

As part of their anti-NWICO campaign, the Committee offered assistance to news media and journalism schools in the developing countries. The receiving country must be careful that their journalists do not incorporate the news-reporting style of the West. Journalists from the Third World must acquire skills that enable them to present information from the perspective of their country and disseminate the information to the rest of the world. Foreign correspondents are not likely to understand fully the political, cultural and economic background of the country concerned. Although this assistance program appeared to be in the interests of the developing countries' media independence, it was m fact another strategy to undermine efforts towards a NWICO. A reporter trained by a Western journalistic school would adopt foreign· reporting approaches. The predominance of Western journalism would retain the style and e;ontent of news­ reporting and control the minds of readers in their imagination of world events and even local news too.

UNESCO's resolutions for a NWICO never gained the support of the US. The NWICO was mainly criticised as anti-democratic and a threat to a free press (which is governed by the capitalist economy). The American perspective of the NWICO viewed state control as the underlying mechanism to balance world information

11 Roach, C., "The US position in the NWICO", Journal of Communication, 37:4, Autumn 1987, P.38. Page. 56 flow which lies the seed of authoritarianism. The imagined community (the nation) at the national level seemed to be disregarded in view of Western liberalism in a superseding international community. UNESCO was even accused of being in league with the Soviet Union engaging in a world wide conspiracy under the banner of the United Nations.

When the interests of both the US Government and its press were concerned, the government entered into a symbiotic relationship with the private media enterprises to counter the NWICO. The American media naturally felt threatened by UNESCO's communication program, the NWICO, which suggested restriction of Western media and development of Third World media. As such, the American media played a direct role in supporting the US withdrawal from UNESCO, which resulted in one­ sided, self-serving and uniformly negative coverage of UNESCO.

The content analysis of the coverage of the withdrawal from December 1983, when the US announced its intention to withdraw from UNESCO, to December 1984 when the withdrawal formally took place, showed that on the whole, "news-agency coverage was strongly anti-UNESCO and supportive of the US withdrawal" .12

There were several themes which dominated the critical coverage of UNESCO by the four news-agencies of the US: Associated Press, United Press International, New York Times News Service, Washington Post/Los Angeles Times News Service:

12 Giffard, C.A., Unesco and the Media, Longman, 1989, P.117. Page. 57

Of the themes critical of UNESCO, the most common complaint was that the agency was politicised... that UNESCO was anti­ Western, anti-American... and that it supported the enemies of Western values. The second largest cluster of criticisms centred on allegations of mismanagement, both financial and organisational. The third ranked issue... concerned the need for reform and demands that it should mend its ways. The fourth largest category comprised press issues [whereby] ... UNESCO was accused of... favouring state control of media systems, of wanting to license journalists and impose codes of conduct on the press. [Related themes asserted that] ... although some reforms were promised or occuring, they were too little, and too late, to make the US change its mind. Director General M'Bow was... accused of being anti-American... , and conversely of being pro-Soviet and pro-Third World. He was accused of mismanagement, of favouring Third World personnel, and of corruption. More than one-half of the reports mentioned that the US paid 25% of UNESCO's budget... [and] that American funds were used to support programs opposed to its interests or for projects hostile to the us. I 3

Other news reports argued that the US pullout would force UNESCO to accord priorities to its programs. References were also made to other countries supportive of US position, such as Britain's and Singapore's decision to withdraw and the reconsideration of the Netherlands, Japan and West Germany of their membership. The pressure for US to withdraw was further heightened by reports on the credibility that the US would lose if it changed its mind on the decision. Gregory Newell, Assistant Secretary of State, Bureau of International Organisation Affairs, was quoted by the press as having said that "a one year

13 Ibid., P,117-120. Page. 58 postponement of the withdrawal had_ been considered but rejected because there are sound reasons to believe that such a coverage would only strike at US credibility" .1 4

The symbiotic relationship entered by the media and government is evident in the major sources quoted in the US news­ agency reports on UNESCO and the NWICO: Of the themes that were attributed of specific sources, more than half were from various spokesmen for the US government. The second largest group of sources comprised representatives of various Western governments... It is likely that some of the sources identified in dispatches from European capitals as 'Western diplomats' or 'Western officials' were in fact Americans speaking on condition they not be identified... Taken together, Western sources comprised 81 % of the total attributions. UNESCO sources ( including dissidents ) accounted for 13%, the Soviet Union for 4%, and The ThirJ World for 2% ... All four agencies relied primarily on official US sources for their information. I 5

In the Declaration on Fundamental Principles Concerning the Contribution of the Mass Media to Strengthening Peace and International understanding to the Promotion of Human Rights and to Countering Racialism, Apartheid and Incitement to War, Article X stated that to encourage a freer flow, wider and better balanced dissemination of information "it is necessary that states facilitate the procurement by the mass media in the developing countries of adequate conditions and resources enabling them to gain strength

14 Ibid., P.121.

15 Ibid., P.127 - 128. Page. 59

and expand, and that they support co-operation by the latter both among themselves and with the mass media in developed

countries". 16 The responsibility of the state in the NWICO has led the Western countries to rega1d the proposition as an invitation to government control of the press.

Nevertheless, it was stated in Article II of the same declaration that "access by the public to information should be guaranteed by the diversity of the sources and means of information available to it, thus enabling each individual to check the accuracy of facts and to appraise events objectively. To this . end, journalists must have freedom to report and the fullest

possible facilities of access to information". 17 Such a provision is a manifestation of the process of negotiation on the part of the US and the developed West to seek a compromise in the NWICO. The final resolution which approved government's role in education and media poiicies in UNESCO's declaration on mass media which was adopted by the thirty-third United Nations General Assembly in 1978, witnessed the US as the sole member casting the dissenting vote.

THE US CONFRONTS UNESCO 1980-1985:

The US foreign policy took on an assertive stand, especially during Reagan's administration. As the US government became

16 Declaration, 1979, P.15.

17 Ibid., P.12. Page. 60 increasingly dissatisfied with UNESCO's proposals for a NWICO, it finally threatened withdrawal from the agency, an extreme action m terms of international diplomacy.

One proposal raised during an UNESCO meeting in Paris in 1981 received total disagreement from the Western countries. It was suggested at this meeting that a Commission for the Protection of Journalists be established, whereby identification cards would be issued to journalists covering assignments of international significance. Holders of this identification card would have to adhere to certain conditions and unethical conduct by the journalist would render withdrawal of the card, discharging access to information and protection benefits to the journalist. UNESCO failed to gain a compromise on the proposed Commission. Although this proposal was not the main component of the NWICO, the Western countries' opposition to it gave a rallying point for the eventual denigration of the NWICO.

Of significance in the NWICO debate was the role played by the vanous interest groups within the US. All the private media enterprises such as the American Association of Advertising Agencies condemned the NWICO under the guise of a more free and balanced flow of information. The US media supported and encouraged their government to adopt an uncompromising stand against the NWICO as an absol11tely non-negotiable policy.

On 28 December, 1983, the US formally issued a notice of withdrawal to UNESCO with effect form 1 January, 1985 (in compliance with the condition of one year's notice for Page. 61 withdrawal). The basis for this decision was publicised as "extraneous politicization of virtually every subject UNESCO dealt with, hostility towards the basic institutions of a free society, especially a free market and a free press, and has demonstrated unrestrained budgetary expansion". 1 8

UNESCO responded to the US decision by implementing reforms to address the criticisms by the US. Despite efforts by UNESCO to retain the major contributor member state, the US decision remained firm in face of insufficient reforms undertaken by UNESCO. The US decision was followed by Britain, who announced its withdrawal at the end of 1984, to leave UNESCO at the end of 1985. Singapore was another nation which followed a similar decision for withdrawal to take effect at the end of 1985.

After the official notification of the required one year notice of withdrawal, Singapore Ambassador to France, David Marshall who is also permanent executive to UNESCO said that "its a totally independent decision, and its not intended to indicate any disagreement or disapproval or criticism. It has been in the works for a long time, way before the US made known its reactions ... Singapore has 'priority objectives' for our limited resources. We have been more absent in the past few years than present..We didn't find participation was of interest to us". 1 9

18 Giffard, C.A., Op.Cit., P.56.

19 "Singapore Says It Plans To Leave UNESCO", The New York Times, December 28, 1984. Page. 62

The monetary concerns of Singapore's withdrawal was further highlighted by a Foreign Ministry spokesman who added that small countries such as Singapore had been asked to pay a disproportionate share of UNESCO's budget. Singapore's contribution to the UNESCO budget increased by 100% in the decade 1965-75 and rose by another 400% between 1975 and 1985. In absolute terms, Singapore paid US$352,000 to the organisation's two year outlay of US$391 million. Other Singapore spokesmen pointed out that the amounts paid by developed Westerri countries had remained stable in the past decade while those paid by the socialist-bloc members had gone down.20

Other than budgetary reasons and inactiveness in the UN agencies, Singapore has been out of harmony with the general thrust of UN agencies, particularly the 160-member UNESCO, over the past decade. Since the late 1970s... Third World countries, particularly African states, have dominated UNESCO by sheer numbers. UNESCO's activities have tended to take a decidedly strident political tone which the Western nations have deemed to be hostile to their interests. The communist bloc has made tactical common cause with the developing world, much to the discomfort of the West and Singapore, which had cast its commercial lot with the market economies of the US and Western Europe. Singapore did not favour UNESCO's proposals of a NWICO nor its moves to encourage national newsagencies. Although Singapore has no

20 "Push behind the pull-out", Far Eastern Economic Review, January 17, 1985, P.13. Page. 63 newsagency of its own, it does not plan to have one. The attempts by Third World countries to share news by pooling arrangements also made little sense for Singapore This mercantile city-state is more in tune with the news of the urbanised West than the concerns of rural-oriented developing nations of the Third World.21

The next chapter takes a closer look at Singapore, which is one nation which implements a national mass communications policy to integrate its society on a common imagining of nationhood.

21 Ibid., P.14. Page. 64

CHAPTER 5. THE CASE OF SINGAPORE

While dependent on foreign news agencies as the window to world news, the recipient country can minimise media and cultural imperialism by writing and reporting on community activities in the local newspaper. The Singapore case is a useful illustration of how the media tries to provide world news and information to its people through foreign sources and at the same time, retain its cultural values and promote its national interests through the media.

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND:

Singapore is an island situated at the tip of the peninsula of West Malaysia in South-east Asia. This small island-republic with a land area of approximately 626 square kilometres , the smallest in the region, has few natural resources apart from its deep-water harbour and its strategic location at the crossroads of South-east Asia, where major shipping and transportation routes between the Pacific Ocean and the Indian Ocean intersect. It was this strategic position that attracted the attention of Sir Stamford Raffles m 1819 when he decided to establish a port here to protect the trade interests of the British East Company.

