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TASK FORCE the Donald C
HENRY M. JACKSON SCHOOL OF INTERNATIONAL STUDIES UNIVERSITY of WASHINGTON TASK FORCE The Donald C. Hellmann Task Force Program Preventing ISIL’S Rebirth Through a Greater Understanding of Radicalization: A Case Study of ISIL Foreign Fighters 2020 Preventing ISIL’s Rebirth Through A Greater Understanding of Radicalization: A Case Study of ISIL Foreign Fighters Evaluator Corinne Graff, Ph.D. Senior Advisor, Conflict Prevention and Fragility United States Institute of Peace (USIP) Faculty Advisor Denis Bašić, Ph.D. ~ Coordinator Orla Casey Editor Audrey Conrad Authors Orla Casey Audrey Conrad Devon Fleming Olympia Hunt Manisha Jha Fenyun Li Hannah Reilly Haley Rogers Aliye Volkan Jaya Wegner Our Task Force would like to express our gratitude towards Professor Denis Bašić, without whom this Task Force would not have been possible. Thank you for your guidance, expertise, and abundance of knowledge. We appreciate you always pushing us further towards a deeper understanding. TABLE OF CONTENTS Executive Summary……………………………………………………………………………….2 The Rise of ISIL and Foreign Fighters…………………………………………………………....3 Section I: Middle Eastern and North African ISIL Recruitment Saudi Arabia…………………………………………………………...………………………….7 Tunisia………………………………………………………………………………………...…13 Morocco………………………………………………………………………………………….15 Libya……………………………………………………………………………………………..17 Egypt……………………………………………………………………………………………..21 Jordan……………………………………………………………………………………………25 Lebanon………………………………………………………………………………………….30 Turkey……………………………………………………………………………………………34 Section II: South -
Gus Dur, As the President Is Usually Called
Indonesia Briefing Jakarta/Brussels, 21 February 2001 INDONESIA'S PRESIDENTIAL CRISIS The Abdurrahman Wahid presidency was dealt a devastating blow by the Indonesian parliament (DPR) on 1 February 2001 when it voted 393 to 4 to begin proceedings that could end with the impeachment of the president.1 This followed the walk-out of 48 members of Abdurrahman's own National Awakening Party (PKB). Under Indonesia's presidential system, a parliamentary 'no-confidence' motion cannot bring down the government but the recent vote has begun a drawn-out process that could lead to the convening of a Special Session of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) - the body that has the constitutional authority both to elect the president and withdraw the presidential mandate. The most fundamental source of the president's political vulnerability arises from the fact that his party, PKB, won only 13 per cent of the votes in the 1999 national election and holds only 51 seats in the 500-member DPR and 58 in the 695-member MPR. The PKB is based on the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), a traditionalist Muslim organisation that had previously been led by Gus Dur, as the president is usually called. Although the NU's membership is estimated at more than 30 million, the PKB's support is drawn mainly from the rural parts of Java, especially East Java, where it was the leading party in the general election. Gus Dur's election as president occurred in somewhat fortuitous circumstances. The front-runner in the presidential race was Megawati Soekarnoputri, whose secular- nationalist Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) won 34 per cent of the votes in the general election. -
CTC Sentinel Objective
