BLOCK 4 CONTEMPORARY CHALLENGES Unit 13 Reservation Unit 14 Small State Unit 15 Secularism Unit 16 Persistent Inequality

UNIT 13 RESERVATION

Structure 13.1 Objectives 13.2 Introduction 13.3 Need for Reservation 13.4 History of Reservation 13.5 Reservation in Free India 13.6 Debate of Equality vs. Merit 13.7 Committees and Commissions Related to Reservation 13.8 Important Articles of the Constitution Related to the Reservation System 13.9 Important Court Cases Related to Reservation 13.10 Let Us Sum Up 13.11 Questions to Check Your Progress Suggested Readings 13.1 OBJECTIVES

This unit would enable you to understand:

 the history and importance of reservation policy in India;

 the merits and demerits of the reservation system; and

 the Indian Constitutional provisions for the reservation system. 13.2 INTRODUCTION

This unit makes attempt to the learner understand trajectory and importance of reservation policy and merits and demerits of the reservation policy. Finally we will move on to provisions of reservation provided in the Constitution of India. India being a developing nation is currently facing many challenges and reservation is one of them. Reservation is a form of affirmative action. It sets aside a certain percentage of seats in government institutions for backward and under-represented communities. When India got its freedom from the British rule in 1947 and emerged as the largest democracy of the world, it had a herculean task on its hand i.e. taking democracy to the grassroots levels of society. The hard-won freedom would have lost its essence in the absence of equality and dignity assured to all the citizens of the nation. Our Constitution makers recognized quite well that given the diverse social and cultural backgrounds of its people, India needed a policy of positive discrimination to the section of our society which had long been neglected and disparaged so as to enable the downtrodden to improve their status and enter into the mainstream of national development 124 Contemporary Challenges and integration. Accordingly the Constitution provided for protective discrimination under various articles to accelerate the process of building an egalitarian social order. Given the widespread inequality in our social structure, it took many and long debates of our Constitution makers to conclude that the Indian scenario of equality of opportunity should be competition among equals, not unequals. It should treat the like alike and not the alike, like. They entrusted the state with a special responsibility to provide preferential treatment to the weaker sections by providing reservation to them. This was originally fixed for only the first 15 years of independence with the expectation that a single generation would be turned out in 15 years and would become capable of joining the others. But the reservation system has not only managed to survive but has strengthened itself over the years. Now and then India has witnessed various social movements demanding reservation. Given its social, economic and political impact, reservation has become a major issue of discussion, dissension and debate in policy circles in particular and people in general. 13.3 NEED FOR RESERVATION

Reservation traces its origin to the age-old caste system which is the world’s oldest form of social stratification. Caste system originally started as an instrument of division of labour. It divided Hindus into hierarchical groups on the basis of their occupations (karmas). On the top were the Brahmins who were in charge of teaching and education, followed by Kshatriyas entrusted with the responsibility of protection and administration. Next in the hierarchy were Vaishyas who were meant to do business. At the lowest level of the hierarchy were the Shudras who were supposed to do menial jobs. Although originally caste depended upon a person’s work, soon it became hereditary. Each person was born into an unalterable social status. Members of higher castes had a greater social status than those of lower castes. Rooted in religion and based on division of labour, the caste system dictated the type of occupations one could pursue and the social interactions that one could have. With the passing of time it became more rigid and lower castes were prevented from aspiring to climb higher, therefore economic progress became restricted. The system bestowed many privileges to the upper castes while sanctioning repression of the lower castes by the privileged groups. Lower castes were denied basic rights like right to education and right to free movement. This minimised their opportunities for growth. This system remained virtually unchanged for centuries, trapping the people into a fixed social order from which it became impossible to escape. When India got independent it aimed at establishing an egalitarian society based on the principles of liberty, equality and fraternity. Our Constitution gave us the right to freedom but most importantly, to exercise this freedom in an equitable manner. Reservation reflected this principle of equality enshrined in our Constitution because the makers of our Constitution recognized it well that equality is always among equals and to treat unequals as equals is perpetuating inequality. So they emphasized on preferential treatment to certain sections of the society as a compensation for the injustice done to them for centuries. They adopted the policy of positive discrimination so that they could make a discrimination-free society where all have not only equal opportunity but also equal access to these free opportunities for a dignified life. Hence, keeping this in mind, the reservation system was born. Reservation 125

13.4 HISTORY OF RESERVATION

Reservation in India has a history dating back to the pre-independence era. The idea of caste-based reservation was envisioned by William Hunter and Mahatma Jyotiba Phule in 1882. Phule demanded free and compulsory education for all along with proportionate reservation/ representation in government jobs. In the year 1902, Chhatrapati Sahuji Maharaj, Maharaja of Kohlapur in Maharashtra, issued a notification and created 50 per cent reservation in services for backward classes in his state. This notification is the first government order in India providing for reservation. Further in 1909 provisions for separate electorates were made in the Government of India Act, 1909 commonly known as the Morley Minto Reforms. Seats were reserved in legislative bodies on the basis of religion. Separate constituencies were marked for Muslims and only Muslim community members were given the right to elect their representative from that constituency. In 1919 communal representation was extended by the Government of India Act, 1919 and Sikhs, Europeans and Anglo-Indians were included. In 1921 Madras Presidency introduced the Communal Government Order which introduced reservation of seats for the following groups:

 Non-Brahmins (44 per cent)

 Brahmins (16 per cent)

 Muslims (16 per cent)

 Anglo-Indians/ Christians (16 per cent)

 Scheduled Castes (8 per cent). The reservation system got its present shape from the Macdonald Award. In August 1932, British Prime Minister Ramsay Macdonald introduced the Communal Award. In this, separate electorates were introduced not only for Muslims, Sikhs, Indian Christians, Anglo-Indians and Europeans but also for untouchables. Under this system the above mentioned communities were assigned a number of seats to be filled by election from special constituencies in which voters and contestants belonged to these categories only. For example if a constituency was reserved for a person of depressed class then only voters of depressed class of that constituency could vote for him. The implementation of this award would have meant that depressed classes were no more a part of Hinduism but had their separate identity like Muslims and Sikhs. So to save the unity of Hinduism, Mahatma Gandhi fasted unto death in opposition to this award. This award was supported by many minority leaders like B.R. Ambedkar. After lengthy negotiations, in September 1932, they reached a compromise known as Poona Pact. Under this agreement there was a single Hindu electorate with Scheduled Castes having seats reserved within it. It meant that from a Hindu constituency reserved for Scheduled Castes, only a Scheduled Castes candidate could contest the election while all the Hindu voters i.e Scheduled Castes and non-Scheduled Castes would vote in the election. Elections for other religion like Muslims and Sikhs remained separate. It was according to the spirit of this Pact that in 1935 Indian National Congress passed a resolution for allocating separate electorate constituencies for depressed classes. Provisions for reservation were further extended in the Government of India Act of 1935. The Anglo-Indians and Indo-Christians were also given separate electorates. Women were 126 Contemporary Challenges granted reservation in 41 seats in provincial legislatures as well as limited reservation in central legislature. The reservation of seats for depressed classes was also incorporated in this Act. It is important to note that this part of reservation (pre-independence era) was for electoral rights first and education/ job rights second. In this way a sufficient background was ready for reservation to be carried forward when India got Independence in August, 1947. 13.5 RESERVATION IN FREE INDIA

The Constitution of India listed some of the erstwhile groups as Scheduled Castes (SC) and Scheduled Tribes (ST) (their meaning and description is provided later in this unit). These were the groups that were oppressed and denied opportunities in the Indian society. So the Constitution provided certain special provisions to SCs and STs to protect their educational and economic interests. Reservation provided in the Constitution is three- fold:

 Political reservation (Articles 330 and332)

 Reservation in educational institutions (Articles 15(4)and 46)

 Reservation in government jobs (Articles 16(4), 320(4), 333 and335) But for every reservation two conditions have to be fulfilled:

 The said class of citizens is socially and educationally backward

 The said class is not adequately represented On promulgation of the Constitution, 12.5 per cent and 5 per cent seats were reserved for SCs and STs respectively. Since the census of 1951 and 1961 showed increase in their population, on 25 March 1970 the percentage of reservation for SCs and STs was increased and fixed at 15 per cent and 7.5 per cent respectively. In 1963 under M.R. Balaji vs. Mysore AIR 1963, the Supreme Court put a 50 per cent cap on reservation, which meant that no state could increase the reserved posts beyond 50 per cent of the total vacancies. Another important step in the history of reservation system in India was the establishment of Mandal Commission in 1979. This commission was established to assess the situation of socially and educationally backward communities. It introduced a new category of Other Backward Classes (OBCs) and recommended changes to the existing quotas increasing them from 22.5 per cent to 49.5 per cent. In 1990 the VP Singh government accepted and implemented the recommendations of the Mandal Commission. In another historic move in 1995, Parliament passed the 77th Constitutional Amendment and inserted article 16(4) which facilitated reservation in promotion to the SCs and STs. In 2005, the Supreme Court in P.A. Inamdar & Others. Vs. State of Maharashtra & Others. case declared that the state can’t impose its reservation policy on minority and non-minority unaided private institutions including professional institutions. To offset the impact of this judgement, in 2005 itself, Parliament passed the 93rd Constitutional amendment. This opened the way for reservation for other backward classes, SCs and STs in private educational institutions. So at present the total constitutional reservation is 49.5 per cent. Out of this 15 per cent is reserved for SCs, 7.5 per cent for STs and 27 per cent for OBCs. Reservation 127

13.6 DEBATE OF EQUALITY VS. MERIT

The basic idea behind reservation was undoubtedly good as it was meant to build up to a certain level those sections of Indian society that had hitherto been left uncared for. Originally this provision was made for 15 years only but this system has completely changed in the span of the last 69 years and ignited various debates and discussions on its utility, vitality and relevance. It has divided the society into two sections:

 those who support reservation in the name of promoting equality

 those who oppose reservation in the name of merit. Both have their own arguments and viewpoints. The supporters of reservation say that when there are two unequal parties then it is not fair to treat them equally. The existing situation of inequality has to be removed first. Therefore positive discrimination becomes necessary so that they can make use of the opportunities to become equal first. Hence reservation for disadvantaged sections is inevitable for a rapidly developing nation like ours. Those who oppose it on grounds that it affects merit and efficiency, fail to see the stranglehold of the anti-human rights aspect of the caste system. Treating a section of society that remains on the margins, in every possible sense unworthy of being equal, is nothing but a mockery of humanity. Ambedkar had said during a debate in Parliament on the question of efficiency of governance by the system of reservation that, “A representative government is better than an efficient government.”The higher castes have exploited SC and ST families for over 2000 years. Giving representation to just 3 generations is not enough to conquer the loss they have faced over the years. They are still extremely poor in most cases and deserve chance to get educated. Merit makes little sense in a society based on inheritance of private property and on privileges related to birth. Powerful people are at a different starting point from the people who are socially and economically backward. These people reap the reward of the position of power and privilege that their ancestors got as part of their inheritance. So to bring both of them at an equal starting point, reservation is a must. The backward classes have always been denied their rights and hence they deserve reservation. Reservation is not only a means to find jobs but the first step towards power sharing of the deprived. Since India is a democratic country therefore there should be equality among all and through reservation equality is maintained in the real sense. It is through reservation that we treat the equals equally. There are still people in the backward community who have no education. We must give them enough facilities so that they can develop and become equal to the forward classes. The basis for reservation is not economic but social and educational backwardness. It is evident that the structure of hierarchy in the society is so rigid that it can’t be easily broken even through improved economic status. So reservation must be there to equalise society. Before fair competition and equal merit is adopted, we must not forget that the depressed classes too require some amount of cultural capital that comes through inheritance. So, economic status could not be an appropriate parameter until this huge gap is fulfilled. Reservation is not overtaking or bypassing meritorious students from the wrong lane. If they are really meritorious they would be surely selected. Equality should be based on equal parameters and should not be one-sided. 128 Contemporary Challenges

India’s disadvantaged groups have been dominated over for centuries and are still not protected despite numerous laws, so before equality of opportunity a social safety net is needed. It will facilitate more advanced form of equality and a balanced society. So to bring the depressed classes on an equal footing with general category people, reservation is necessary and the only option. Although it is widely accepted that reservation is a tool of positive discrimination and also essential to ensure real equality in the society, a large section of the society has something different to say. They say that reservation is working in the opposite direction to its main objective as it is dividing the society further. It is being used to uplift one section of the society at the cost of another, which is not fair. Moreover the reservation system compromises with merit. It creates a workforce that is not capable enough to compete at the global level. For the same post we choose a less meritorious person ousting a more capable one just because of reservation. To reap the benefits of demographic dividend, India needs capable people for growth and development, but reservation is adding undeserving candidates. To uproot casteism it is important that we fight against the reservation system. A society free of reservations alone will lead us to development, competency, equality and unity. Reservation is actually antithesis of a communal living. To set right the wrongs done to the depressed classes, it is not right to do wrong to general category people of today. This will only increase hatred in the society and divide the society further on the lines of caste. Reservation should only be made on the basis of economic conditions of the people. Many children belonging to forward classes are economically worse off but they get left behind merely by virtue of belonging to the general category. Reservation today is propelling vote bank politics. It is hindering clean politics and thus the growth, development and competency in all aspects. Reservation not only demeans the quality of higher education but it hinders the nation’s progress, selecting less meritorious students while ignoring genuine candidates. It insults people’s ability and intellect directly as it readily allows the system to ignore the really deserving candidates in the name of caste. It does not help the needy but it creates another privileged section which suppresses its own community. It creates a creamy layer within the reserved category. It recognises the caste system in a sophisticated way, in the name of social justice and its inevitable impact is division of society in the name of caste. The reservation system oversimplifies the real condition of upper castes by terming them as privileged. It dishonours the rights of meritorious people and doesn’t recognise fair competition. Reservation is a process against democracy as it discriminates in the name of castes. These people further argue that Hindu society is a caste society but the Indian Constitution is not a caste constitution. So it should not discriminate in the name of caste. Moreover castes can’t be the sole criteria to define backwardness. An individual is underprivileged, not the caste. Unreasonable inclusion and continuation of castes with backward status will further boost discrimination in a new form. Caste conscious measures can’t eliminate caste consciousness. So we need to end this system and find new ways of ensuring synergy between merit and equality. This doesn’t mean that we should forget the disadvantaged. But such sections should be clearly identified. They should be provided with free education, incentives and financial assistance for their development. Once done let them face the true competition. Only this will stop neglect of quality and strengthen Reservation 129 tomorrow’s economy and society so that they possess the necessary resilience and strength to promote equality. 13.7 COMMITTEES AND COMMISSIONS RELATED TO RESERVATION

1) Hunter Committee (1882) was appointed as the first Education Commission in India. Mahatma Jyotiba Phule demanded from it free and compulsory education for all along with proportionate reservation/ representation in government jobs. 2) Kelkar Committee (1953) was established to assess the situation of socially and educationally backward classes. Its recommendations concerning SCs and STs were accepted. 3) Mandal Commission (1979) was established to assess the situation of socially and educationally backward communities. It introduced a new category of Other Backward Classes (OBCs) and recommended changes to the existing quotas increasing them from 22 per cent to 49.5 per cent. 4) Rangnath Commission has recommended 10 per cent reservation for Muslims and 5 per cent for other minorities in government jobs and favoured Scheduled Caste status for Dalits in all religions. 5) Sacchar Committee (2003) was appointed to assess the social, economic and educational situation of Muslim community in India. It recommended reservation for Muslims but its recommendations are not yet implemented. 13.8 IMPORTANT ARTICLES OF THE CONSTITUTION RELATED TO RESERVATION SYSTEM

 Article 15(4): It empowers the State to make any special provision for the advancement of any socially and educationally backward class of citizens or for the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes.

 Article 16(4): It empowers the State to make any provision for the reservation of appointments or posts in favour of any backward class of citizens which, in the opinion of the State, is not adequately represented in the services under the State.

 Article 46: The State shall promote with special care the educational and economic interests of the weaker sections of the people, and, in particular, of the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes, and shall protect them from social injustice and all forms of exploitation.

 Article 330: It provides for reservation of seats in the House of the People for the Scheduled Castes; the Scheduled Tribes except the Scheduled Tribes in the autonomous districts of Assam; and the Scheduled Tribes in the autonomous districts of Assam in proportion to their population.