When Raffles found Singapore, "there were just a few villages where the people lived by fishing. Raffles negotiated with the Malay Chief there ... and made an agreement with him, giving him 3,000 Spanish dollars annually in return for the right to set up Page. 65

a trading post". 1 Today, Singapore continues to rely on its strategic position for its economic survival.

Soon after its inception m 1819, the position of Singapore as the chief British colony in the area was consolidated, in 1832, when Singapore was made the centre of government for the Straits Settlements, including Penang and Malacca, as an extension of British India. During the next hundred years, with the opening of the Suez Canal and the strengthening of Britain-China trade, Singapore's importance as a seaport and trading post increased. Its strategic location as a port of call attracted a large migrant population from China, India and Malaysia: Chinese had long been working in Southeast Asia as merchants, miners, farmers and artisans, developing a network of social and business contacts... There were Indians in Singapore soon after Britain planted the flag, but to begin with they were mostly soldiers, police or camp-followers. Many Indians came to Singapore [later] in those years of 1850s and 60s. Some came as labourers, others with their own capital to start businesses ... From 1825 onwards, convicts were brought.from India to serve out their sentences... Until... 1873, when Singapore came directly under the Colonial Office in London, convict labour built roads, government buildings, schools and churches. 2

Over the years, _Singapore steadily grew in importance until 1942, when British rule was interrupted by Japan. On February 15, 1942, the Japanese invaded the island. For the next three and a half years, Singapore was renamed Syonan under the Japanese rule.

Lawrence, A., "The Legacy 1819-1941", in A Salute to Singapore, The Times of Singapore Pte. Ltd., 1984,P.20.

2 lbid.,P.21,23. Page. 66

The Allied Forces led by Lord Louis Mountbatten regained the island in September 1945 and reinstituted British rule under the British Military Administration.

On April 1, 1946, civil government was established in Singapore. As a political unit, the Straits Settlements was dissolved, with Penang and Malacca joining the Malay Union ( later the Federation of Malaya) in 1948. In the following years, political developments both inside and outside of Singapore led to full internal self-government in 1959. The constitution of Singapore gave the island complete internal self-government with the British controlling defence and foreign affairs. Singapore only became fully independent of British colonial rule by joining the Federation of Malaya on September 16, 1963. However, political struggles and communal tension following the merger resulted in the separation of Singapore from the Federation of Malaya on August 9, 1965, causing Singapore to become a new independent state - the youngest and the smallest in the region.3

THE RISE OF NATIONALISM AND THE FORMATION OF THE 'IMAGINED' COMMUNITY IN SINGAPORE:

The independence of Singapore was one of a number of other struggles against colonialism following the rise of nationalism after the end of the Pacific War ( when the Japanese occupied territories in China and other parts of Southeast Asia) on

3 E.,Kuo and P., Chen, Communication Policy and Planning in Singapore, The Press, Norfolk,1983, P.5-6 Page. 67

15 August, 1945. After a long history of colonialism the liberation of colonised Asia from foreign domination began. The national independence movement had spread to Asia. Non-European cultures have adopted the 'model' of 'the' independent national state, which was available for modular imitation through print. This is exemplified by a series of nationalist movements in the following countries: India had become independent in 1947 to be followed by Burma and Ceylon in 1948. The surrender of Japan saw the end of Japanese occupation of China and by 1949, civil war in China had ended with the Chinese Communist Party forming the government in Peking. French Indo-China was also being dismantled, Laos became independent in 1949 and Cambodia in 1953. In May 1954, French military forces were defeated at Diem Bien Phu and the Geneva conference in July partitioned Vietnam at the 17th parallel into two states . 4

In Singapore, The People's Action Party (PAP), formed by a group of English-educated nationalist-graduates of British universities led the struggle for independence from British colonial power. Mr Lee Kuan Yew, a lawyer, who was Prime Minister from 1959, and a few others founded the PAP on 21 November 1954. They belonged to the intelligentsia, the reading class who could visualise thousands like themselves through print-language. They were able to achieve solidarity for the nationalist move11_1ent by being producers themselves in the print (or rather, media) market. Nationalist leaders coming from the intelligentsia is prevalent worldwide. For example, "the leaders of the... Finnish nationalist

4 Central Executive Committee , People's Action Party.People's Action Party 1954 - 1979, Petir 25th Anniversary Issue, Tien Mah Litho Printing Co., 1979 ,P.14. Page. 68 movement were persons whose profession largely consisted of the handling of language: writers, teachers, pastors and lawyers... ".s

Despite the enormous pride with which the Chinese m Singapore and Malaya identified with the great revolution of the Chinese Communist Party in China in October 1949, the strongly anti-colonial PAP believed nationalism to be a more potent force that communism. Nationalist feelings were heightened by the humiliating collapse of British arms and suffering the brutalities of Japanese occupation for three and a half years. The leaders- of PAP had built the imagined community on the common basis of anti­ colonialism.

As stated by Anderson, "the new middle-class intelligentsia of nationalism had to invite the masses into history; and the invitation card had to be written in a language they understood" .6 The leaders of the nationalist movement m Singapore not surprisingly, sought to mobilise mass support through the mass media. The press in Singapore then carried stories of nationalist movements. The Chinese press was especially under the influence of what was then thought to be the tide of history : the end of colonialism and the inevitable victory of commumsm. When the Chinese press gave generous coverage to the PAP, its messages were able to get through to large numbers of the literate Chinese who became its supporters. The PAP made its ideas and ideals known through the Chinese, English and Malay newspapers for the English

5 Anderson, B., Imagined Communities: Reflections On The Spread Of Nationalism, Verso, 1983, P.72.

6 Ibid., P.77. Page. 69 and Malay dailies could not ignore the extensive coverage given by the Chinese dailies on the PAP. Political messages were transmitted to a large portion cf the population through all these vernacular languages.

With widespread support, the PAP was elected and formed the government on 5 June 1959. On 16 September 1963, Singapore joined Malaysia. However, communal tensions between the Chinese and Malays led to the separation on August 9, 1965. On 16 January 1968, the British announced they would withdraw all their forces East of Suez by 31 March 1971. 7

The withdrawal of the British bases resulted rn the retrenchment of some 30,000 workers, which aggravated the unemployment situation. Also, the people of Singapore were exposed to the dismantling of military defence, previously provided by the British forces. The elected Government was entrusted with the task of solving economic, military and social problems, to meet the challenges of building a new nation.

When the PAP took over the self-government of Singapore m 1959, the maJor economic problem was the generation of sufficient jobs to lower the unemployment rate of 13.2% in 1959. Hence, its early manifesto declared that: The right of employment must be recognised by the state and the economic structure of the country must be such as to ensure that people are not subjected to the privations and degradations that go with unemployment. It should be the duty of the state to provide for the sick, for those who for one reason or another are

1 Ibid . .,_ P. 30-37. Page. 70

unable to work, the young and the aged or those disabled through industrial injuries. 8

The Government embarked on a labour-intensive industrialisation program to generate employment and to spark-off economic development. The physical infrastructure necessary for economic activities had to be laid which resulted in the building of industrial estates, roads and factories. Existing infrastructure was improved, such as the telephone and telecommunications networks and the supply of electricity and water. Measures were undertaken to encourage new industries and attract investment through tax incentives and imposition of tariffs on selected goods for import­ substitution. Legislation was also implemented to guide industrial relations between the Government, employers and employees. Good industrial relations would minimise strikes and provide a conducive labour environment for foreign investors to establish themselves locally. Workers underwent training to upgrade their skills and to be in line with technological advancements.

The efforts towards economic build-up proved successful. "By 1973, fourteen years after the PAP first took over the destiny of Singapore, near full employment was realised and has been maintained ever since. In 1978, unemployment stood at 3.6% compared with 13.2% [in 1959]".9 As Singapore began to expenence high economic growth, its previous unemployment problem gave way to labour shortages. The economy therefore underwent restructuring from labour-intensive, low-skilled

8 / bid.,. P.65.

9 Ibid., P.67. Page. 71 industries to machine-intensive, highly-skilled industries. Diversification of the economy also took place which introduced high value service industries such as finance, banking, tourism, oil trading and others.

High economic growth has remained as an objective of the Government as illustrated by the economic objective spelled out at the beginning of the 1980s, which was: To sustain and further develop a political, economic and social order which gives the people of Singapore, regardless of race, religion and language, equal opportumt1es to improve themselves, the right to work and reward based on the principle, from each his best, to each his worth; to improve the quality of life for all the people, giving security to those who are in need but are unable to work 1 O

The development of physical infrastructure to facilitate economic growth was also accompanied by development m education, housing and health services. Hence, in developing the economy as a primary facet of nation building, other aspects of the social structure were simultaneously developed. A sense of unity was also successfully instilled when the workers from all ethnic ongms were encouraged to work together as Singaporeans to achieve higher productivity, economic growth and better living conditions for all. "In a predominantly Chinese situation, the PAP has succeeded in holding majority support by making appeals not to Chinese chauvinism and narrow communal interest, but by preaching multi-racialism... " 11

10 Ibid., P.68.

11 Ibid., P. 85. Page. 72

As disunity can result from economic inequality amongst the races, equal opportunities must be given to all economic groups to work for a better living and equal distribution of the economic pie based on merits. In this way, economic growth will be strengthened by national unity in the process of nation building. Economic priorities became a unifying factor which brought the nation together, over-riding ethnic differences. The achievement of economic goals formed the common basis for the imagined community in this multi-racial society. It is the Government's policy that "the problems of poverty and lack of trained skills can only be resolved by a long process of economic development and the implementation of policies designed to spread opportunities of education, training and employment equally amongst all the people, regardless of wealth and rank .1 2

Recent statistics showed that the Malays were not the only ones to have enjoyed the growing size of the economic pie: Singaporeans from all income levels and races have done well and benefited from the country's economic growth over the last two decades... Real household income for all income groups had increased by 4.2 % per year - from $1,200 in 1973 to $2,213 in 1988... The income of all racial groups had gone up, with the Malays showing the most rapid rise, of 4.9% per annum.I 3 The Malays in Singapore, who were mostly have-nots at the beginning of the PAP era, have definitely benefited from this philosophy.