FEBRUARY 2011 . VOL 4 . ISSUE 2 COMBATING TERRORISM CENTER AT WEST POINT CTC SentineL OBJECTIVE . RELEVANT . RIGOROUS Contents The Muslim Brotherhood’s FEATURE ARTICLE 1 The Muslim Brotherhood’s Role in Role in the Egyptian Revolution the Egyptian Revolution By Steven Brooke and Shadi Hamid By Steven Brooke and Shadi Hamid REPORTS 4 Revolution in Tunisia and Egypt: A Blow to the Jihadist Narrative? By Nelly Lahoud 5 AQIM’s Objectives in North Africa By Geoff D. Porter 9 The Tribal Allegiance System Within AQIM By Mathieu Guidere 11 The Violent Shift in Hizb al-Tahrir’s Rhetoric By Madeleine Gruen 14 Baltimore’s Jamaat al-Muslimeen: Promoting a Radical but Disciplined Message on Jihad By J.M. Berger 17 Recent Highlights in Terrorist Activity 20 CTC Sentinel Staff & Contacts An Egyptian anti-government protester celebrates in Cairo’s Tahrir Square on February 12, 2011. - Photo by Patrick Baz/AFP/Getty Images n february 11, 2011, Egypt had Missing from the discussion is an attempt its revolution when President to put the Brotherhood’s actions during Hosni Mubarak finally the protests in historical perspective. stepped down after 18 days Doing so reveals that the Brotherhood’s Oof massive protests. With the military cautious approach to the protests over taking control and promising a transition the last few tumultuous weeks has been to democracy, the question of what in large part an extension of the group’s comes next has acquired a particular strategy of the past decades: a preference urgency. Specifically, Western fears of for incremental rather than revolutionary About the CTC Sentinel the Muslim Brotherhood stepping into change, caution and pragmatism, and The Combating Terrorism Center is an the political vacuum have re-energized close cooperation with other Egyptian independent educational and research a longstanding debate about the role of political actors. -
Taiwanese Eyes on the Modern: Cold War Dance Diplomacy And
Taiwanese Eyes on the Modern: Cold War Dance Diplomacy and American Modern Dances in Taiwan, 1950–1980 Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Tsung-Hsin Lee, M.A. Graduate Program in Dance Studies The Ohio State University 2020 Dissertation Committee Hannah Kosstrin, Advisor Harmony Bench Danielle Fosler-Lussier Morgan Liu Copyrighted by Tsung-Hsin Lee 2020 2 Abstract This dissertation “Taiwanese Eyes on the Modern: Cold War Dance Diplomacy and American Modern Dances in Taiwan, 1950–1980” examines the transnational history of American modern dance between the United States and Taiwan during the Cold War era. From the 1950s to the 1980s, the Carmen De Lavallade-Alvin Ailey, José Limón, Paul Taylor, Martha Graham, and Alwin Nikolais dance companies toured to Taiwan under the auspices of the U.S. State Department. At the same time, Chinese American choreographers Al Chungliang Huang and Yen Lu Wong also visited Taiwan, teaching and presenting American modern dance. These visits served as diplomatic gestures between the members of the so-called Free World led by the U.S. Taiwanese audiences perceived American dance modernity through mixed interpretations under the Cold War rhetoric of freedom that the U.S. sold and disseminated through dance diplomacy. I explore the heterogeneous shaping forces from multiple engaging individuals and institutions that assemble this diplomatic history of dance, resulting in outcomes influencing dance histories of the U.S. and Taiwan for different ends. I argue that Taiwanese audiences interpreted American dance modernity as a means of embodiment to advocate for freedom and social change. -
What Is Indonesian Islam?