 Article 332: It provides for the reservation of seats for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in the Legislative Assemblies of the States in proportion to their population. 130 Contemporary Challenges

 Article 335: The claims of the members of the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes shall be taken into consideration, consistently with the maintenance of efficiency of administration, in the making of appointments to services and posts in connection with the affairs of the Union or of a State. 13.9 IMPORTANT COURT CASES RELATED TO RESERVATION

 In 1951 the State of Madras vs. Smt. Champakam Dorairanjan AIR 1951 SC 226, the Supreme Court pronounced that caste-based reservations as per Communal Award violate Article 15(1).1st constitutional amendment (Art. 15 (4)) was introduced to make this judgement invalid.

 In 1963the Supreme Court put a 50 per cent cap on reservations in M R Balaji vs. Mysore AIR 1963 SC 649.

 In 1990 in Syndicate Bank SC&ST Employee Association through its general secretary Sh. K S Badalia & Others vs Union of India & Others, the apex court of the country held that reservation is applicable and available in selection method of promotions of Group-A/class-1 officers up to highest level and the Govt. of India have committed mistake in not giving reservation to SC&ST officers w.e.f. 01st January, 1978.

 In 1992, the Supreme Court in Indira Sawhney & Ors vs Union of India. AIR 1993 upheld Implementation of separate reservation for other backward classes in central government jobs.

 In General Manager, S. Rly. vs. Rangachari AIR 1962, State of Punjab vs. Hiralal 1970, Akhil Bharatiya Soshit Karamchari Sangh (Railway) vs. Union of India 1981, it was held that reservation of appointments or posts under Article 16(4) included promotions. This was however overruled in Indira Sawhney & Ors vs. Union of India AIR 1993 and held that reservations cannot be applied in promotions.

 In S. Vinod Kumar vs. Union of India 1996, it was held that relaxation of qualifying marks and standard of evaluation in matters of reservation in promotion was not permissible. So by the 82nd Constitutional Amendment Act a provision was inserted at the end of Art 335 for the same. 13.10 LET US SUM UP

After going through the arguments of both sides we must admit that reservation is no doubt the best strategy for positive discrimination and bringing the underprivileged in the mainstream of national development. But it is not wrong to admit that somewhere something needs to be changed. It is necessary to place the issue of reservation in a new framework that takes due care of the changes taking place in Indian society and economy. This framework should help us in blending and perfectly balancing quality and equality. Though we can’t say that reservation system has succeeded in fulfilling the role it was entrusted with but at the same time we must admit that it has played a very significant role in streamlining the disadvantaged sections of the society and taking the fruits of democracy to the bottommost strata of the society. So we are left with only one option i.e. continuation of reservation. Reservation 131

With regard to the question as to how long should caste-based reservation be continued there is only one answer – as long as caste system or its evils persist in Indian society and equality comes out of the law books and the Constitution to the daily life, behaviour and thinking of Indian masses. Those who believe in political democracy must believe in social and economic democracy as well or else the goal of establishing an egalitarian society based on liberty, equality and fraternity would remain meaningless. 13.11 QUESTIONS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

1) What do you understand about the history and importance of reservation? 2) What is the role of Ambedkar in reservation? 3) Discuss the Indian constitutional provisions on reservation. 4) How is the reservation system performing? SUGGESTED READINGS

Ambedkar, Babasaheb (1987): Writings and Speeches, Vol. I, Education Department, Government of Maharastra. Chalam, K.S. (2007): Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India, Sage Publication: New Delhi. Galanter, Marc (1984): Competing Inequalities: Law and Backward Classes in India. Oxford University Press: Delhi. Illaiah, Kancha (2006): “Merit of Reservations”, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol.41, No. 24, pp.2447-2449. UNIT 14 SMALL STATES

Structure 14.1 Objectives 14.2 Introduction 14.3 Constitutional Provisions 14.4 History of State Reorganisation in India 14.5 Current Scenario 14.6 Challenges 14.7 Let Us Sum Up 14.8 Questions to Check Your Progress Suggested Readings 14.1 OBJECTIVES

This unit would enable you to understand:

 Distinct position of Indian states in Indian federation;

 The process of state re-organization in India;

 Reasons behind growing demands for small states; and

 Challenges faced by small states. 14.2 INTRODUCTION

In this unit we will attempt to analysis of the distinct position of Indian states in Indian Federation, the process of state reorganisation in India, reasons behind growing demands for small states and challenges faced by small states. India is a federal country having a central government and 29 state governments working according to the division of power mandated by the Indian Constitution. The Indian model of federalism has several differences from the classical federal model one finds in countries like the United States, Canada, and Australia. In fact India is a sui generis federation. Here states are more of administrative units than stakeholders of the federation. Despite having constitutional power, overwhelming concern for nation building and economic reconstruction has resulted into a powerful central government. Here state governments don’t have a right to secede from the federation. In fact their survival, re-structuring and re-organisation depend upon the centre. Bhimrao Ambedkar, the chief architect of the Constitution, explaining the meaning of “Federation of States” in the Constituent Assembly debate, said: ... that though India was to be a federation, the federation was not the result of an agreement by the states to join in a federation and that the federation not being the result Small States 133 of an agreement, no state has the right to secede from it. The federation is a union because it is indestructible. Though the country and the people may be divided into different states for convenience of administration, the country is one integral whole, its people a single people living under a single imperium derived from a single source. ...1 14.3 CONSTITUTIONAL PROVISIONS

Article 1 of the Indian Constitution says, “India, that is Bharat, shall be a Union of States... The territory of India shall comprise: (a) The territories of the States; (b) The Union territories...; and (c) such other territories as may be acquired. ” 2 This means, India has a federal structure with more of unitary features of an indestructible union. All the states of India depend upon the centre for their existence. Articles 2, 3 and 4 enable parliament by law to admit a new state, increase, decrease the area of any state. Article 2 grants two powers to parliament: a) Admission of states which were already existing (i.e. such a state or province was already existing and only brought under the territory of India. b) The power to establish new states (which were not previously under India’s territory). Article 3 of the Indian Constitution addresses the topic of “Formation of new States and alteration of areas, boundaries or names of existing States.” It says: Parliament may by law: a) form a new State by separation of territory from any State or by uniting two or more States or parts of States or by uniting any territory to a part of any State; b) increase the area of any State; c) diminish the area of any State; d) alter the boundaries of any State; e) alter the name of any State: Provided that no Bill for the purpose shall be introduced in either House of Parliament except on the recommendation of the President and unless, where the proposal contained in the Bill affects the area, boundaries or name of any of the States, the Bill has been referred by the President to the Legislature of that State for expressing its views thereon within such period as may be specified in the reference or within such further period as the President may allow and the period so specified or allowed has expired.3 This means an opportunity is given to the State Legislature to express its views within the time allowed; if the State Legislature fails to avail itself of that opportunity, such failure does not invalidate the introduction of the Bill. Nor is there anything in the proviso to indicate that Parliament must accept or act upon the views of the State Legislature. 134 Contemporary Challenges

14.4 HISTORY OF STATE REORGANISATION IN INDIA

After independence, political movements for the creation of new, linguistic-based states developed. The central government became concerned that the states formed solely on a linguistic basis might be unsuitable, and might even pose a risk to national unity. This fear was generated mainly due to the partition of India. On 17 June 1948, Rajendra Prasad, the president of the Constituent Assembly, set up the Linguistic Provinces Commission to recommend whether the states should be reorganized on linguistic basis or not. The committee included:

 S K Dar (retired judge of the Allahabad High Court),

 J N Lal (lawyer) and

 Panna Lall (retired Indian Civil Services officer). In its 10 December 1948 report, the Commission recommended that “the formation of provinces on exclusively or even mainly linguistic considerations is not in the larger interests of the Indian nation”. Soon after the report was published, the Congress, at its Jaipur session, set up the “JVP committee” to study the recommendations of the Dar Commission. The committee, comprised:

 Jawaharlal Nehru

 Vallabhbhai Patel

 Congress president Pattabhi Sitaramayya. The three-member committee felt that supporting such federal demands will come in the way of growth of India as a nation. In its report the Committee stated that the time was not suitable for formation of new provinces, but also stated “if public sentiment is insistent and overwhelming, we, as democrats, have to submit to it, but subject to certain limitations in regard to the good of India as a whole.” Meanwhile violent movement for the creation of Andhra State on linguistic basis started. Backed by the tremendous support from Telugu people for Vishalandhra, on 16 July 1952, P Sundarayya moved a private member’s bill in parliament seeking the formation of a linguistic Andhra state. In this speech, Sundarayya said: Rather than with this kind of multilingual states, the country will be more united once the linguistic reorganisation of states is done… If these demands are not met, the situation will be more volatile.4 But Nehru and the Congress were not convinced and Nehru refused to concede to the demand. On the other hand, dissatisfied with Congress inaction on the demand, Potti Sri Ramulu, a prominent Congress leader from Andhra region, died after 58 days of fast. Sri Ramulu’s death engulfed the entire Andhra in a chaos. Spontaneous protests were so widespread and intense that the central government was forced to give in to the demand and for this purpose brought a bill in parliament on 2 September 1953. Subsequently, on 1 October 1953, 16 northern, Telugu-speaking districts of Madras State became the new state of Andhra. This sparked agitations all over the country, with linguistic groups demanding separate statehoods. Small States 135