I 2 Ibid., P. 85. l 3 "All Income And Racial Groups Have Done Well", The Straits Times, Weekly Overseas Edition, August 3, 1991. Page. 73

The use of language was another decisive factor in building a common identity. With an ethnic mix of Chinese, Indians, Malays and other races, severai languages and dialects existed at the same time. It was not practical to give equal emphasis en every language and dialect. Besides, this might have divided the society on different languages and ethnic groups. Instead, English for its practical value is used as the working language for economic and educational purposes and in the process, instil values and a sense of cultural roots. The Government has expressed their efforts to retain Asian values m the use of English as the first language: We have a mix of immigrants from different parts of China, India, and t'ie Malay world. We have to give our young basic common norms of social behaviour, social values, and moral precepts which can make up the rounded Singaporeans of tomorrow. The best features of our different ethnic, cultural, linguistic and religious groups must be retained. The best of the East and West must be blended to advantage in the Singaporean. Confucianist ethics, Malay traditions, and the Hindu ethos must be combined with sceptical Western methods of scientific inquiry, the open discursive methods in the search for truth. We have to discard obscurantist and superstitious beliefs and practices of the East, as we have to reject the passing fads of the West. Particularly important are intra-family relationships. We must reinforce these traditional family ties found in all Asian societies .1 4

Hence, the use of English for practical reason does not imply absorption of Western cultural values. Otherwise, Singaporeans become immersed in the imagined realities of the Western world (at the international level), losing their grip of the imagined community of the nation, at the national level.

14 Central Executive Committee, People's Action Party, Op.Cit., P.272. Page. 74

The policy of bilingualism is also being implemented to ensure that students instructed in English as the first language will not lo~e their cultural language because they also learn a second language of Mandarin, Malay or Tamil. The English language not only equip Singaporeans with the most widely-used language to communicate with the rest of the world in economic transactions but also se:rve as a medium for the cultivation of values and social norms. "It is within the larger context of nation building that English has an extended role. As a bridge language, it can gradually diminish the compartmentalisation separating ethnic groups". 1 5 The emphasis on English and the importance given to the other languages are part of nation building to strengthen the imagined community by preserving cultural inheritances. The imagined community 1s being forged through a common identity which ensures harmony among the different races.

Another immediate problem during the early years of independence was housing. Nation building encompassed the task of eradicating squatter dwellings, slums and building housing of at least 150,000 units for the period 1961 to 1970. The Housing and Development Board (HDB), a statutory board was formed in 1960 to build public housing for the people. The establishment of public housing estates was conducive for a harmonious multi-racial society in that the various ethnic groups who used to live with their own community in 'ghetto' areas were resettled to new public housing estates. "HDB housing estates now see all communities living together without segregation on ethnic or religious

1 5 Ibid., P. 273. Page. 75

grounds" .16 This is an instance of how the physical environment can be structured to fulfil the intangible aspect of unity in creating a community.

The building up of Singapore's defence-systems was also concomitant with th~ growth of nationhood. With the withdrawal of British forces, Singapore had no choice but to build its own defence forces. National service was introduced in 1967 "to prepare for long-term uncertainty in this rather unstable part of the world and to give... citizens and foreign investors a measure of confidence in a secure future... ". 1 7

The priority of defence expenditure ranked equally with other nation building projects from the economic and social spheres. National service also provided an opportunity for young men to train in the army and be prepared to defend their country. This provided the opportunity to inculcate a sense of patriotism among youth and heighten the sense of the imagined community. There was every reason to protect the independent nation which belonged to them and their future. The population of Singapore was no longer composed of migrants interested only in working for money and returning to their country of origin thereafter. They had come together, worked hard, built the new nation and made Singapore their home. The early migrants made Singapore the home for their future generations. Since 1965, the Government's nation building efforts "managed to eradicate the migrant

16 Ibid., P.103.

1 7 Ibid., P. 120. Page. 76

mentality, and have brought up a new generation of Singaporeans

who belong to Singapore and who are proud to be Singaporeans" .1 8 Singapore has become the new imagined community where Chinese, Indians and Malays feel they are Singaporeans, not just rootless migrants.

THE ROLE OF THE MASS MEDIA IN THE CREATION OF THE 'IMAGINED' COMMUNITY:

The mass media played a major role in the process of nation building for Singapore which was pointed out by Anderson in the 'Imagined Communities' as vital for newly independent nations: In the years 1959 to 1965, [ Singapore's multilingual ] broadcasting played a crucial political role in the nation... It undertook the responsibility of putting across ideas and persuasion, and projecting the Government's policies and programs to the people of Singapore, who for the first time, were exercising their political rights to determine their future. News and newsreels covered the political events; every significant speech, every argument and counter-argument as well as mass rallies by both the PAP and Opposition party leaders was brought to the listeners and viewers. 1 9

. This is m line with Anderson's argument that "the very idea of 'nation' 1s... nestled firmly in virtually all print-languages; and nationness is virtually inseparable from political consciousness". 20

18 Ibid., P. 121.

l9 /bid ...P.134.

20 Anderson, Op.Cit.,P.123. Page. 77

Through television broadcast which was a technological extension of the printed word, the people were informed of political developments and the declaration of the independence of the country. The urgency of nation building through measures such as economic plans, legislative formulation governmg industrial relations, national service, public housing scheme, language policies, education schemes and others was explained to the people. The Government secured the understanding and support of the people to go ahead with the nation building plans as manifested in subsequent electoral victories by the PAP. "Ever since... the PAP Government has concentrated increasingly on nation building, and broadcasting has been an integral part of the process of keeping the people informed, explaining to them the rationale of the policies and program... "2 1

The nation could not have been imagined without linguistic communality generated by communication. "Print-language [and later electronic media] is what invents nationalism, not a particular language per se" .22 In emphasising the role of the mass media in nation building, It is not enough to merely refer to broadcasting's role as one of informing, educating and entertaining : with imagination, foresight and dynamism, television and radio can enrich, stimulate and make the public aware not merely of the problems, but also of the options faced by the individual and the nation, and can educate and motivate them to participate in nation building and social development, as well as help them to adapt to themselv·es to the rapid modernisation and urbanisation. Not

21 Central Executive Committee, People's Action Party, Op.Cit.,P.136.

2 2 Anderson, Op.Cit., P.122. Page. 78

only does the media disseminate and interpret the Governmwt's objectives and policies, it also helped obtained feedback for the Government on how well its policies were received and the possibilities of future policy-making. Broadcasting, in particular, helped promote political awareness amongst the people by informing them of the important issues facing the nation and the world and enabled them to identify with their own nation and make the right choice at elections. 2 3

As a powerful instrument of influence, the media was and still is valued by the Government of Singapore. "Mass media, if in the 'wrong' hands, may be abused to disrupt the social harmony and political stability of the society... however, with proper guidance, (it) can perform a constructive role in nation building, especially m developing countries. "24

In this view, the mass media m establishing a territorially­ specific imagined reality requues close superv1s1on and tight control. It is expected that the government will interfere in the mass media when it perceives the national interests of the country (particularly unity) are threatened. The constitutional right of citizens to freedom of speech and expression is therefore, not absolute. As such, the communication policy requires the mass media to play a positive and supportive role in nation building.

Many other social issue~ were tackled with the aid of the media. National policies and campaigns gathered support from publicity through the mass media. For example, during the early years of population upsurge, the public was educated on family

2 3 Central Executive Committee, People's Action Party, Op.Cit., P. 140.

24 Kuo & Chen.Op. Cit . ... P.41-42. Page. 79 planning through the news and other publicity gimmicks such as posters, exhibitions and advertisements during television program intervals. A whole series of national campaigns such as 'Courtesy', 'Speak Mandarin', 'Productivity', 'Keep Singapore Clean' have gained nationwide support through the mass media.

In the same way, constant use of the media for national messages creates an ambience of nationwide existence. The citizens, though never t(tic,w;,Jo their fellow members, possess in their minds the image of their commonness. Through simultaneous consumption of national messages from newspaper, television images, radio broadcasts and other media, one audience is aware that thousands of others are exposed to the same media products too, leaving the individual assured of the common imagined world being rooted in daily life.

SINGAPORE AS A DEVELOPED NATION:

Singapore has now progressed into a developed nation. It has become a regional financial hub, being the third largest oil trading market and the largest container port, and taking pride in its international airport - Changi International Airport: Changi Airport has been rated the world's best airport for the third consecutive year. In 1981, Changi Airport opened with one runway. A second runway began operating in 1984. Terminal 2 opened in 1990. Changi has become one of the busiest airports in the region. Air traffic will continue to expand Page. 80

and by the year 2000, Changi should be an aviation superhub - helping to make Singapore the meeting place of the world. 2 5

Singapore has achieved the status of a Mini-Dragon among three others, that is South Korea, Taiwan and Hong Kong. The four Mini-Dragons fall in the category of the Newly Industrialising Countries (NICs) in Asia. These countries are new entrants who are enthusiastic competitors in the world capitalist economy.

Singapore has embraced developmental journalism to protect and serve the needs of a young. growing but fragile nation. Now that Singapore has achieved the status of a developed nation, the role of the media while retaining its fundamental principles also adjusts itself to changing needs.

As Singapore enters a higher stage of development in the last decade of the twentieth century, the political scene has taken on a new turn with the renewal of leadership. "On November 28, 1990, a new chapter opened in Singapore's modern history. Mr. Lee Kuan Yew handed the torch of leadership to Mr. Goh Chok

Tong" _26 The first generation of leaders had attained for Singapore the second highest standard of living in Asia over the last twenty­ five years. Under the new leadership, a manifesto was presented in the book Singapore: The Next Lap, setting the direction for Singapore's long term national development for the next 20-30 years.

25 Government of Singapore, Singapore: The Next Lap, Times Editions Pte Ltd, 1991, P.64.

26 lbid ...P. 15. Page. 81

People, as emphasised in 'The Next Lap' are and will always be Singapore's most precious resource: It is the effort of Singaporeans, with their drive and talent, that has made the country what it is today. Overcoming great odds as a newly-independent nation without natural resources, [Singaporeans] have turned... [their] city state into a thriving and modem economy. The future will be no different. In the next lap of development, the size of... [Singapore's] population and the quality of... [its] people will determine how successfully... [they] fare... because Singapore depends so critically on it people, any change in the size of the population or its make-up will have a significant impact on the country's future. 2 7

A· critical mass of talented people 1s needed for the future development of Singapore. This will provide the manpower for Singapore's companies to compete in the world market. Singapore will ensure an adequate population through increasing its rate and attracting foreign talent. "[Singapore] is what it is today because... [it] has been able to attract talent from Asia and all over the world to work and live... [there]. This has been [Singapore's] heritage. No city which draws only on indigenous talent can maintain its excellence. London draws from the whole United Kingdom; New York from the whole world".28

Singapore will continue to invest m its people through education to max1m1se the potential of every Singaporean. "Through education, [Singaporeans] become more skilled, more productive and resourceful... Measured in terms of national

2 7 Ibid ... P.19.