M. Laffan, draft paper prepared for discussion at the UCLA symposium ‘Islam and Southeast Asia’, May 15 2006 What is Indonesian Islam? Michael Laffan, History Department, Princeton University* Abstract This paper is a preliminary essay thinking about the concept of an Indonesian Islam. After considering the impact of the ideas of Geertz and Benda in shaping the current contours of what is assumed to fit within this category, and how their notions were built on the principle that the region was far more multivocal in the past than the present, it turns to consider whether, prior to the existance of Indonesia, there was ever such a notion as Jawi Islam and questions what modern Indonesians make of their own Islamic history and its impact on the making of their religious subjectivities. What about Indonesian Islam? Before I begin I would like to present you with three recent statements reflecting either directly or indirectly on assumptions about Indonesian Islam. The first is the response of an Australian academic to the situation in Aceh after the 2004 tsunami, the second and third have been made of late by Indonesian scholars The traditionalist Muslims of Aceh, with their mystical, Sufistic approach to life and faith, are a world away from the fundamentalist Islamists of Saudi Arabia and some other Arab states. The Acehnese have never been particularly open to the bigoted "reformism" of radical Islamist groups linked to Saudi Arabia. … Perhaps it is for this reason that aid for Aceh has been so slow coming from wealthy Arab nations such as Saudi Arabia.1 * This, admittedly in-house, piece presented at the UCLA Colloquium on Islam and Southeast Asia: Local, National and Transnational Studies on May 15, 2006, is very much a tentative first stab in the direction I am taking in my current project on the Making of Indonesian Islam. -
Poetics of the Native
Poetics of the Native Poetics of the Native Edited by Yosra Amraoui and Bootheina Majoul With an Introduction by Brenda Flanagan Poetics of the Native Edited by Yosra Amraoui and Bootheina Majoul This book first published 2021 Cambridge Scholars Publishing Lady Stephenson Library, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2PA, UK British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Copyright © 2021 by Yosra Amraoui, Bootheina Majoul and contributors All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner. ISBN (10): 1-5275-6499-1 ISBN (13): 978-1-5275-6499-2 CONTENTS Introduction ................................................................................................ 1 Brenda Flanagan Part I: Politics of (Not) Being a Native Chapter 1 .................................................................................................... 6 Salman Rushdie and Amin Maalouf: On Not Being a Native Bootheina Majoul Chapter 2 .................................................................................................. 16 On Natives and the Prism of an Unknown Religion: History and Affect in Brenda Flanagan’s Allah in the Islands Yosra Amraoui Part II: Perils of (Mis)Representing the Native Chapter 3 ................................................................................................. -
Friend - Wahid
Foreign Policy Research Institute E-Notes A Catalyst for Ideas Distributed via Email and Posted at www.fpri.org January 2010 ABDURRAHMAN WAHID, THE INDONESIAN REPUBLIC, AND DYNAMICS IN ISLAM By Theodore Friend Abdurrahman Wahid, known as Gus Dur, died on 30 December 2009 at the age of sixty-nine. The genial complexity of his character, which drew millions to him, was not adequate to the pressures of the presidency. But his life, career, and elements of caprice contain abundant clues for anyone who would understand modern Sufism, global Islam, and the Republic of Indonesia. Premises of a Republic Wahid was five years old in 1945 at the time of Indonesia’s revolutionary founding as a multi-confessional republic. Sukarno, in shaping its birth, supplied the five principles of its ideology: nationalism, international humanity, consensus democracy, social justice, and monotheism. Hatta, his major partner, helped ensure freedom of worship not only for Muslims but for Catholics and Protestants, Hindus and Buddhists, with Confucians much later protected under Wahid as president. The only thing you could not be as an Indonesian citizen was an atheist. Especially during and after the killings of 1965-66, atheism suggested that one was a communist. In this atmosphere, greatly more tolerant than intolerant, Wahid grew up, the son of the Minister of Religious Affairs under Sukarno, and grandson of a founder of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) in 1926—a traditionalistic and largely peasant-oriented organization of Muslims, which now claims 40 million members. Wahid himself was elected NU’s chairman, 1984-1999, before becoming, by parliamentary election, President of the Republic, 1999-2001. -