In order to reorganise the states, the Government of India constituted the State Reorganisation Commission (SRC) under the chairmanship of Fazal Ali, a former Supreme Court judge. The other two members of the commission were:

 H. N. Kunzru

 K. M. Panikkar. It established a total of 14 states in addition to the UTs. The states were Andhra Pradesh, Assam, Bihar, Bombay, Jammu and Kashmir, Kerala, Madhya Pradesh, Madras, Mysore, Orissa, Punjab, Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh and West Bengal. In 1960, as a result of agitation and violence the Bombay State was reorganised on linguistic lines. The states of Maharashtra and Gujarat were created by bifurcating the state of Bombay.5 With this the strength of the Indian states rose to 15. Dadra and Nagar Haveli was converted into a union territory of India by the 10th Constitutional Amendment Act, 1961. India acquired Goa, Daman and Diu from the Portuguese by means of a police action in 1961. They were constituted as a union territory by the 12th Constitutional Amendment Act, 1962. Later, in 1987, Goa was conferred statehood. Consequently, Daman and Diu was made a separate union territory. In 1963, the state of Nagaland was formed to placate the Nagas, taking the Naga Hills and Tuensang area out of the state of Assam. With this the strength of the Indian states rose to 16.6 In 1966, Parliament passed the Punjab Reorganisation Act after an agitation for the formation of Punjabi Suba. This step was taken on the recommendation of the Shah Commission appointed in April 1966. As a result of this act, the Punjabi-speaking areas were constituted into the state of Punjab; the non-Punjabi speaking areas became Haryana and the hilly areas were merged with the adjoining union territory of Himachal Pradesh. Chandigarh was made a union territory. With the division of Punjab, the strength of states rose to 17.7 In 1972, two union territories, Manipur and Tripura, and the sub-state of Meghalaya got statehood and two additional union territories, Mizoram and Arunachal Pradesh came into being.8 Till 1947, Sikkim was an Indian princely state ruled by Chogyal. In 1947, after the lapse of British supremacy, Sikkim became a ‘protectorate’ of India, whereby the Indian Government assumed responsibility for the defence, external affairs and communications of Sikkim. In 1974, Sikkim expressed its desire for greater association with India. Accordingly, the 35th Constitutional Amendment Act (1974) was enacted by parliament to confer on Sikkim the status of an ‘associate state’ of the Indian Union. The 36th Constitutional Amendment Act (1975) was enacted to make Sikkim a full-fledged state of the Indian Union (the 22nd state). In 1987, three new states of Mizoram, Arunachal Pradesh and Goa came into being as the 23rd, 24th and 25th states respectively. In 2000, Chhattisgarh9, Uttarakhandand10, Jharkhand11 were created out of the territories of Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh and Bihar respectively. These became the 26th, 27th and 28th states of the Indian Union respectively. In 2014, Telangana became the 29th state of India after division of Andhra Pradesh. 136 Contemporary Challenges

14.5 CURRENT SCENARIO

Although many new states have been created since independence on one basis or the other, there is no end of such demands. Across the nation, we witness many such demands on a regular basis. Today, the regions which demand separate statehood include:  Gorkhaland in West Bengal  Kamtapur comprising areas of West Bengal and Assam  Coorg in Karnataka  Mithilanchal in Bihar  Saurashtra in Gujarat  Vidarbha in Maharashtra  Harit Pradesh, Purvanchal, Braj Pradesh and Awadh Pradesh in Uttar Pradesh  Maru Pradesh in Rajasthan  Bhojpur comprising areas of eastern Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and Chhattisgarh  Bundelkhand comprising areas of Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh  a greater Cooch Behar state out of parts of Assam and West Bengal.12 There are various causes behind the ongoing unrest and increasing demands for small states in India. The main reason behind these demands in post-reform era is the backwardness of certain regions among the larger states of India. The establishment of a market economy has opened the floodgates to private capital that has led to increasing regional imbalances and inequalities. This has led to rising demands for creation of small states. The post-reform era has witnessed the growth of regional parties. This has brought underprivileged groups to power, creating new political elites. The coalition governments have given a big say to the regional parties at the national level. Hence the demands of various backward regions cannot go un-noticed nowadays. So we can say that now, more than the language and culture which earlier shaped the process of reorganisation of states, the issues of development, better governance, and participation of masses have become the push factors for these rising demands. 14.6 CHALLENGES

Although small states are demanded in the name of development and better governance but mere creation of small states is not an answer to all the problems of the people of that region. Even a cursory look at how Uttarakhand, Chhattisgarh and Jharkhand have fared will tell us how the mere formation of a smaller state is no guarantee for better lives for those groups for whom these states have been created. Small states have their own challenges which need to be considered before creating any such demand. The foremost challenge before a new small state is that it may find itself lacking in infrastructure i.e. political, administrative, economic and industrial, which requires time, money and effort to build. Mobilizing capital required for such big infrastructure setup is a herculean task, which will add more pressure on the already dwindling fiscal reserves of India. Moreover this increases dependence on central government, which goes against Small States 137 the demand of autonomy, which was the raison d’être for their their creation. Experience has shown that it takes about a decade’s time for new state and its administration to become stable. Various issues of administration like division of assets, funds and civil services cannot be resolved in a short span of time. Their cost is not low and the new state’s performance and its people’s quality of life suffer during the interim period. Creation of small states can trigger ‘partition anxiety’, leading to the rise of regional and linguistic fanaticism which threatens national unity and integrity.13 So the creation of small states can lead to increased regionalism or parochialism which can fuel separatist sub- national tendencies. Some of the demands are based purely on irredentist claims, for example, the demand for Gorkhaland on ethno-linguistic grounds. Smaller states give way to the empowerment of regional parties. The problem with more small states is that they will throw up more regional parties which can risk the stability of the Centre, since, the more the number of regional parties, the more likely will be fragmented mandates in general elections and hence instability. It may ultimately lead to balkanisation of India. Self-sufficiency is a big challenge before small states. A small state is likely to have limited natural and human resources available to it. Moreover, it will lack the kind of agro- climatic diversity required for economic and developmental activities. All these factors would only make it more dependent on the Centre for financial transfers and centrally- sponsored schemes. Taking the example of Telangana, after the division, Telangana became a landlocked state by losing out on major ports, coastline, golden quadrilateral and major railway freight corridors. Although theoretically, it can be concluded that smaller state means more funds, better spending, more vigilance, and more development, but, in reality it may not work in this manner. A smaller state may lose the benefit it was getting from being a part of a big state such as:

 Waiver of certain duties,

 benefits of state schemes and

 resources unavailable within the smaller state. Now the small state will have to buy them from other states. This may create burden on the already strained new economy of the small state. If states are divided on the basis of religion, caste, creed, language, culture etc., our motto of “Unity in Diversity” will lose its essence. Such divisions cause more hatred amongst the states, which is not favourable for inter-state tourism as well as trade. Dividing India on such fragile factors can only lead to anarchy. The creation of smaller states will dilute the Centre’s control, as there will be numerous smaller units to keep a check on, and hence more work for the already burdened Centre. It will have serious consequences on the federal structure of the country and ultimately lead to poor administration. Further, we cannot always cure poor administration by making new states. Jharkhand, formed in 2000, has worse due to political instability. Small states will lack access to major markets. Smaller size of markets means lesser diversification in products and exports. One dominant activity tends to be replaced by another, which makes them vulnerable to changes in national and global trade environment. High transport costs make it harder for them to make Indian markets compensate for the small size of their own state markets. The openness of their small markets means they are 138 Contemporary Challenges majorly exposed to developments in the Indian and global markets, over which they have little influence. Small states are more vulnerable to external events like natural disasters, which cause extreme volatility in state income and affect the entire population. In today’s globalised world, Indians need to think globally, but small states make them think regionally, even sub-regionally. Small states divide people on language, social, political, and economic grounds. Many of the small states, since created out of backward regions have weak educational institutions, especially in higher education. Most students go to other states for higher education and do not return home for work because of weak career prospects. This results in intellectual loss and social disturbance. Small states also face a challenge as to their administrative capacity. It is very tough for administration to be impersonal and impartial. In smaller states, as administration goes local, close contacts with people push politicians and bureaucrats into informal and flexible work ethics. They begin to bend rules to favour people they know. This makes everything illegitimate and irrelevant. Politicians and bureaucrats begin to focus on avoiding conflict to survive in a smaller state. This mars the innovations necessary for the development of small states, hence creating administrative stagnancy and even downfall. Smaller states (like the mineral-rich Chhattisgarh and Jharkhand) are often viewed as being much more vulnerable to the pressures of corporations and multi-nationals due to their small scale economies and the greed of the newly emergent regional elite. Such states often have limited capacity in private and public spheres. Private players may see smaller states as more risky than larger states. Smaller private sector could mean lesser competition and lesser development. When new states are being created, and if a majority of the people in the new state belong to a particular language or religion or caste, care should be taken to ensure that it should not lead to situations of unrest or where the minorities start to feel left out or the minorities migrate to other states. 14.7 LET US SUM UP

In sum up you have learned about the distinct position of Indian states in Indian Federation, the process of state reorganisation in India, reasons behind growing demands for small states and challenges faced by small states. Smaller states are not a panacea for all the problems of governance and development. Neither can they resolve the issues faced by various regions. It is proven that both large and small states have fared well and the poor performance is not necessarily linked to size. Larger states may be more viable, economically and administratively, to serve the people, achieve planned development and face the challenges of globalisation. If the administration in a large state suffers from inefficiencies, we can adopt technological solutions for that and bring development even in far flung areas of large states. New innovative programs such as Digital India help us in that. In fact, there is already a proper system including Gram Panchayat, District Collector, etc. to administer the smaller regions within states. This machinery, which works at the ground level, will still be the same and ultimately will be at the functional end of governance. The creation of smaller states won’t improvise much as the system of checks and balances is already in place. As far as language, dialect and cultural issues are concerned, there cannot ever be an end to such demands, given the wide range of diversity in India. So instead of fragmenting Small States 139

India in the name of under-development by creating unviable smaller states we must focus on delivering good governance across all regions and sections of the society. This will help in stopping proliferation of such demands and strengthen united India. 14.8 QUESTIONS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS 1) What do you mean by state reorganisation? 2) What is the process of state formation in India? 3) Why India is called a “Union of States” and not a federation? 4) What are the reasons behind the growing demands for small and separate states? 5) What are the challenges faced by small states? 6) What do you mean by regional backwardness? SUGGESTED READINGS

Ashutosh Kumar, Does India need smaller states? Retrieved from:http://www.lokniti.org/ pdfs_dataunit/A.Kumar.pdf REFERENCES

1) Manmeet Singh. Creation of New States, 10 July 2015. Retrieved fromhttp:// www.legalservicesindia.com/article/article/creation-of-new-states-1858-1.html 2) Article 1, Constitution of India 3) Article 3, Constitution of India 4) K Veeraiah, The Question of Linguistic States and Its Historical Setting, People’s Democracy, Vol. XXXIV, No. 03, January 17, 2010, Retrieved from http:// archives.peoplesdemocracy.in/2010/0117_pd/01172010_16.html 5) J.C. Aggarwal, S.P. Agrawal. Uttarakhand: Past, Present, and Future. New Delhi: Concept Publishing, 1995. pp. 89–90. 6) “Nagaland History & Geography-Source”. India.gov.in. Retrieved 17 June 2013. 7) “The Punjab Reorganisation Act 1966” (PDF). India.gov.in. Retrieved 17 June 2013. 8) “Snapshot of North Eastern States” (PDF). thaibicindia.in. Retrieved 17 February 2016. 9) “Chhattisgarh state - History”. Cg.gov.in. Retrieved 17 June 2013. 10) “About Us: Uttarakhand Government Portal, India”. Uk.gov.in. 9 November, 2000. Retrieved 17 June 2013. 11) “Official Website of Government of Jharkhand”. Jharkhand.gov.in. Retrieved 17 June 2013. 12) Ashutosh Kumar. “Exploring the Demand for New States” Economic and Political Weekly Vol. 45, No. 33 (August 14-20, 2010), pp. 15-18 13) Dr. S.B. Phad. “Demands for New Small States: A Challenge to Indian Federalism,” Shabd Braham ISSN 2320 – 0871, 17 October 2013 Retrieved from http:// shabdbraham.com/ShabdB/archive/v1/i12/sbd-V1-i12-sn1.pdf UNIT 15 SECULARISM

Structure 15.1 Objectives 15.2 Introduction 15.3 Relation between Democracy and Secularism 15.4 Ambedkar and Secularism 15.5 Indian Constitution and Secularism 15.6 Let Us Sum Up 15.7 Questions to Check Your Progress Suggested Readings 15.1 OBJECTIVES

This unit would enable you to understand:

 the conceptual debate on secularism;

 Secularism and its relationship with democracy in India; and

 Ambedkar’s views on secularism. 15.2 INTRODUCTION

In this unit we will discuss the conceptual debate on secularism and its relationship with democracy in India and Ambedkar’s views on secularism. Secularism is a concept that explains the relationship between state and religion. Historically, secularism emerged as a viable alternative in Europe, for political governance which aimed to provide institutional arrangements to resolve the contradiction between religion and politics. Some states declare themselves as states with no religion of their own, while several others derecognize it. Secularism thus also indicates a normative position about the relation between state, religion and individual. The term ‘secular’ connotes contradictory yet significant meanings with regards to state policy. In scholarly usage across the world and in practice it differs. Sometimes, secularism is discussed in the context of providing citizenship rights to minorities, while sometimes, secularism initiates debates on the communalization of polity. As one moves through the diverse debates and theorizations of secularism,1it makes sense to understand it as Craig Calhoun rightly suggests, ‘secularism is not about absence but presence.’2 Classic secularization theory in social sciences emerged in the writings of Talcott Parsons and Bryan Wilson who interpreted the foundational works of Emile Durkheim and Max Weber. They argued that with the onset of modernization, religion would sink to the private sphere and due to the universal values of equality-liberty under the umbrella concept of modernity, a new social order would spread as part of a wider social transformation. These arguments were challenged with the growth of societies and also due to their ethnocentric and hegemonic claims. Secularism 141

While social theorists have been explaining the social grounds of religion, atheists have criticized religion for being responsible for most atrocities and killings in the world. Marx, in the popular phrase, saw religion as ‘opium of masses’ and Nietzsche announced the end of the theological conception of the world order with his phrase “God is dead.” If we see the larger socio-historical context, it becomes clear that secularism has emerged as a crucial phenomenon for social and political order worldwide. However, sociologists distinguish between secularism and secularization to avoid any conceptual confusion. Secularism, it is assumed that, tends to follow the secularization of society. Similarly, it is argued that secularization is essential for the adaptation of secularism as state policy. But, one major crucial difference, according to sociologist Dipankar Gupta, is that secularization is about a process and secularism is more like an ideology or worldview.3 As we move across the scholarship on secularism, diverse understandings and theories can be unearthed. The question then is: can we defend secularism, given its rather weak performance in standing up to the political and moral values that define it? In India, the debate has produced enormous implications for social and political life. As a post-colonial state, India began with its unique constitutional arrangements and provisions wherein multiple religions could flourish without any one being marginalized. Attention is required to understand the critical role of the architects of the Constitution with respect to the phenomenon of secularism built into the Constitution. This unit focuses on the contribution of B. R. Ambedkar in the making of a secular and democratic India. 15.3 RELATION BETWEEN DEMOCRACY AND SECULARISM