28 Ibid., P.25. Page. 82 budget,... investment in education is second only to defence. In the years ahead, Singapore will invest even more in education to stay competitive and to attain higher living standards" _29

Since Singapore IS an open society and Singaporeans are free to stay or leave, there is the danger of emigration resulting m brain drain. In order to minimise this outflow, Singapore "will find ways to give Singaporeans a greater stake in this country. Emotively, Singapore must strengthen its national identity and national consciousness" _30 The imagined community is relevant both in the early stage of nationhood (from nationalist movements to independence) and m the process of developing and becoming.

Over the past twenty-five years, Singapore has become a thriving modern economy. In order to run the next lap and to reach the next milestone of development, it Is crucial that Singapore remain economically competitive in the international scene. Singapore's ideology is economic-oriented as its survival is dependent on its economy. The Government has explicitly stated its manifesto as that "all... plans depend on strong economic growth. [Singapore] ... should not allow the physical limits of [its] ... city state and small population to constrain... [itself]... By becoming a hub city, [it] ... can bring prosperity to the region and ...

[to the country]" .3 1

29 Ibid., P.33.

30 Ibid., P. 29.

31 Ibid., P.57. Page. 83

To achieve economic advancement, Singapore's economic strategies have been based on free market principles, open competition and rational economic policies. Singapore's competitive advantage can only be sustained and sharpened through imagination, dedication to excellence and teamwork by its people. Singapore will pursue maJor international economic activities so as to establish itself as a centre of economic dynamism, a hub for aviation, finance, shipping, telecommunications, information technology and even petrochemicals.

Singapore has to remain in competition with other strategic centres, such as with Zurich, London, New York, Tokyo and Hong Kong (for finance) and with Rotterdam, Yokohama and Hong Kong (for shipping). Each centre is a hub which services the region around it and linking it with the rest of the world. Singapore is striving to stay ahead with these world class strategic centres by developing itself into an economic hub. Its economy is moving towards a hub city because "Singapore has always been an entrepot, but a hub city... must offer first-class products and services. 'Singapore' must become a synonym for quality, reliability and excellence. [It]... will become a business hub of the

Asia Pacific" .3 2

One of the ways to achieve this economic goal is to continue to develop Singapore's infrastructure, such as airport, seaport, telecommunications network, industrial parks, financial and convention facilities. Singapore is already a major trading,

32 Ibid., P. 59. Page. 84 financing, servicing and logistics hub and to cater for this expanding trade, telecommunications and information technology will have to be constantly upgraded since "information is the lifeblood of the economy" .3 3 The present communications infrastructure of Singapore includes: [a] telecommunications network [which] offers International Direct Dial connections around the world at very low rates. The Integrated Services Digital Network service transmits voice, data and images to several countries. This international traffic will more than double by the year 2000. Telecom will install high­ capacity optic fibres, satellite links, submarine cables and new telephone switches to open up new avenues in broadcasting and communications. One day, [Singapore]... may even operate [its]... own communications satellite... Extensive use of information technology will create smart physicai infrastructure, from ports to roads to buildings... [ It is ] .. . already a regional data processing centre for multinational corporations. By improving the service infrastructure, Singapore will become a Total Business Centre, attracting multinationals, international investors and talent" .3 4

Singapore, well aware that it cannot perform well by relying only on its own resources will continue to forge strong international linkages. "Networking with other countries will generate mutual benefits and greater prosperity for all. Singapore compames must increasingly venture overseas and form

international linkages" _35 The Singapore Press Holdings and

33 Ibid., P.66.

34 Ibid., P.66-67.

35 Ibid., P.72. Page. 85

Singapore Telecom International, amongst others has achieved this expansion into world markets.

In carrying out its economic goals, Singapore continues to adhere to its fundamental principles of "a stable government, an honest and competent administration, national security, a system that is based on merit and rewards, hard work and enterprise ... Whatever the strategy... [it] ... must remain flexible, a

It is clear that Singapore must be international in its outlook if it wants to become a world centre for trade, finance, aviation and maritime services, information, business and manufacturing. Essentially, it is Singapore's lack of natural resources which forces it to rely on world trade. This leads to the next fundamental requirement of national security to defend not only Singapore's sovereignty and territory, but also protect its trade links and prosperity.

The strategies Singapore has adopted include the maintenance of regional stability through the formation of the Association of South East Asian Nations ( ASEAN ) for regional co­ operation with Thailand, the Philippines, Malaysia, Indonesia and Brunei. Another reinforcement to Singapore's security is the Five Powers Defence Arrangement comprising the United Kingdom,

3 6 Ibid., P. 74. Page. 86

Australia, New Zealand, Malaysia and Singapore. Singapore also supports the United Nations in the preservation of world peace and order.

Apart from international alignments and diplomacy, Singapore believes that "ultimately,... a small state must be prepared to fight and defend itself" _37 For this purpose, "Singapore has adopted a policy of Total Defence. Its objective is national resilience. Total Defence strengthens [its]... overall defence capability against external aggression. It also promotes social cohesion, minimising internal threats to its security" _38 Total defence includes not only military but non-military defence too.

Total Defence is formulated on the belief that modern warfare no longer encompass open military conflicts alone. It is expected that before an aggressor resorts to military action, the political, social, economic and psychological weaknesses would be exploited to break the spirit. Total Defence therefore consists of five components: Psychological defence is the individual citizen's commitment to the nation and confidence in the defence and future of... [the] country. Social defence is the ability of... [the] people to live, work and play harmoniously as a community. It is the willingness to help one another regardless of race, language and religion. Economic defence is government, business and industry organising themselves in such a way that... [the] economy will not break down in war or under threat of war. Civil defence provides for the safety and basic needs of the whole community so that life may go on as normally as possible during

37 Ibid., P. 141.

3 8 Ibid., P. 142. Page. 87

emergencies. Military defence is the operational readiness of the armed forces which deters aggression. 3 9

These five components of Total Defence ultimately aim to achieve a united community whereby peace and security can only be ensured through the participation of every citizen. Programs requumg mass participation is an extremely effective method of mobilising and imagining the community spirit.

Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong said that "one of Singapore's strength has been the unity and cohesion of [its]... society ... Workers, employers and Government share a common objective - national well-being through economic progress. The Government will focus on getting Singaporeans closer together as a nation in 'The Next Lap' to preserve the country's major strength - the unity of its people ". 4 o

THE MASS MEDIA'S ROLE REMAINS CONSISTENT DESPITE TECHNOLOGICAL DEVELOPMENT:

The role of the mass media remains vital in the next lap of Singapore's development. As pointed out by the Singapore Press Club president, Mr. Leslie Fong, who 1s also the editor of The Straits Times and The Sunday Times, "the press should dedicate itself to the tasks of building political consensus and preserving moral

3 9 Kim Seng Constituency National Day Celebrations Working Committee, Total Defence-The Total Picture, Times Publishing, 1987, P.10, 19, 27, 33, 41.

4 0 The Straits Times, Weekly Overseas Edition.. 10 August , 1991. Page. 88 values. The country's present stage of development demanded the press play these two roles in addition to its general role of aiming to inform, educate and entertain" .41

Other views recently expressed in the major daily further highlight the role of the press in promoting national unity even in the current climate of greater political debate. The current clamour for more democracy and debate ( which is a symptom of a more mature democracy and its politically sophisticated citizenry) could threaten future stability and cohesion if it got out of hand. It is by no means certain that Singaporeans knew when to call a halt to debate and work towards accommodation. The press must pull the plug when it perceives that more heat than light is generated. Working for consensus is especially important because the bonding is not complete between the successor generation of political leaders and the people. As for the need to prevent the erosion of values, the press should take a 'moralistic approach' and protect the values that have underpinned Singapore's success - that is thrift, honesty, the sanctity of the family and others. The press cannot ignore its moral, social and civic responsibilities.

With regards to the political role of the press, the press should point out defects in a particular policy but not see this function as the reason for its existence since nobody elected the press unlike the government. In further accordance with the view that the press in Singapore has never functioned as the Fourth Estate, there was "a difference between being a tool of a political

41 "Editor: Press Should Build Consensus, Preserve Moral Values" ,The Straits Times, October 27, 1991. Page. 89 party and taking a position to support a party ( i.e the People's

Action Party) that had done wonders for Singaporeans" _42 In its constant support of governmental poiicies, "the press in Singapore has never functioned as the Fourth Estate in the classical tradition of the West" _43 The press does not act as a watchdog, challenging and criticising government policies. Instead, the press seeks to build consensus on national issues and to support and assist the Government in development.

The challenge of forging a distinct Singaporean cultural identity is still relevant in its next lap of development. The majority of the citizens, especiaHy the younger citizens already feel that their national identity as Singaporeans is stronger than their racial identity. This is the result of the Government's commitment towards multi-racialism which include policies such as suppression of racial chauvinism and religious extremism, the mixture of different races in housing estates, national service, usage of English as Singapore's lingua franca and the establishment of the core values of thrift, hard work and group cohesion. A common national identity above ethnic differences has helped Singapore achieve remarkable progress, and the mass media have been a significant instrument in the forging of this national identity.

There are at the present (in 1992) 4 English newspapers: The Straits Times, The Sunday Times, The New Paper and Business

42 Ibid., October 27, 1991

4 3 I. Lim, "The Singapore Press and the Fourth Estate", in Press Laws and Systems in ASEAN States, Edited by Abdul Razak, The Confederation of Asean Publication, 1985, P.101. Page. 90

Times; 2 Malay newspapers and 3 Chinese newspapers. The Straits Times and The Sunday Times were the highest circulating newspapers - with an an average daily circulation of 331,265 and 363,020 respectively for the year 1991 .44 Overseas sales offices have been set up in Japan, UK and Hong Kong: and bureaux in Thailand, Indonesia, Hong Kong, Taiwan, the Philippines and

Ja pan. 45 The Straits Times has its own full-time correspondents in Washington, Tokyo and° Bangkok and part-time correspondents in

Manila, Kuala Lumpur and Melbourne". 46 However, Singapore does not have its own national news agency because: [the Government] does not feel that the country needs one or has the required manpower for one... At the same time, Singapore government officials feel that the international agencies are showing ever more concern about their Third World coverage, including hiring more and more Third World nationals and writing an increasing number of development stories about the ASEAN nations... The Singapore papers subscribe to the international news agencies and seem to be quite satisfied with what they get from them.4 7

Singapore Broadcasting Corporation (SBC) 1s the single broadcasting station which provides television and radio broadcasts. There are three television channels and nine radio stations. SBC also broadcasts BBC World Service and three

4 4 Singapore Press Holdings Ltd, Annual Report And Accounts ,1991 .,_ P.40.