CTC Sentinel 4
FEBRUARY 2011 . VOL 4 . ISSUE 2 COMBATING TERRORISM CENTER AT WEST POINT CTC SentineL OBJECTIVE . RELEVANT . RIGOROUS Contents The Muslim Brotherhood’s FEATURE ARTICLE 1 The Muslim Brotherhood’s Role in Role in the Egyptian Revolution the Egyptian Revolution By Steven Brooke and Shadi Hamid By Steven Brooke and Shadi Hamid REPORTS 4 Revolution in Tunisia and Egypt: A Blow to the Jihadist Narrative? By Nelly Lahoud 5 AQIM’s Objectives in North Africa By Geoff D. Porter 9 The Tribal Allegiance System Within AQIM By Mathieu Guidere 11 The Violent Shift in Hizb al-Tahrir’s Rhetoric By Madeleine Gruen 14 Baltimore’s Jamaat al-Muslimeen: Promoting a Radical but Disciplined Message on Jihad By J.M. Berger 17 Recent Highlights in Terrorist Activity 20 CTC Sentinel Staff & Contacts An Egyptian anti-government protester celebrates in Cairo’s Tahrir Square on February 12, 2011. - Photo by Patrick Baz/AFP/Getty Images n february 11, 2011, Egypt had Missing from the discussion is an attempt its revolution when President to put the Brotherhood’s actions during Hosni Mubarak finally the protests in historical perspective. stepped down after 18 days Doing so reveals that the Brotherhood’s Oof massive protests. With the military cautious approach to the protests over taking control and promising a transition the last few tumultuous weeks has been to democracy, the question of what in large part an extension of the group’s comes next has acquired a particular strategy of the past decades: a preference urgency. Specifically, Western fears of for incremental rather than revolutionary About the CTC Sentinel the Muslim Brotherhood stepping into change, caution and pragmatism, and The Combating Terrorism Center is an the political vacuum have re-energized close cooperation with other Egyptian independent educational and research a longstanding debate about the role of political actors. -
Keberagamaan Orang Jawa Dalam Pandangan Clifford Geertz Dan Mark R
Shoni Rahmatullah Amrozi 2fI: 10.35719/fenomena.v20i1.46 KEBERAGAMAAN ORANG JAWA DALAM PANDANGAN CLIFFORD GEERTZ DAN MARK R. WOODWARD Shoni Rahmatullah Amrozi Institut Agama Islam Negeri (IAIN) Jember [email protected] Abstrak: Artikel ini membahas perbedaan pandangan Clifford Geertz dan Mark R. Woodward tentang keberagamaan orang Jawa. Kedua pandangan ini menjadi rujukan bagi para intelektual yang men- dalami kajian tentang agama (Islam) di masyarakat Jawa. Geertz mengkategorikan kelompok agama dalam masyarakat Jawa (Abangan, Santri, dan Priyayi) berdasarkan penelitiannya di Mo- jokuto (Pare, Kediri, Jawa Timur). Sementara itu, Mark R. Woodward meneliti keberagamaan orang Jawa di Yogyakarta. Woodward menganggap Yogyakarta sebagai pusat budaya masyarakat Jawa dan dianggap mampu mengkolaborasikan Islam dan budaya lokal. Artikel ini menyimpulkan bahwa Geertz menilai bahwa keberagamaan orang Jawa terkait dengan ketaatan dan ketidaktaa- tan. Sementara itu, Woodward melihat keberagamanan ini sebagai salah satu bentuk tafsir ter- hadap Islam oleh masyarakat Jawa.. Kata Kunci: Islam Jawa, Abangan, santri, priyai Abstract: This article examines the different views of Clifford Geertz and Mark R. Woodward about Javanese religiousness. Both of their studies, even today, have become references for intellectuals who study religion (Islam) in Javanese society. Geertz categorized the religious groups in Javanese society (Abangan, Santri, and Priyayi). Geertz's (the 1950s) view have based on his research in Modjokuto (Pare, Kediri, East Java). Meanwhile, Mark R. Wood- ward researched Javanese religiousness in Yogyakarta (the 1980s). Woodward observed Yogyakarta as the cultur- al centre of Javanese society. It is considered capable of collaborating between Islam and local culture. The article concludes that Geertz assessed that Javanese religiousness was related to religious obedience and disobedience. -
A REAL THREAT from WITHIN: Muhammadiyah's Identity