Various studies have shown that secularism has a fundamental link with modern democracies and practices of citizenship. Secularism involves the interrelation between state, religion and individual. The dynamics becomes interesting and significant as the relation between these three elements is articulated through state and policy provisions. These provisions can be revised according to time and space fixtures. We will discuss these issues in the section on Ambedkar’s thoughts on this problem, but first let’s see how the relation between democracy and secularism has been problematized by some of the major social and political theorists. In his lucid and thought-provoking work, Modern Social Imaginaries (2003), Charles Taylor shows how modern societies involve a ‘social imaginary’4 which marks the shift from hierarchical societies to horizontal societies. In the former, the access to societal development is mediated by ascriptive memberships i.e. caste, religion and ethnicity, while in the latter, the access is direct via citizenship rights. There are no mediated zones which act as interlocutor between state, civil society and citizens in terms of access to education, health and public life. Hence, horizontal societies mark the erosion of privilege and make social and economic resources available to ordinary people without any agencies such as kings or priests. For Taylor, therefore, this kind of social imaginary concentrates more on individual as a citizen than as a religious person. For Taylor, to establish modern democracies, a political form of secularism is crucial. In his most celebrated work, A Secular Age (2007), he once again tries to establish the radical pluralism via conceptualizing a secular world where the idea of god is not uprooted or rejected but it becomes one of the many options for individuals. Interestingly, in India religious pluralism is more than celebrated in comparison to secularism. 142 Contemporary Challenges

In political terms, the question of separate electorates for minorities was raised by Ambedkar which, however, was opposed by the political elites of that time. The underlying idea was that there is an inseparable link between secularism and democracy; for instance, in any democracy, no one can agree that power should be concentrated in one institution. If people who command authority in religious affairs are at the helm of political decisions then democratic values are bound to be undermined. Therefore, as Ambedkar reminds us for the sake of democracy, no single community in a country of diverse cultures, castes and races, can claim absolute majority in political affairs. 15.4 AMBEDKAR AND SECULARISM

B. R. Ambedkar was one of the chief architects of the Constitution of India. Ambedkar’s vision of building a democratic and egalitarian society becomes significant today when we are experiencing communalization of the public sphere and rising caste violence in India. He had anticipated the crises for social democracy and therefore sought to establish an egalitarian character of state and particularly the Constitution. Ambedkar had thought about the issue of secularism much before the constitutional provisions were made. For instance, as we go through his address to All-India Scheduled Castes Federation session (held on 6 May 1945), we find significant building blocks of his idea of secularism. While raising his apprehensions over the Cripps Constituent Assembly and Sapru Constituent Assembly, Ambedkar talks about finding a solution to majority and minority rules for representation. Ambedkar then puts forward his approach to solve the communal problem: 1) define the governing principles 2) apply these principles equally to all constituents. He challenges the then existing methods to cater to this problem and proposes his approach on the same. His three-tier approach includes the following5: i) representation in the Legislature ii) representation in the Executive iii) representation in the services. Individual and Community Rights The concern for liberal justice and formulating constitutional provisions for individual rights is reflected in the section on fundamental rights. The significance of civil liberties, which were the basis for social movements of 1960s and 1970s, was already understood by Ambedkar and other political elites during the deliberations on the Constitution. For instance, the concern for community rights is more than evident in the provisions (e.g. article 334 and 335) for affirmative actions. Indeed these attempts demonstrate the influence of liberal intellectuals such as John Dewey (on reconciling individual liberties and community rights) on the thoughts of Ambedkar. Ambedkar knew very well that Indian society was hierarchically organised by the caste system and thus required individual liberties along with special provisions for minorities to progress socially and economically. The strategy was to recognize and affirm the community’s cultural differences via their real representation in polity and economy. This is quite evident from the debates in the Constituent Assembly. Secularism 143

Majority and Minority Debate Ambedkar systematically argued for solving the majority-minority complex and ‘majority tyranny’ on the rights of minorities. He upheld the principle of real representation instead of nominal representation in legislature, executive and public services simultaneously. Ambedkar eloquently says: The principle which should be adopted is that the representation of the Hindus, the Muslims and the Scheduled Castes should be equal to the quantum of their representation in the Legislature.6 Further, he provides a detailed explanation of his principle which provides for secularism in polity, bureaucracy, and judiciary. Regarding the representation of different communities, and specially minorities, Ambedkar’s following three points are worth mentioning: 77Ambedkar’s explanation for proposing certain principles to resolve communal discrimination and hegemony, ibid, pp.374. 1) Relative majority of representation given to a majority community in the legislature should not be so large as to enable the majority to establish its rule with the help of the smallest minorities. 2) The distribution of seats should be so made that a combination of the majority and one of the major minorities should not give the combine such a majority as to make them imperious to the interest of the minorities. 3) The weightage taken from the majority should be distributed among the minorities in inverse proportion to their social standing, economic position and educational condition so that a minority which is large and which has a better social, educational and economic standing gets a lesser amount of weightage than a minority whose numbers are less and whose educational, economic and social position is inferior to that of the others. These propositions are indicative of the sharp knowledge of facts and genuine understanding of societal structure that Ambedkar had on the issue of communal discrimination and domination of minorities. He had foreseen how Hindu majority might pit itself against the others and particularly against Muslims and Dalits. It also hints how Ambedkar has contributed to developing a unique form of secularism in the Indian context. One can even draw a parallel between B. R. Ambedkar, John Rawls and Jurgen Habermas. All the three advocate that for the public sphere to become secular, one has to focus on just procedures (via constitutional provisions and normative presuppositions) rather than only problematizing the essentialist argument of ‘goodness’. He reminds us in his writings that we need to differentiate between what he calls ‘political majority’ and ‘communal majority’. In his words: In India, the majority is not a political majority. In India the majority is born; it is not made. That is the difference between a communal majority and a political majority.8 In other words, Indian version of secularism, as reflected in the thoughts of Ambedkar, did not develop in ignorance of the European or American secularism but through a critical dialogue with them. Ambedkar knew it too well that secularism becomes a reality only when there is legal intolerance of the religious intolerance. 144 Contemporary Challenges

15.5 INDIAN CONSTITUTION AND SECULARISM

Though the Indian Constitution did not mention of the term ‘secular’ till 1976, it had several aims and provisions for the establishment of India as a secular country. The debates in the Constituent Assembly have been a source of crucial discussions and implementation of secular practices in the state policy. Understandably, the context of Partition and subsequent massive communal violence shaped the imagination of the Constitution makers. Hence a public discourse on ‘privatization of religion’ was formally avoided and instead emphasis lay on level-playing field for all religions. As an effect of that social context, state provisions were focused on ‘socio-economic’ markers of backwardness and not on identity. With the experience of communal clashes and problems of minorities, Indian politicians brought in the provision of declaring India as a secular republic by the 42nd Amendment to the Preamble in 1976. Even in the Constitution, we find the interpretation of secular republic via certain provisions i.e. Article 25 to 28 of Part-III that guarantee fundamental rights. For instance:

 Article 25 provides the freedom to confess, freedom and right to practice and propagate any religion, freedom to conscience, which is subjected to public order.

 Article 26 provides freedom to manage one’s own religious affairs.

 Article 28 forbids the state to wholly maintain any religious institution through its funds. In a way, the idea of secularism implicit in the Constitution of India is distinctive in character and marks a unique balance between ‘equal respect to religion’ and ‘equal distance from religion’ on the one hand and between individual and community rights on the other. Secularism as imagined in the Constitution has neither erected any concrete wall of separation between state and religion nor pressed for the privatized notion of religion. Thus, religious pluralism may be the first step for establishing a secular state, but the necessary point is what comes next. The academic debates problematize the notion of equality of all religions in practice and how should this equality look like. As has been discussed, it is only with the foregrounding of citizenship that secularism appears on the scene and hence the success of secularism also relies on the systematic implementation of laws. 15.6 LET US SUM UP

The above discussion informs us that the debate on secularism in the writings and thoughts of Ambedkar is relevant for contemporary times though it also alerts us that principles of secularism cannot be abstracted out of a historical context and imposed on other societies. The discussion also raises important questions for further research. For instance, how do we understand secularism as a concept if one cannot abstract it out of the historical context where it is embedded. Even then secularism, the way it has been imagined in Constitution provides a normative ground for contemporary polity in India. 15.7 QUESTIONS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

1) What is secularism and why it is important to understand today? Secularism 145

2) Discuss the characteristics of secular democracy? 3) What are the major problems in practicing secularism in India? 4) What kind of institutional arrangement does secularism require and how these provisions can be updated in changing times? SUGGESTED READINGS

Bhargava, Rajeev (ed.). Secularism and its Critics. New Delhi: OUP,1998. Gupta, Dipankar. ‘Secularisation and Minoritisation: Limits of Heroic Thought’. Economic and Political Weekly 30(35), 1995. pp. 2203 – 2207. Moon, Vasant.Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches. Vol.1. New Delhi: Dr. Ambedkar Foundation. Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment. Government of India, 2014.