45 lbid.,P. 18.

4 6 Szende,A., "From Torrent to Trickle: Managing the Flow of News in Southeast Asia".,_ Research Notes and Discussion Paper No. 58, Institute of South East Asian Studies, 1986, P.29.

4 7 /bid ..,_P. 3 0 . Page. 91

Indonesian radio programs. Singapore can receive television programs from neighbour Malaysia via three channels. In its earlier days, SBC produced dramas that were educational, such as " 'Army Series' ( 1983), the first serialised drama which revolved around the experiences of army recruits during their basic military training, and 'The Awakening' ( 1984 ), a major production about the lives of Chinese immigrants in early Singapore. SBC's priority has placed entertainment as its priority now" .4 8

Singapore has a highly developed printing and publishing industry engaged in the marketing of information as a commercial commodity. There are 1016 printers and 221 publishers 10 Singapore, the leading one being Times Publishing Limited: Times Publishing has been in the communications business for more than two decades. It is an international group involved in publishing, commercial printing, distribution, direct sales and retailing of books, magazines, musical products, the organisation of conferences and exhibitions, and the provision of educational facilities and travel services. Headquartered in Singapore, the Group's global network of 44 active subsidiaries and 7 associate companies are located in key centres in Southeast Asia, Hong Kong, Japan, Australia, the US and the UK. The Group is the leading commercial printer in the region, offering a comprehensive range of services from satellite communications, pre-press, printing and binding, to publication distribution worldwide. It prints international magazines including 'Time' and 'The Economist' and serves international publishers like Reed InternationaI.4 9

48 "New Directions", The Straits Times, April 27, 1991.

49 Times Publishing Limited, Annual Report 1991,P.16-19. Page. 92

The group is also the publisher of major local local magazines and international magazines too. The question of whether the presence of all these information enterprises contributes to a truly free and open media policy in Singapore will be examined later.

As Singapore internationalises through its economic activity, it is inevitable that the Western culture and English language infiltrate into the way of life of its people. Referring to Singapore's position as a global city, Professor Tommy Koh, the director of the Institute of Policy Studies and ambassador-at-large said that " [Singapore ] .. . must have a distinct identity of its own, but at the same time be international m outlook" .so In work and school situations, English functions as the first language. However, as the Chinese constitute a majority of the population (amongst Malays, Indians and others), Chinese Singaporeans are encouraged to use the Chinese language actively. In addition to the teaching of Chinese as a second language at school, the 'Speak Mandarin' campaign 1s still being held annually.

The role of the media as a socialisation agent 1s emphasised agam when 'Friday Weekly', a Chinese tabloid for students was launched on February 21, 1991. Senior Minister, Mr. Lee Kuan Yew in launching the publication said, "remember that if reading a Chinese newspaper does not become a habit early in the life of our Chinese Singaporeans, now that Chinese is a second school

5 O "A Singaporean Identity Will Emerge" ,The Straits Times.Weekly Overseas Edition.._ October 26, 1991. Page. 93 language, then the rtadership of Chinese newspapers will go down in the course of time" .5 1

This media approach can be described as the Third World 'Development Journalism' model which emphasises the role of the press in national development. Development journalism will continue to guide the press in Singapore in its growth through to the next century. Under this form of journalism, the concept of a free flow of information entails a different perspective from a totally free flow and focuses instead on a 'useful' type of information flow, the usage being the building of the imagined community (the nation), and taking precautions that the 'global village' does not absorb the indigenous community.

With regards to the standing of the Government on the free flow of information, Brigadier-General (Res) George Yeo, Minister for Information and the Arts said that, "the free flow of information is not an end in itself but a means to an end... What matters is the survival and prosperity of Singapore, whether the Republic can pass the Darwinian test of international competition" ,52 Within the context of the same argument, "government-media relations, and not just in Singapore, have too

5 1 "Livelier Community If Chinese Is Living Force", The Straits Times, February 22, 1991.

5 2 "Freer Flow Of Information But At What Economic Cost?" ,Ibid., May 12, 1991. Page. 94 long been seen more m terms of political value than m terms of ownership of a commodity : information" .5 3

This implies that government-media relations are constructed on the common value of political stability and economic buoyancy. Every issue of national importance which includes the free flow of information is subject to the priorities spelt out for the imagined community which m the case of Singapore is economic survival. A freer flow is justified only if it is in the interests of Singapore and a restricted flow would be necessary should those interests be threatened.

Although closed economies can never survive, a totally free trading system is not a reality. Hence, even open and liberal economies in the West, such as the United States will embark on restrictive, unilateral trade measures when they cannot advance their interests by multilateral means. Such considerations affect Singapore's response to global developments on the flow of information. Therefore, in the same way as Singapore opens its doors to the global economy for its economic existence based on trading, the media is dependent on foreign sources of information. Just as economic relations are guided by national interests, the flow of information takes place within the same boundaries.

The need for Singapore to remam in constant touch with world events necessitate its reliance on foreign news agencies for political developments in major parts of the world. After all,

5 "., "Freer Flow Of Information But At What Economic Cost?" ,Ibid.... May 12, 1991. Page. 95

Singapore's survival is linked to the international community. Changes in the political scene at the international level have an immediate impact on the stock, commodities, oil and financial market at home. As a major economic hub, Singapore's trading markets are sensitive to changes 1n international market performance which is affected to a great extent by world politics. Imposing restrictions on the free flow of information does not imply that the media in Singapore closes its door to information abroad. On the other hand, it is vital to Singapore's survival to be receptive to foreign sources, whereby information can be obtained that is of consequence to Singapore's future. The media in Singapore, therefore, strives to remain vibrant in order to cope with world media developments and to provide an internal mechanism to balance the flow of information.

As the press continues to pursue developmental journalism, the media scene in Singapore is developing alongside entry into the new information age. In order to gain some control over media developments, Singapore realises the need to acquue the 'hardware', that is the telecommunications infrastructure and technology. It is important to stress that technology acquired in this sense is dictated by the needs of the Singapore society. Once technologically capable, Singapore will be equipped with the 'hardware' to produce the 'software' - that is to engage in cultural production which is its priority.

The Singapore Broadcasting Corporation (SBC) relies heavily on the American based Cable News Network (CNN) for its news bulletins. The CNN news service dominated coverage of the Gulf War in 1990. It is evident that the Singapore Government is Page. 96 planning to plug Singapore into the growing global television network as Deputy Prime Minister, Brigadier-General (Res) Lee Hsien Loong had said ''it was only a m:itter of time before CNN or other similar news station became available on a 24-hour service. If Singapore wanted to be a financial centre, it must be part of the

'global village' ".54 For many people, especially personnel from banks, financial and trading institutions, CNN's focus on international news serves its purpose of informing its audience on the latest events on the international scene. The communication policy of Singapore thus provide the information the peopie need to have, especially for their economic activities.

A competitor in the global television network emerged when the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) launched its new World Service Television (WSTV) in April 1991, marking BBC's entry into the arena of global television. Initially beamed across Europe as a subscription service, it has launched its Asian Service on October 14, 1991 following the deal with Hutch Vision in Hong Kong. Hutch Vision runs Star TV whose five channels will be beamed via satellite to 40 nations across Asia, from Turkey in the west, to China in the east and Indonesia to the south. In mid-November, WSTV's Asian Service has become a 24-hour news and information based service, available across most of Asia.

Mr Christopher Irwin, WSTV's chief executive officer emphasised "BBC's strength as different from CNN which had built up a reputation of ' being there as things happen ... ', that WSTV would strive to achieve plurality of news sources, diversity of

54 "SBC Negotiating For 24-hour CNN Link-Up",/bid ... January 25, 1991. Page. 97 sources, two--way rapport between WSTV and its audience, depth of knowledge and commitment to the sovereignty of the individual" _55

As part of BBC's strategy to go global by 1993 through 'strategic regional partnerships', Mr Irwin added that "as an international broadcaster, the mutual co-existence of CNN and BBC is beneficial. Competition in international broadcasting forces them to play to their respective strengths" _56 A good result of competition from BBC WSTV was the announcement made by CNN International's director Peter Vesey m 1991 that CNN is going to

"take Asia more seriously" .57 To begin with, it will transmit three additional World News half-hour programs during prime time in the Asia-pacific reg10n. These will have greater Asian news coverage. Early in 1992, more updates on business news, sports, weather and Asia-Pacific financial and market information will be added to program schedules.

CNN's plans to deepen its foothold in the Asian region include opening more bureaus m Asia, one in New Delhi in November 1991 and another in Bangkok in early 1992. Mr.Vesay also said that these developments illustrate their commitment to the Asian region both as a source of news and as a source of real potential audience and underscores the importance of this region to the world at large. In order to erase the image of CNN as

5 5 "BBC Looking For Regional Business Partners For Its World Service TV" ,Ibid.,. September 28, 1991.

5 6 "BBC's 24-hour Asian TV Service Part Of Global Strategy" ,Business Times, Singapore Press Holdings, September 29, 1991.

57 "CNN Boosting Coverage Of Asia In Its Programs", Ibid., October 4,1991. Page. 98

American, Mr. Vesey also said that CNN was now scouting for more non-American broadcasters, bureau chiefs and camera staff who would better reflect its worldwide coverage and reach.5 8 With CNN's decision to grow and become truly international, it was only natural to focus on Asia. Singapore is receptive to foreign agencies' interest in Asia as plans are being made for the new channels to - carry the international news services. "In addition to Singapore's current media status of eight local newspapers and six television channels, another two or three additional channels could come onto the local scene by 1992".5 9

The government's ban on household use of satellite dishes makes Cablevision, a wholly-owned subsidiary of SBC the main avenue for satellite broadcasters to enter the local market. The company will pick up the satellite signal and relay it over the airwaves to homes for a fee. While negotiations with WSTV is still going on, CNN will provide Singapore with a 24-hour news service m April, 1992 on one of the new pay TV channels.60

Singapore is retaining control over satellite transmission by forming Cablevision as the main relay of satellite signals to homes on a subscription basis. However, should technological innovation . . achieve an mconsp1cuous, small satellite dish, control over

5 8 "CNN Plans To Start News Subscription Channel Next April", The Straits Times, October 4, 1991.

59 "Media Owners Will Face More Challenges Ahead",/bid., Septem her 2 8, 1991.

6 0 "CNN Wins First Round In Battle For Pay Channel" Jbid .... December 21, 1991. Page. 99 transmission of international programs available via satellite cannot be maintained. At the present, cable television network is seen as an essential infrastructure for the development of broadcasting into the next century. The continued operation of Singapore's economy as a financial and economic hub implies the progressive development of the information and telecommunication infrastructure (i.e the 'hardware').