Suaidi Asyari A REAL THREAT FROM WITHIN: Muhammadiyah’s Identity Metamorphosis and the Dilemma of Democracy Suaidi Asyari IAIN Sulthan Thaha Saifuddin - Jambi Abstract: This paper will look at Muhammadiyah as a constantly metamorphosing organism from which have grown modernist-reformist, liberalist progressive, political pragmatist and potentially violent fundamentalist-radical Muslims. It will argue that the trajectory passed by and the victory of the radical-puritan element in the National Congress 2005 can potentially become an obstacle for Muhammadiyah's involvement in the process of implementing democratic values in Indonesia in the future. To keep watching Muhammadiyah’s trajectory is crucially important due to the fact that this organization is one of the powerful forces in the world toward the democratization process. In order to be on the right track of democracy, Muhammadiyah has to be able to cope with its internal disputes over democratic values. Only by means of coping with these internal disputes can this organization ensure its role in propagating and disseminating democratic ideas as well as practices in Indonesia. Keywords: Muhammadiyah, metamorphoses, identity, democracy Introduction: An Overview of Muhammadiyah To date, Muhammadiyah has been plausibly assumed to be a moderate Islamic organization which is in a similar position to Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and does not have any connections with radical individuals or organizations that could be associated with radical Islamic ideology. This paper will I argue that there are some important 18 JOURNAL OF INDONESIAN ISLAM Volume 01, Number 01, June 2007 Muhammadiyah and the Dilemma of Democracy factors that have been overlooked or ignored in this understanding of Muhammadiyah. -
Rise of China and the Cross-Strait Relations by Philip Yang National Taiwan University
tik 5th Europe-Northeast Asia Forum i The Taiwan Strait and Northeast Asian Security Berlin, 15-17 December 2005 A conference jointly organised by Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik (SWP), Berlin, the Korean Institute for International Studies (KIIS), Seoul, and the Federal Ministry of Defence, Berlin Discussion Paper Do Note Cite or Quote without Author’s Permission ftung Wissenschaft und Pol Sti Rise of China and the Cross-Strait Relations by Philip Yang National Taiwan University German Institute for International and Security Affairs SWP Ludwigkirchplatz 3–4 10719 Berlin Phone +49 30 880 07-0 Fax +49 30 880 07-100 www.swp-berlin.org In East Asia, the rise of China has dominated most regional policy discussion and deliberation. In almost every field of regional concerns, China’s rise has posed new challenges and brought profound implications. The impacts of China's rise on cross-strait relations are also heatedly discussed in Taiwan’s academia as well as media. China’s surging economy and newfound political clout expand its tool box in handling cross-strait relations and complicate U.S. role in dealing with the cross-strait political and military stalemate. With its missile deployments directed at Taiwan and the adoption of an anti-secession law threatening the use of force to deter Taiwan’s pursuance of de jure independence, China’s coercive cross-strait policy could severely challenge the island and its most important ally, the United States. However, China’s rising economic power and political status in the region have also been translated into a growing pool of “soft” power, affording Beijing increasing leverage on cross-strait issues. -
The Islamic Traditions of Cirebon
Chapter 1: Introduction POINTS OF DEPARTURE: REVIEW OF PREVIOUS STUDIES ¼syncretism is very conspicuous in the religion of Java. This perhaps results from the flexibility of the Javanese people in accepting various incoming religions from the outside world. In historical times, upon their underlying animistic beliefs, Javanese had successively accepted Hinduism, Buddhism, Islam and Christianity, and ªJavanizedº them all. And as can be seen¼worship of various spirits strongly exists in the deep stratum of folk psychology. It is said ¼ among the Javanese: ªSedaya agami sami kemawonº ¼ Although 90% of the inhabitants ¼profess Islam, they all belong to ¼ªwong abanganº, whose Islamic beliefs seem to cover the surface of their traditional concepts. This is well proved by the continuing existence of the various salamatans ¼1 This quotation reflects a view adopted by some Indonesianists who hold as an axiom that Javanese Islam is syncretic. Its basis is a conviction that animism, Hinduism, Buddhism and Islam have formed layers of Javanese culture. From this conviction derives an approach of seeing Javanese Islam as founded on multi-layered syncretism. Everything is then analysed and explained in terms of this `multi layered' schemata. One version of this syncretic argument is championed by Clifford Geertz who developed an abangan-santri-priyayi trichotomy for seeing the socio-religious pattern and development of Java.2 His approach has enjoyed currency among many Indonesianists for the last few decades. Subsequent work on Javanese socio-religious discourse cannot proceed without reference to him. For this reason, I wish to take his work as the focus of my initial discussion.