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An Analysis of Public Opinion Perceptions of the EU and USA in Third Countries

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An Analysis of Public Opinion Perceptions of the EU and USA in Third Countries THE TRANSATLANTIC RELATIONSHIP AND THE FUTURE GLOBAL GOVERNANCE ISSN 2281-5252 WORKING PAPER 33 | JUNE 2014 The European Union and the United States a process of internal consolidation of its own are global actors involved in in- institutions and structures and these tense relations with third developments seem to reflect countries and the out- a wider process of regio- side world, which nalisation of global pertain economic, relations. This study political, diplo- provides a com- matic, and se- prehensive review curity-related How Do the Others See Us? of the existing aspects. The surveys addres- US has been sing the exter- facing in re- An Analysis of Public Opinion nal perceptions cent years of the EU and a growing Perceptions of the EU and USA the US, there- number of by contributing challenges to drawing their from non-We- in Third Countries external image in stern rising po- its different shades: wers. The EU has for Stefano Braghiroli their role in the global a while played a more and Luca Salini economy, international assertive role vis-à-vis security, human rights and the outside world following democracy promotion. THIS PROJECT HAS RECEIVED FUNDING FROM THE EUROPEAN UNION’S SEVENTH FRAMEWORK PROGRAMME FOR RESEARCH, TECHNOLOGICAL DEVELOPMENT AND DEMONSTRATION UNDER GRANT AGREEMENT NO 290454 How Do the Others See Us? An Analysis of Public Opinion Perceptions of the EU and USA in Third Countries Stefano Braghiroli and Luca Salini* Latin America Africa Asia Public opinion EU US Introduction The EU and the USA both represent global actors involved in intense relations with third countries and the outside world, which involve economic, political, diplomatic, and security-related aspects. Following the end of the Cold War the USA have emerged as the only remaining superpower with global interests to promote and protect. While during the 1990s the primacy of the USA appeared virtually unchallenged, in the last years a growing number of challenges has been emerging. Recently, a number of non-Western rising powers have been seen by pundits and policy-makers as potentially challenging the foundations of the current world order. In particular, the emergence of alternative and competing models has allegedly challenged the global US leadership as a projection of the current economic system and international order. The EU is increasingly playing a more aware role vis-à-vis the outside world following a process of internal consolidation of its own institutions and structures. As part of the institutional changes introduced by the recent treaty reforms,1 the EU has gained power exponentially, while showing greater activism within the sphere of external relations. This does not necessary imply that such activism is fully reflected in the official prerogatives of the Union, but that its substantial influence in relations with third countries has undeniably grown. EU’s role is particularly strong in areas such as trade, international aid and democracy promotion. 1 According to the Treaty on the European Union, as amended by the Lisbon Treaty, the European Union defines and pursues common policies and actions with, among others, the objectives of safeguarding its values, fundamental interests, security, independence and integrity; consolidating and supporting democracy, the rule of law, human rights and the principles of international law; preserving peace, preventing conflicts and strengthening international security; fostering the sustainable economic, social and environmental development of developing countries; encouraging the integration of all countries into the world economy; preserving and improving the quality of the environment and the sustainable management of global natural resources; promoting an international system based on stronger multilateral cooperation and good global governance. * Stefano Braghiroli is ERMOS Researcher at the Institute of Government and Politics, University of Tartu, Estonia, and Research Affiliate at the Centre for the Study of Political Change (CIRCaP), Department of Social, Political and Cognitive Sciences, University of Siena. Luca Salini holds a master’s degree in International Studies from the University of Siena, where he collaborated as teaching assistant, interviewer and researcher at the Laboratory on Social and Political Analysis (LAPS) and the CIRCaP. 2 WORKING PAPER 33 Among the most important actions through which the EU plays a relevant global role we can find peace building in the Western Balkans after the Yugoslav wars, maintaining solid and friendly relations with neighbouring countries through the European Neighbourhood Policy, donating great amounts of money to development aid, working for peace in the Middle East through the Quartet, promoting the respect of human rights in all the facets of its external relations, working closely with the United Nations on a multitude of issues affecting the international community, operating civilian and military missions worldwide under the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP), participating to international humanitarian relief in the occurrence of crises and emergencies, when aid is most needed, negotiating legally binding international agreements on climate change, including but not limited to the Kyoto Protocol, promoting a free and fairer international trading system through trade negotiations with international partners, and an ongoing process of enlargement of its own borders to new member countries, provided that they comply with the requirements imposed by the acquis communautaire. In the last decade, what was defined in Maastricht terminology as the Common Foreign and Security Policy has been one of the most compelling factors in helping shape the EU’s external image and the perception of its identity held by the rest of the world, constituting the lens through which it is identified and evaluated by outsiders worldwide. In the post 9/11 world, the EU has come a long way in strengthening its international voice and in differentiating itself from its transatlantic partners, as will be shown in the following paragraphs. Perceptions of the European Union, unlike those of the US, have mostly been studied from an internal perspective, producing a wide range of contributions on topics such as EU’s self-identification, Euroenthusiasm or Euroscepticism inside the European boundaries. On the other hand, external perceptions of the European Union are still an underexplored territory: empirical data are often patchy and fragmented and few theoretical studies have been published. The novelty of this area is even more evident when compared to the rich and ever-growing literature on how the United States are seen abroad, which has created over time a mature research tradition. Among the few projects recently conducted on these issues two are worth noting, namely, the ongoing project on the “External Perceptions of the European Union” (National Centre for Research on Europe, University of Canterbury, New Zealand), centred on the Asia-Pacific region, and the survey on “The External Image of the European Union”, directed by Sonia Lucarelli within the framework of the GARNET Network of Excellence, which took into account surveys conducted in countries from different parts of the world. Particularly relevant to our discussion appear the concepts of “capability-expectations gap” (Hill 1993), i.e. the discrepancy between what the EU can deliver on the international stage and what the other stakeholders expect it to accomplish, and “expectations deficit”, which reverses the direction of the gap in major countries characterized by low awareness of the EU (Tsuruoka 2008:7). In this respect, Tsuruoka highlights the gap between actual EU policy and actions and its external perceptions: the latter are not influenced only by the former, “but also by factors unrelated to what the EU is doing in its own territory and in the world” (Tsuruoka 2008:3), that is to say, in the perspective of third countries, “exogenous” and “endogenous” sources. In that view, the EU is only accountable for its exogenous influence on external perceptions, while endogenous factors tend to elude its control as they are only accountable to domestic 3 WORKING PAPER 33 characteristics, be they contingent or permanent.2 In this regard, the EU and EU-related themes are bent and twisted for political purposes which do not go beyond the domestic political arena, much alike to what happens in EU member countries. Another important point that should be considered involves understanding the relationship between perceptions of the United States and perceptions of the European Union: much of the recent popularity of the EU outside the Euro-Atlantic area is parallel to the declined popularity of the US, which is undoubtedly taken as a reference point by the outside world. That is why differentiating its own international identity is one of the key to a successful European foreign policy, but the process of differentiation cannot put into question the relative proximity between the US and the EU as part of the Western world. Lucarelli and Fioramonti (2008) highlight some recurring patterns regarding external perceptions of the EU: outside the European continent, and particularly in emerging markets, very few people are aware of the EU; even in industrialized societies, where people have a proved knowledge of Europe, not all the facets of the Union are equally well-known, with economic aspects under the spotlight and political and institutional aspects the least salient. Only a minority of
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