SINGAPORE AS A BUSINESS AND INFORMATION HUB:

Singapore's status as an economic hub status and its geographical location offer the potential of an information hub too. Besides, Singapore possesses sophisticated domestic and international transport and telecommunication infrastructure for a dynamic communications industry. It will not hesitate to invest m the latest technology to upgrade its communication systems.

Now that Singapore has stabilised both politically and economically from its early years as a newly independent nation, foreign correspondents are still attracted to the country. Singapore remains as an ideal base from which foreign correspondents can cover the region. Among the 104 accredited foreign correspondents and cameramen based here, the Japanese form the largest group, followed by the Germans, the Americans and Australians.

Alexander Thomson, BBC's South-east Asia bureau chief in Singapore, says that Singapore has always been the region's press centre. As the country became more stable and big stories began to fade, it remains the centre of the region because of its strategic Page. 100 location, pivotal role within the ASEAN and its growing importance as a telecommunications and transportation hub, especially with its good air and sea cc.,nnections.

The Asian editor, Michael Richards of the International Herald Tribune is another who regards Singapore as a convenient and comfortable base from where he can observe the region, especially on account of its good communications. Agence France Presse (AFP) also intends to use the Singapore dateline for its regional stories on ASEAN which carry inputs from AFP's vanous news bureaus, because of the bigger presence here of foreign businesses and economic analysts than in other countries in the region. Vladimir Kovalenko, correspondent for the Soviet news agency, Tass, feeds news about Singapore to his agency's headquarters m Moscow, which in turn supplies information to the local radio, TV and newspapers. He stressed that the importance of Singapore for Soviet readers lies in the fact that it can serve as an economic model for his economically troubled country .6 1

It is evident that a successfully imagined community becomes a historical experience which attracts journalists, printmen and other media/information men to put into record. This boosts the media industry which makes available the model of a community to be modularly imagined by others in other parts of the world.

The media scene in Singapore can clearly be discerned by its economic and political climate. With Singapore becoming

61 "This Is A Great Dull Place - We Love It here",/bid. ... May 16,1991. Page. 101 developed and more international, it seeks an active role as a regional and global player in the exchange of information. This emerges from the interdependence among countries where foreign news has domestic impact and likewise, local news is of interest to foreign countries. The information traffic becomes two-way in the sense that as Singapore receives foreign news from foreign sources, it will also supply its own news and information so that foreign agencies can report on the developments of Singapore. Its international position necessarily requires a more open media and information policy. la adopting such a policy, Singapore can add another element to its hub status, that of information. Brigadier­ General George Yeo said that, ". .. as Singapore internationalises, so too should the Singaporean media". 6 2 ',/;

One such move towards regional news exchange was the agreement signed by The Straits Times Press and one of Japan's leading dailies, Asahi Shimbun September 9, 1991 to draw on each other for the latest news articles. Under the agreement, the two newspapers can reproduce all news items, features, analyses and photographs by staff of the other. It is hoped that this will be the beginning of a very fruitful association as Asahi Shimbun, Japan's second largest newspaper has a circulation of 8.2 million for its morning edition and almost 4.8 million for the evening edition. It has 36 news bureaus around the world. Asahi selected The Straits Times for the co-operation program because, as pointed out by Mr Susumu Sueki, Asahi's Senior Managing Director, Singapore is one

6 2 "Foreign Media Has Role In Singapore's Internationalisation" ,Ibid.... April 27, 1991. Page. 102 of the very few locations m South-east Asia for the collection of information. 6 3

From the news exchange, Asahi's coverage of Asian news, particularly of South-east Asia will be enriched. The Straits Times will also gain access to news collected by Asahi's correspondents. On a global level, an open policy towards international news agencies will enhance their sensitivity towards local and regional feelings.

There is a further chance of Singapore being the regional information · hub as the Hong Kong-based financial information and news organisations are worried about their future operations m the British colony once it reverts to Chinese rule in 1997. Most of the organisations feel that Singapore was the ideal choice because of its strategic location and excellent communication and transport facilities.64

The Singapore case provides a valuable insight into the balance issue and the need to counter Western media influence on local culture and values. The electronic media are especially susceptible to such influence. In the present age of satellite television, live television coverage does not provide background data and 1s more likely to be subjected to manipulation as governments and interests groups can control the angle of the

6 3 "Straits Times, Asahi Shim bun Agree To Exchange News",Presslines, Singapore Press Holdings, October 1991, P.2.

64 "KL Wooing Foreign Press As Part Of Its Development Plans", The Straits Times .. February 26, 1992. Page. 103 camera. Print journalism, on the other hand rn its descriptive, investigative, analytical and interpretative form can offer a more complete picture and thus give a sound ba8is for judgement.

Therefore, local journalists must provide news analysis from the standpoint of Singapore. In this way, Singaporeans will be able to orient themselves from a national perspective towards foreign issues and local issues as reported by foreign sources. Associate Professor Eddie Kuo, Head of the Mass Communication Department of the National University of Singapore has stated "English language newspapers should not be so international as to view issues at home with a foreign perspective".65

It is now possible to state that Asian values can be promoted and a more balanced flow of information achieved through regional and later, global news exchanges and through the provision of local analysis of news, particularly world events obtained from foreign avenues. These local analyses can be published in foreign newspapers and news magazines through an exchange program to establish a Singaporean perspective on world issues.

Such a move 1s absolutely essential to preserve the imagined community (at the indigenous, national level) from the increasingly penetrating forces of the international community. The community at the global level is likened to a 'global village' which brings all nations into interdependency for economic and

65 "Promoting Asian Values In The Press",Presslines~January, 1991, P.3. Page. 104 political relations. Autarchy will not lead to the interchange of knowledge and goods necessary for progress.

However, the sense of nationhood must continually be m the minds of the people although they are a part of the global imagination through global media transmitting the workings of economic, political and other international relations. Singapore clearly recognises the distinction illustrated by Wallerstein that "there 1s a smaller entity, the South, and a larger one... the capitalist world economy" .66

When a nation from the South, such as Singapore participates in this larger entity, it is subject to the structural constrains and norms of the capitalist culture. These smaller distinctive national entities, although geographically demarcated, will have to strive to defend their unique cultural identity against homogenisation.

66 Wallerstein, I. Geopolitics and Geoculture, Cambridge University Press, 1991, P.208. Page. 105

CHAPTER 6. CONCLUSION

The expenences of the New World Information and Communication Order (NWICO), development journalism, regional news exchanges and the persistent efforts of ..Nestern news agencies to maintain their foothold as major international news suppliers suggest that the crisis in international news can be resolved on an "accommodative" basis of mutual existence.

THE CONTRADICTION BETWEEN NEWS AS A COMMODITY AND A SOCIAL GOOD:

The debates over NWICO have put into question the definition of news. '1 here are two conflicting definitions of news m the international scene. In the Western conception, news 1s treated: as a commodity ... Western media provide international news in the form of a merchandise rather than a service and news stories selected for their impact, exoticism, ability to entertain. News items are collected in bits and distributed in markets according to their utility and consumer tastes. The history of international news reporting shows that news has taken this particular form largely due to market forces in advanced capitalist industrial societies" .1 The major Western international news agencies cater to the needs and tastes of the consumers in the developed West as the domestic markets would contribute substantially to its revenue.

Meyer, W.H., Transnational Media and Third World Development , Greenwood Press Inc., I 988, P.18. Page. 106

If the developed nations define news as a commodity, the contrasting definition is logically provided by the less developed countries ( LDCs ). The opposing concept of news as a social. good arose out of the umque economic, political and social circumstances of newly independent nations from the decolonisation process. According to Meyers, "it 1s an anti­ imperialist ideology, and a product of the campaign by developing nations against what they see as a neocolonial international order" . 2 From this perspective, news and other communicative information are directed by these states to be used as tool for national development and nation building. The role of the mass media in playing a major role in informing and educating the public on nationwide projects of economic and political development is often referred to as development journalism. Such reports will not hesitate to provide a historical background to the event and warn the citizens of its long-term implications.

The dominance of the major Western international news agencies whose view of the flow of information is only a commodity threatens the national interest, indigenous culture and the ideology of news as a social gocd of the LDCs. The conflicting definitions of news and interests of the developed and less developed nations led to heated debates over a NWICO which tries to balance international relations through information restructuring. "The aim of the NWICO on the conceptual level is to

2 Ibid., P.29. Page. 107 replace the Western notion of news as a commodity with that of news as a sccial good ".3

This is in line with the structural theory, presenting the argument that the dependency of Third World nations on the developed countries has led to its continued hardships, poverty and mal-development. This applies to the Third World's reliance on Western media sources for information. In order to break free from this relation of dependency, the dependent nations must rely on their own resources to gain control over their development. The developed nations at best, can provide the technology and the hardware for development but the software must be manufactured indigenously. "Structural theories of development eschew news and information commodities in favour of information in the form "' of a social good... [and] ... recommend techniques of developmental journalism to create a political consensus and ensure cultural autonomy. The general aim... is to create development in a form which is unique to the Third World". 4

However, development planning based on the Lerner thesis recommends that the LDCs look to the West for the latest information methods and technology as the key to modernisation. According to this argument, "if Western nations are the most highly developed states, then Western means of development must be the best" .s

3 lbid.,P.30.

4 Ibid ... P.37.

5 Ibid., P.36. Page. 108

From the observation of the media poli~y of Singapore, the Lerner thesis holds true as it would explain how a developing nation that accepted the flow of information from the West became more politically and economically developed, achieving the status of a Newly Industrialising Country (NIC) within a socialist­ democratic political constitution.

On the other hand, the structural theory explains how Singapore in regulating the inflow of foreign news and practising developmental jolirnalism has forged a strong sense of solidarity, national identity and political stability for the nation.

Hence, in using the case of Singapore as a basis for empirical testing, the theoretical claims postulated by both Lerner and the structuralists are equally valid. Developing nations can benefit from Western models of development. 1-Iowever, its growth will be seriously flawed if in the process of development, cultural colonisation through media imperialism Is allowed to set in, threatening national unity and indigenous cultural autonomy.

THE PARADOX OF SINGAPORE'S INFORMATION AND COMMUNICATION POLICY:

Anderson has defined the nation as an imagined community created through print-language (and later advances In communications technology, especially radio and television) which spreads the ideas of nationalism to the rest of the world. This analogy can be extended to the creation of a 'global village' by the dissemination of ideas and values through electro-magnetic waves such as television. The success of the rise of nationalism only Page. 109 shows the capability of print and the media to influence people's minds. Once the nation is created, it must focus its imagination on its indigenous cultural values so that it does· not fluctuate according to the global influences of whichever cultural values, ideas are dominant at a particular time. The power of the media to establish a common imagination must be recognised at two levels - the indigenous, national community versus the international community, that is the 'global village'.