End Notes

1 For instance, Jose Casanova talks about increasing differentiation of private and public religions on the one hand and the differentiation of secular spheres in general (state/economy/education etc.). For further details see Jose Casanova.‘Private and Public Religions,’Social Research. 59(1),1992, pp.17 – 57.

2 Craig Calhoun discusses this possibility of conceptualizing secularism in his article, see Craig Calhoun.‘Rethinking Secularism,’The Hedgehog Review. 12, 2010, pp.35 – 48.

3 As Dipankar Gupta differentiates between secularism and secularization in his article, see Gupta, Dipankar. 1995. ‘Secularisation and Minoritisation: Limits of Heroic Thought’. Economic and Political Weekly. 30(35), pp. 2203 – 2207.

4 Ambedkar criticizes the eyewash of these two constituent assemblies for their claim to solve the religious problem of communities. See, Moon, Vasant. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches. Vol.1. New Delhi: Dr. Ambedkar Foundation. Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment. Government of India, 2014.

5 Moon, Vasant.Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches. Vol.1. New Delhi: Dr. Ambedkar Foundation. Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment. Government of India, 2014. p.367

6 Ambedkar makes a case for representation with following this principle in three spheres as mentioned i.e. Public Services, Executive and Legislature. For further details, see the Part IV and Chapter 9 titled ‘Communal Deadlock and a Way to Solve it’ in Moon, Vasant.Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches. Vol.1. New Delhi: Dr. Ambedkar Foundation. Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment.Government of India, 2014. pp.368.

7 Ambedkar’s explanation for proposing certain principles to resolve communal discrimination and hegemony, ibid, pp.374.

8 In his note to Hindus, Ambedkar tried to argue that the majority Hindus should understand the ‘rule of unanimity’ which is applicable in jury, pp. 376. UNIT 16 PERSISTENT INEQUALITY

Structure 16.1 Objectives 16.2 Introduction 16.3 Deprivation and Inequality 16.4 Scheduled Castes Population 16.5 Scheduled Castes, Literacy and Education 16.6 Patterns of Work Participation of Scheduled Castes 16.6.1 Declining Work Participation as Cultivators 16.6.2 Increasing Work Participation as Agricultural Labourers and Marginal Workers 16.6.3 Representation of Scheduled Castes in Government Jobs 16.7 Health Status of the Scheduled Castes 16.8 Patterns of Integration of Scheduled Castes with the Emerging Knowledge Society in India 16.9 Increasing Crime against Scheduled Castes 16.10 Let Us Sum Up 16.11 Questions to Check Your Progress Suggested Readings 16.1 OBJECTIVES

This unit would enable you to understand:

 analyse the relation between deprivation and inequality;

 elaborate on the demographic profile of Scheduled Castes population in India;

 explain the pattern of work participation of Scheduled Castes;

 examine their status in government jobs; and

 narrate the pattern of integration of Scheduled Castes with the emerging knowledge society in India. 16.2 INTRODUCTION

This unit focuses on the dynamics of persistent inequality of Scheduled Castes in Indian society. Many dimensions of social inequality and stratification are historically inherited. These are also situationally related. For example, people with low social status usually have a low economic and political status. Many times one aspect of social status or deprivation is reinforced by another aspect of social deprivation. Neither the broad process of social transformation from agrarian to industrial to knowledge society, nor the state-sponsored development initiatives have been able to alter the prevailing pattern of Persistent Inequality 147 inequality in Indian society. These have rather paved the way for persistent inequality and marginalization of a vast section of population in society. Significantly, many of the bases of these inequalities have remained legitimized within the traditional institutional arrangements and are reproduced through their everyday existence. 16.3 DEPRIVATION AND INEQUALITY

India is essentially a caste-based unequal society. Though the constitution of India has propagated an egalitarian society and calls for equal treatment of all citizens of India irrespective of their caste, colour, race, language, class and gender, social inequality has remained an integral part of everyday social reality in India. The constitutional and legislative measures for social equality and the state-sponsored development initiatives, though have questioned the bases of these inequalities, have not been able to eradicate the root cause of the same. Rather, many facets of social inequality continue in one form or the other through several discriminatory practices. These phenomena force a vast segment of the society to remain socially marginalized, economically deprived and politically disempowered. These inequalities became cumulative and persistent, especially for those sections of the population who have been the victims of historical social injustice for centuries. Scheduled Castes (SC) in India are one of such deprived and marginalized segments of society who have remained victims of persistent inequality in society despite several constitutional and legislative provisions that are made for their uplift in society. Within the limited space of this unit it is impossible to highlight all dimensions of their inequality in society. Hence we will focus on some of the key dynamics of their persistent inequality such as the following:

 unequal spread of their population across the country

 low access to productive resources

 high concentration in manual and low-paying jobs

 low rate of literacy

 lack of capacity building

 under representation in decision-making positions in organisations

 lack of effective integration with society in spite of human developmental initiatives. 16.4 SCHEDULED CASTES POPULATION

Numerical strength is an important indicator of status of a social group in society. For social groups living in the lower rung of social hierarchy, such strength helps not only to consolidate their cultural, social and political identity but also to protect them from unwanted social injustice and discrimination in society. Hence from the point of view of a Scheduled Castes activist, it is always important to know the level of Scheduled Castes population concentration and segregation in society. It is important that over the decades, both in proportion and in absolute number, the strength of scheduled caste population has increased. In the 1960s and 1970s they formed 13% of the population. According to the 2011 census, there are altogether 20,13,78,086 Scheduled Castes, 148 Contemporary Challenges

altogether forming 16.6 % of the total population of the country. It has grown by 17.7% over the last decade. They altogether constitute 16.6% of the rural and 18.5% of the urban population in India. However they are unevenly spread across the country. For example, high concentration of Scheduled Castes are found in the following states:  Punjab: 31.9%  West Bengal: 23.5%  Himachal Pradesh: 25.2%  Uttar Pradesh: 20.7%  Haryana: 20.2%  Uttaranchal: 17.9%  Rajasthan: 17.2%  Tripura: 17.4% Very thin concentration of Scheduled Castes is found in the following states:  Mizoram: 0.1 %  Meghalaya: 0.6%  Goa: 1.7% The details of the spread of Scheduled Castes population in the country are given in Table 2. States with a relatively higher concentration of Scheduled Castes population have seen them emerge as a viable political force either as a group or through the formation of political alliances with other political forces. However the nature of such political emergence and the formation of political alliance are dependent on the formation of Scheduled Castes leadership, and organisation and collective mobilization in these areas. Table 1: SC Population in India*

Indicator Absolute Percentage Growth rate (2001-11) 2001 2011 2001 2011 Total Population Total 1,02,86,10,328 1,21,05,69,448 100.0 100.0 17.7 Rural 74,23,02,537 83,34,78,086 16.2 16.6 12.3 Urban 2863,07,791 37,71,06,125 17.9 18.5 31.7 Scheduled Castes Total 16,66,35,700 20,13,78,086 16.2 16.6 20.8 Rural 13,30,10,878 15,38,50,562 17.9 18.5 15.7 Urban 3,36,24,822 4,75,27,524 11.7 12.6 41.3 Scheduled Tribes Total 8,43,26,240 10,42,81,034 8.2 8.6 23.7 Rural 7,73,38,597 9,38,19,162 10.4 11.3 21.3 Urban 69,87,643 1,04,61,872 2.4 2.8 49.7

*Source : Census of India 2011 Persistent Inequality 149

Table 2a: Spread of SC Population 2011 (Top 5)*

State/Union Percentage Territory# Punjab 31.9 Himachal Pradesh 25.2 West Bengal 23.5 Uttar Pradesh 20.7 Haryana 20.2

*Source : Census of India 2011 Table 2b: Spread of SC Population 2011 (Bottom 5)*

State/Union Percentage Territory# Mizoram 0.1 Meghalaya 0.6 Goa 1.7 D & N Haveli # 1.8 Daman & Diu # 2.5