The case of Singapore also illustrates a contradiction between the treatment of information for external and internal use. In terms of Singapore's economic role as a regional and global player, it openly trades on information, like any other commodity. On the other hand, information for its domestic consumption through both print and electronic media is highly selective since it involves the public's interest. Hence, the fundamental contradiction of Singapore is between its open, policy (externally, news is treated like a commodity) and its closed, uniquely Singaporean society (internally, news is a social good). This disjunction 1s contained rn Singapore's ideology of pragmatism, maintaining flexibility towards economic policy and upholding unnegotiable terms on its national and politkal stability.

The paradox of Singapore's media policy also affirms its internal imperative to create the imagined community and its external imperative to maintain its distinctiveness as part of the international economic community. Its umque Singaporean identity must be maintained to avoid being swallowed up by other economic players in their bid for greater market expansion and global power. Page. 110

The same paradox of Singapore illustrates the power of the nation state to create national uniformity amongst its people in a common imagining while maintaining cultural diversity amongst the ethnic groups. Based on this ability of the nation-state, diverse cultural entities (represented by the nation-states) can retain their nationalist and cultural imagining and still exist within a single global entity. There would then be no fear of an imperialistic global culture. Wallerstein has pointed out that "the history of the world has been the very opposite of a trend towards cultural homogenisation; it has rather been a trend towards cultural differentiation, or cultural elaboration, or cultural complexity" .6

THE RELEVANCE OF THE NWICO:

The campaign for a NWICO can be seen as part of a larger effort by Third World nations to narrow the growing economic gap between the LDCs and the developed nations. The NWICO represented an attempt to change the structural dependency of LDCs by ending Western domination of international communication flO\l'S. The charge of Western control over the flow of international news and information and consequent undermining of the culture of the rest of the world was brought up at the Fifth Conference of Heads of State and Government of the Non-Aligned Countries in Colombo, 1976, when it declared that, The emancipation and development of national information is an integral part of the overall struggle for political, economic and social independence for a large majority of the peoples of the

6 Wallerstein, I., Geopolitics And Geoculture, Cambridge University Press, 1991, P .18 9. Page. 111

world who should not be denied the right to inform and to be informed objectively and correctly. s~lf-reliance in sources of information is as important as technological self-reliance since dependence in the field of information in tum retards the very achievement of political and economic growth.7

The call for a NWICO was organised and strongly advocated by a coalition of the Soviets and the Third World in UNESCO's forums. The debates on a NWICO became increasingly politicised as the proponents and opponents were diplomats and political leaders. Neither academicians nor communication research personnel were actively involved in the debates who might have neutralised the issue from a strictly objective point of view. Unfortunately, the debates became a tussle between the democratic, developed Western nations and the Communist Soviet and a league of LDCs who were either newly independent or politically unstable. The debates created ideological camps instead of gaining a common ground on regulating information as a means of restructuring international relations. The call for a NWICO collapsed when its strongest opponent, the U.S. who was also a major sponsor of UNESCO withdrew from its forums.

The NWICO essentially failed within the UNESCO forums. The objective of achieving independence in the field of information through a co-operative effort among non-aligned countries, managed and coordinated by an international body, UNESCO, did not gam enough support to be realised. Nevertheless, the merit of the NWICO lies in its identification of the imbalance in ,global information flow and its recommendations to reverse this

7 Osolnik, Op. Cit ... P. l. Page. 112 imbalance through the strengthening of information independence and self-reliance.

The Third World's proposal for this order suggests their efforts to sustain their cultural identity from foreign domination who hold the upper hand in media technology. Observers of the NWICO debates such as Colleen Roach believes that the NWICO is still meaningful because the imbalances of the world have not disappeared over the last decade: In 1987, the average daily news production of the major international news agencies was as follows: AP, 17,000,000 words per day [w.p.d.]; UPI, !4,000,000 w.p.d.; AFP, 1,000,000 w.p.d.; Reuters, 1,500,000 w.p.d.; Tass, 4,000,000 w.p.d. These figures may be contrasted with those of international and regional news agencies established to counter the effects of a 'one-way flow of information': Inter-Press Service, 150,000 w.p.d.; the Non-Aligned News Pool, 100,000 w.p.d.; the Pan­ African News Agency, 20,000 w.p.d.; the C:.ribbean News Agency, 25,000 w.p.d.; and the Gulf News Agency, 18,000 w.p.d.8 Until the disparities between developed and developing countries are resolved, the call for a new international order and demand for equality in global communications will remain.

The issues raised by the NWICO are very much alive in the contemporary communication debates and policies of both Western and non-Western nations. Colleen Roach noted that, "Outside UNESCO, ... the movement for a new information order is currently experiencing a rebirth, particularly in Western Europe. The recent proliferation of private TV stations m countries such as

8 Roach, C., "The Movement For A NWICO: A Second Wave?", Media, Culture and Society, Sage, Vol.12, 1990, P.290-291. Page. 113

France has resulted in an influx of American programs, provoking heated debate over 'media colonialism' and 'US cultural imperialism' " 9

THE NEW WORLD ERA:

The world wide search and struggle for identity, mainly anti­ universalist, promises the creation of a new geoculture. Wallerstein has theorised that "one of the basic structures of the capitalist world economy 1s the cyclical rise and decline of

'hegemonies' within the world system". 10 The string of world hegemonies began with the Dutch, followed by the British and the third being the Americans. One power will replace another, so can ideology. Wallerstein has predicted the decline of North Atlanticism: US global hegemony, a brief phenomenon, as have been such hegemonies, was based on a temporary dramatic edge in the efficiencies of US productive, commercial, and financial enterprises. This period is now over. Enterprises in Japan on the one hand and in Western Europe (with France and Germany at heart) on the other are genuinely competitive with US-based enterprises, and the trend is in their favour rather than against them. 11

With the impending decline of the US, the world economy in the 1990s remains equally competitive with other rising economic

9 Roach, C., "New World Information Order - Ten Years Later", Extra, November/December 1988, P.8.

10 Wallerstein, Op.Cit. , P.3.

11 Ibid., P.19. Page. 114 powers. With the collapse of communist regimes m the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, the Cold War has ended with a re- enactment of future international relations. The capitalist First World is no longer threatened by the communist Second World. The non-aligned constitution of the Third, consisting of nations other than from the First or Second World will be redefined as the Second World disappears as a coherent block. New maps are being 11• ve.S drawn in the post-Cold War era as military power"way to economic capabilities in the determination of international powers. Japan and Europe are emerging as worthy competitors of the United States. An economic mapping can be visualised as there are plans by the European Community to establish a single European Market m 1992, proposals for a North American Free Trade Area and an East Asia Economic Caucus. As economic issues become central to international policy debates, the freer flow of information can contribute to better understanding among the competing nations and thus minimise international conflict.

The need for better understanding between the competing nations in the world economic scene in the new era warns of an inherent cultural conflict between the economic competitors. Another ruler of humanity has ar i sen with the imprint of 'Made in Japan', that poses a more fundamental challenge to Western liberalism than did Soviet Communism. Marxism, a Western philosophy which inspired the Soviet Union has been an economic failure.

The other rising stars in the economic field are commg from East Asia, such as the NICs - South Korea, Hong Kong, Taiwan and Singapore. The term 'mini-dragons' was attributed to these Page. 115 countries for their miraculous economic growth. Futurologist John Naisbitt has commented that, countries like South Korea, which were impoverished just decades ago, now challenge the US and fapan with exports of automobiles, TV sets, ships, computers, and videocassette recorders and make Europe positively anaemic. South Korea, Taiwan, Singapore and Hong Kong have revolutionised the theory of economic development by showing the world how to skip over much of the industrialisation phase and plunge into the information economy. They are expected to continue growing at annual rates ranging from 7 to 10%, compared with about a 3% growth for the us.12

The rise of non-Western economic powers has provoked critics of the East Asian economies, such as Walden Bello in his book 'Dragons in Distress', who observe "that the NIC state eliteS' made a tragic mistake in identifying the consolidation of a strong developmental state with the institutionalisation of authoritarian rule" .13

Herein lies the cultural conflict between the West and the East. Despite Western criticism, the authoritarian bent of East Asian culture, rooted in the Confucian mentality and the economic miracle of East Asia will continue to propel economic growth in terws of Gross National Product, comparable to Europe and the US by the end of the century. Amidst the ideological ruins of Soviet

12 Naisbitt, J., "Asian economies to be giants of 21st century", Japan Economic Journal, December 30,1989 - January 6, 1990 P.6, Quoted in Walden Bello and Stephanie Rosenfeld, Dragons in Distress, Institute for Food and Development Policy, Thomson shore, 1990, P.l.

13 Bello,W. & Rosenfeld,S., Op. Cit.. , P.345. Page. 116

Communism, the remammg super power may be synonymous with the triumphant Western ideology. In European terms, the individual is always the point of departure for any consideration of humanity at large... The highest value was placed upon the rights of the individual. Even when duty to society and respect towards the state was stressed, this was done, as in the case of Jean Jacques Rousseau and Thomas Hobbes, from a conception of some sort of contract founded upon a community of individual wills. By contrast, all the countries now making rapid economic progress, such as Korea, Taiwan, Singapore and Japan, are countries that have been profoundly influenced by Confucian ideas. Confucian thought, unlike the philosophy of the modern West, treats man in society. Man is born into a certain society and reach~s maturity within it. Confucianism discusses the ethics of that society, and its fundamental tenet is : 'Be filial to your parents and loyal to your master'. The weight of value is thus on the side of society, and a person's existence has meaning by virtue of his fulfilling the role that has been given to him within that society .14

Asian Confucianist societies pose a challenge to Western liberalism when social thinkers such as Takeshi Umehara opined: the Western alternative itself as exhausted by excessive individualism and decadent economic habits. As the West's once-enviable social contract unravels, particularly in America, the order, conformity and discipline of comparatively egalitarian Japan or Singapore is admired by many. Because it enables a total societal effort leading to rapid economic growth with a modicum of messy pluralism, the East Asian model of development has great pragmatic appeal .1 5

14 Takeshi Umehara, "Confucianism and the self', The Straits Times, February 10, 1992.

15 Nathan Gardels, " An Asian face for new world order?", The Straits Times, February 10, 1992. Page. 117

The Asian value of a collaborationist capitalism 1s no further from the Western ideals of free enterprise.

It can be understood that there is no absolute freedom in any one state as there are different levels of definition for freedom. The constitution of freedom in the Western sense 1s not entirely applicable to the Asian cultures. Within the Asian economic and political sphere, deference to authority, not freedom of expression or personal liberty form the ethical foundations of society. As economic players from Asian cultures enter the international economic scene, the dominant Western ideals 1s challenged by the Asian ideology. Will Asia, armed with its economic muscle, impose a new world order by being the new media imperialist, influencing the cultures and values of other corners of the earth? Although the US is still the dominant world power, there is likely to be more than one centre of imperialist power, competing to control more sectors of the globe, either economically or culturally. The reality is more candidates are bidding to be cultural imperialists.

A FREER FLOW OF INFORMATION FOR A UNIFIED GLOBAL CULTURE BASED ON DIVERSITY:

In the meantime, for a freer flow of information to take place at least among the non-Western nations, a revised form of developmental journalism is needed for news exchanges to be more fruitful. Developmental journalism reports on national development policy which includes information on the historical background of a national project. Since this form of journalism is Page. 118 government and policy-oriented towards national interests, it is particularly relevant to the underdeveloped and developing nations. The nature of such reports often give the image of a propaganda news tool manipulated by the government. "Past experience in the Third World has shown... that the predominantly authoritative governments have not allowed and are not likely to allow their media to be used for 'knowledge sharing' among equals". 16

With ever increasing determination to hold control over the content of the state-owned media, these authoritarian governments do not provide the structural climate conducive to free expression of opmions. A contradiction is inheren~ when developmental journalism is not considered as a credible source of information since it merely echos the voice of the government and readers turn to international news agencies for a less biased account of events. D~velopmental journalism rn this respect, becomes anti­ developmental by not accommodating more than one point of view and poses as an obstacle to the free flow of information.

From an earlier ideal of a unified world with equal representation from all sources of information as spelled out in the MacBride Report, there is a case for optimism about a new world unified by a global cultural order. This global culture does not imply the homogenisation of ways of life through uniform cultural products from the US or any dominant power. National cultures ought to be preserved to contribute to the diversity in a global

16 Kasoma, F. P., "Media Ownership: Key to Participatory Development Communication", Media Asia , Vol.17, No.2, 1990, P.80. Page. 119

culture, as they engage 10 economi: competition for a higher standard of living. But such economic competition must not be allowed to become a new form of conflict. Rather it should be based on mutual understanding and tolerance through the free exchange of information and interaction of knowledge.

During this century, we have witnessed the nse of nationalism which has transformed the world. Through print language and print capitalism, the ideas of nationhood became widespread and entered into people's imagination. The birth of every new nation draws a new map on the world atlas. With continuous development in communications technology, the media (e.g. television) has become more captivating, attractive and strong in impact. Once a new nation is established, painstaking efforts are put into the media to strengthen this newly imagined community. As the world becomes inter-connected by electro­ magnetic waves and interdependent through economic liaisons, the global village becomes an imaginable reality.

National communications policies (the case of Singapore is an example) and even a New World Information and Communication Order are trying efforts to overcome the danger of cultural domination by economic powers who are also dominant 10 their media capacity. Realistically, global ghettos will exist within the larger framework of the global village. But this does not imply an entirely closed door policy to retain individual cultural autonomy, but an increasingly open exchange of information at the regional level and later global level. Page. 120

A truly 'global village' is one that is governed by a cultural order of mutual tolerance, peace and harmony amongst 'ghettos' with their rich treasures of indigenous cultural values traditions and ways of life. The role of the mass media far from imposing uniformity in this global community should be to promote an appreciation and acceptance of diversity. In this way, the media can play a significant part in fostering an international climate that is both competitive and harmonious.

Some countries still believe that for the media to play such a role at the global level, the NWICO is relevant. This support for the NWICO is not sufficient for UNESCO to implement the new order. "Thus UNESCO's new medium-Term Plan for 1990-95 only makes mention of the NWICO m the introduction to the plan and not in the operational sections of the document" .11

The important issues previously raised by the debates for the NWICO was not mentioned, such as the transnational control of global media flows. The issue of imbalance in global information flow attacked the whole business of information as being monopolised by few media giants from the developed Western, capitalist societies. These economies produce and trade information under the capitalist principle. When the US withdrew from UNESCO which included its financial supports of the agency, the NWICO collapsed. The failure of NWICO confirms the power of

17 Mowlana, H., & Roach, C., "New World Information and Communication Order Since Harare: Overview of Developments and Activities", in The Democratic Journalist, Monthly Of the International Organisation of Journalists, December 1990, P.12. Page. 121 the US which is a capitalist model. The NWICO essentially challenged capitalism, not just the West or the US when it attempted to reverse the condition of global media monopoly within a free enterprise system. The predominant capitalist world system has triumphed over the NWICO. The victory of capitalism is likened to the breakdown of the Soviet Union. Singapore for survival imperatives has chosen not to challenge but to embrace capitalism.

CONCLUSION FOR SINGAPORE:

Singapore will continue to participate m the world open market as long as the capitalist order remains intact. However, Singapore must beware the possibility of the collapse of the existing order. As the world moves from the early industrial age to the present post-industrial age, Singapore presents itself as a model of the post-industrial society when it shifts its economic emphasis from labour-intensive to high technology, high value added and service-oriented industries, one of which is the information business. This strategy is undertaken to avoid losing its competitiveness in terms of higher labour costs when other less developed economies can offer cheap manpower.

As a manifest of its post-industrial characteristic, Singapore has ambitions to become a trading, business and information hub of Asia. By concentrating efforts to boost the post-industrial industry of communications, information and other services, Singapore prepares to maintain its competitiveness when economic Page. 122 demand shifts from labour-intensive to high technology, machine­ intensive goods and services.

However, the contradiction of trading freeJy on information internationally and retaining strict control over information within the country may not be contained by the population of Singapore. There is the possibility of the right to know as a basis of dissent against the power structure. Singapore is an 'endangered dragon' m another instance when in the international scene, it appears to be a 'double-headed snake'18 by preaching Asian Confucianist ethics and embracing Western capitalist principles at the same time, compounded by restricting information internally, whiht seeking to be an Asian hub of free information distribution.

Singapore has succeeded in achieving a racially harmonious country through the production and reproducing of an unique, imagined Singaporean identity. The government sees that multi- racialism must be a constant endeavour to avoid disaster. Singapore cannot afford such a disaster as it will destroy its nation building efforts and entrepot success. This danger is also warned by Schlesinger, author of The Disuniting Of America: Reflections On A Multicultural Society, when he argues that "the fading of the Cold War and the subsiding of ideological conflict reopens the

18 The 'double-headed snake' is a Singaporean slang, using the snake as a cunning imagery; double-headed refers to a person who is capable of two faces or personalities in different situations. Page. 123 opportunities for a more dangerous era of ethnic and racial animosity".19

Hence, Singapore's policy on information has a critical role to play in the future. By building its strength on the basis of this contradiction can render its vulnerability too both internally within the country and externally. How it grapples with this contradiction in its information policy will affect its reputation as represented by the symbol of the 'Merlion•.2o Singapore is an island but cannot exist by itself as in the connotation 'No man is an island'. As the Lion City continues to grow within the global village, it must strive to maintain its strength without being overtaken by another symbol (that is of less integrity) such as the double-headed snake. Or perhaps, the double-headed snake survives well as an urban guerilla in a fierce, post-industrial jungle?

19 Quoted in "Why The Wild West Is Getting Wilder", The Sydney Morning Herald, 2 May, 1992.

20 The 'Merlion' is the national symbol of Singapore consisting of a lion's head and a mermaid's tail, symbolising the strong lion city as being surrounded by waters. Singapore is often referred to as the Lion City thus. Page. 124

GLOBAL VILLAGE OR GLOBAL GHETTO? - SINGAPORE AND THE NEW WORLD INFORMATION AND COMMUNICATION ORDER.

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UNESCO, Osnolnik, B., "Aims and Approaches To A New International Communication Order". International Commission For The Study Of Communication Problems, 1978.

UNESCO, Declaration On Fundamental Principles Concerning The Contribution Of The Mass Media To Strengthening Peace And International Understanding, To The Promotion Of Human Rights And To Countering Racialism, Apartheid And Incitement To War. 1979.

United Nations, General Assembly, 33rd sess10n, 18 Dec 1978, Resolution 33/115.

UNESCO, "MacBride Report",(Many Voices, One World: Towards a More Just And More Efficient World Information And Communication Order), International Commission For The Study Of Communications Problems. 1980.

NEWSPAPERS AND NEWSMAGAZINES:

The Australian Financial Review: "Island Aims to Have An International Economy", April 23, 1992.

Business Times: "BBC's 24-Hour Asian TV Service Part Of Global Strategy", September 29, 1991

"CNN's Boosting Coverage Of Asia In Its Programmes", October 4, 1991.

Far Eastern Economic Review: "Push Behind The Pull-Out", January 17, 1985.

The New York Times: :"Singapore Says It Plans To Leave UNESCO", December 20, 1984.

The Straits Times: "SBC Negotiating For 24-Hour CNN Link-Up", January 25, 1991.

"Livelier Community If Chinese Is Living Force: Mr. Lee.", February 22, 1991. Page. 128

"Yankee Doodle Singapura", April 13, 1991.

"I Wanna Play Yew This Hut, Noo Daa-nce Single", April 13, 1991.

"New Directions", April 27,1991.

"Foreign Media Has Role In Singapore's Internationalisation", April 27, 1991.

"Freer Flow Of Information But At What Economic Cost?", May 12, 1991.

"This Is A Great, Dull Place - We Love It Here", May 16, 1991.

"Home Alone Poised To Become Biggest Hit Here", July 16, 1991.

"Media Ow 11ers Will Face More Challenges Ahead", September 28, 1991.

"BBC Looking For Regional Business Partners For Its World Service TV", September 28, 1991.

"CNN's Plans To Start News Subscription Channel Next April", October 4, 1991.

"Editor: Press Should Build Consensus, Preserve Moral Values", October 27, 1991.

"CNN Wins First Round In Battle For Pay Channel", December 21, 1991.

"Confucianism And The Self', February 10, 1992.

"An Asian Face For New World Order", February 10, 1992.

"KL Wooing Foreign Press As Part Of Its Development Plans", February 26, 1992. Page. 129

The Straits Times, Weekly Overseas Edition: "All Income And Racial Groups Have Done Well", August 3, 1991.

"PM: My Focus Is On People-Bonding - No Progress Jf We Are Not United In Our Hearts", August 10, 1991.

"A Singaporean Identity Will Emerge", October 26, 1991.

The Sydney Morning Herald: "Why The Wild West Is Getting Wilder", May 2, 1992.

Time, Australia: "Massascre Of The Innocents", November 25, 1991.