*Source : Census of India 2011 16.5 SCHEDULED CASTES, LITERACY AND EDUCATION

Literacy and education are important indicators of the status of a group or an individual in society. In the changing world, human population is no more considered a liability but a resource, provided these human minds are cultivated with proper education and training. As India stands today on the threshold of a knowledge society, the scope, condition and extent of education for each and every section of society has emerged to be of paramount importance. However in India, historically not all sections of population have had equal access to education. As per the dictum of various orders, different castes were meant to perform specific work:

 the Brahmins were meant for education

 the Kshatriyas were meant for ruling and administration

 the Vaishyas were meant for business

 the Shudras were meant for service

 Scheduled castes (fifth varna). The Antaja had no scope to enter into the domain of education, learning and training. Hence vast segments of Scheduled Castes remained illiterate and uneducated, historically deprived of the scope of integration with the wider society and of upward mobility. Although several provisions were made for the educational well-being of Scheduled Castes in independent India, they have always lagged behind the upper social categories in their literacy rate. The following table shows the overall literacy rates vs. the literacy rates among Scheduled Castes over the decades: 150 Contemporary Challenges

Table 3: Literates & Literacy Rate among Scheduled Castes*

Year Literacy rate (%) Literacy rate among Scheduled Castes (%) 1961 24 10.3 1971 29.5 14.7 1981 36.2 21.4 1991 52.2 37.4 2001 64.8 54.7 2011 73 66.1 *Source : Census of India 1961, 1971, 1981, 1991, 2001 and 2011 As shown in Table 4 while the overall literacy rate for the country was 73% in 2011, it was 66.1% for Scheduled Castes. While in the rural and urban areas, the overall literacy rates were 67.8% and 84.1%, for Scheduled Castes, these were to the extent of 62.8% and 76.2% respectively. However over the decade (2001 to 2011) the literacy rate of Scheduled Castes has increased from 54.7% to 66.1%. There are several reasons for the low rate of literacy among Scheduled Castes. Some of them are the following:

 household poverty pushing parents to withdraw children from school

 lack of schools in remote areas

 lack of motivation for learners

 lack of motivated teachers

 lack of women teachers in rural areas

 caste-based discrimination in schools

 lack of local language and local illustrations in text books

 atrocities against Scheduled Castes students. Table 4: Literates & Literacy Rate (Persons)*

Indicator Literates Effective Literacy Rate 2001 2011 2001 2011 Total Population Total 56,06,87,797 76,34,98,517 64.1 73.0 Rural 36,17,36,601 48,26,53,540 58.7 67.8 Urban 19,89,51,196 28,08,44,977 79.9 84.1 Scheduled Castes Total 7,53,18,285 11,37,59,907 54.7 66.1 Rural 5,58,06,266 8,20,20,232 51.2 62.8 Urban 1,95,12,019 3,17,39,675 68.1 76.2

*Source : Census of India 2011 Persistent Inequality 151

Table 5: Literacy Rate (Persons)*

State/Union Percentage State/Union Percentage Territory# Territory# Top 5 Bottom 5 Scheduled Castes Daman & Diu # 92.6 Bihar 48.6 Mizoram 92.4 Jharkhand 55.9 Tripura 89.4 Rajasthan 59.7 D & N Haveli # 89.4 Uttar Pradesh 60.9 Kerala 88.7 Andhra Pradesh 62.3

*Source : Census of India 2011 State initiatives such as the following have contributed significantly to the increase in literacy rate among Scheduled Castes in India:

 scholarships and hostels for Scheduled Castes students,

 mid-day meals for school-going children,

 total literacy mission and

 Right to Education. The Scheduled Castes, however, is not a homogenous category. There are several Scheduled Castes who are relatively ahead of others in their achievements in literacy and education. Similarly there are some states with higher rates of literacy among Scheduled Castes. These are union territory Daman and Diu with a literacy of 92.6%, and states Mizoram (92.4%), Tripura (89.4%), and Kerala (88.7%) where Scheduled Castes have high literacy rates. Literacy rate of Scheduled Castes is low in states like Bihar (48.6%) and Jharkhand (55.9%). Table 6: Gender Gap in Literacy Rate*

Indicator Literacy Rate Literacy Rate Gender Gap (Male) (Females) 2001 2011 2001 2011 2001 2011 Total Population Total 75.3 80.9 53.7 64.6 21.6 16.3 Rural 70.7 77.2 46.1 57.9 24.6 19.3 Urban 86.3 88.8 72.9 79.1 13.4 9.7 Scheduled Castes Total 66.6 75.2 41.9 56.5 24.7 18.7 Rural 63.7 72.6 37.8 52.6 25.9 20.0 Urban 77.9 83.3 57.5 68.6 20.4 14.7

*Source : Census of India 2001 and 2011 Significantly, over the decades, the gaps between the overall literacy rate and the Scheduled Castes literacy rate as well as between the overall male-female literacy rate and the Scheduled Castes male-female literacy rate have declined. Within the Scheduled 152 Contemporary Challenges

Castes group, the gap between the male and female literacy rate has also declined. See Table 6 for the details. 16.6 PATTERNS OF WORK PARTICIPATION OF SCHEDULED CASTES

Work participation is an important indicator of one’s status in society. In fact it is through work participation that a member of society enters into a work relation and links himself or herself to the society. He or she also finds a meaning of existence in society through work participation. However work participation is hierarchically arranged in Indian society. As the outcastes of the ‘Varna’ model of the Hindu society, Scheduled Castes are engaged in stigmatized manual work. Besides, due to lack of literacy, skill and knowledge of alternative livelihood options, they have remained predominantly engaged in those varieties of work that are not only demeaning and stigmatized but are also health hazardous, low paying and disempowering. Notwithstanding such stigmatization, low pay and health hazardousness, Scheduled Castes have always contributed to the smooth functioning of society through their work participation. Significantly, their work participation was conditioned by their social and economic compulsions and lack of mobility in society. Table 7: Work Participation rate of Scheduled Castes*

Indicator Work Participation Rate 2001 2011 Total Population Total 39.1 39.8 Rural 41.7 41.8 Urban 32.3 35.3 Scheduled Castes Total 40.4 40.9 Rural 42.5 42.4 Urban 32.1 35.9

*Source : Census of India 2011 However, despite such situation, Scheduled Castes have a higher rate of work participation than the overall Indian population. Table 7 shows that while at the all India level overall work participation rate is 39.8%, for Scheduled Castes it is 40.9%. In rural and urban areas, while the overall work participation rates are 41.8% and 35.3%, among Scheduled Castes these are 42.4% and 35.9% respectively. The rate of work participation has gradually increased among them. However the higher rates of work participation are reflective of higher concentration of Scheduled Castes workers in the low-paying, insecure and under employed jobs. These phenomena are widely reflected in their:  declining work participation as main workers (who get employment for more than 180 days in a year), cultivators and household industry workers;  increasing work participation as marginal workers (who do not get employment for more than 180 days in a year), agricultural labourers and other category workers. Table 8 clearly shows that while 75.2% of all workers in India are engaged as main workers, 70.7% of Scheduled Castes workers work as main workers. Significantly, their proportion of main workers has declined from 73% in 2001 to 70.7% in 2011. It has also significantly declined in both rural and urban areas. Persistent Inequality 153

However their work participation as marginal workers has increased over the decades. There is also higher proportion of marginal workers among them than the overall trend. While at the overall level 24.8% of Indian workers are marginal workers, for Scheduled Castes 29.3% are marginal workers.

 In 2001, 27% of Scheduled Castes workers were marginal workers; in 2011, 29.3% of Scheduled Castes workers were marginal workers.

 In 2001, 29.4% of Scheduled Castes rural workers were marginal workers; in 2011, 32.8% of Scheduled Castes rural workers were marginal workers.

 In 2001, 14.6% of Scheduled Castes urban workers were marginal workers; in 2011, 16% of Scheduled Castes urban workers were marginal workers. Table 8: Work Participation as Main Workers*

Indicator Percentage to Total workers 2001 2011 Total Population Total 77.8 75.2 Rural 73.9 70.5 Urban 90.8 87.6 Scheduled Castes Total 73.0 70.7 Rural 70.6 67.2 Urban 85.4 84.0 Scheduled Tribes Total 68.9 64.8 Rural 68.0 63.3 Urban 83.2 82.1

*Source : Census of India 2001 and 2011 Table 9: Work Participation as Marginal Workers*

Indicator Percentage to Total workers 2001 2011 Total Population Total 22.2 24.8 Rural 26.1 29.5 Urban 9.2 12.4 Scheduled Castes Total 27.0 29.3 Rural 29.4 32.8 Urban 14.6 16.0 Scheduled Tribes Total 31.1 35.2 Rural 32.0 36.7 Urban 16.8 17.9

*Source : Census of India 2001 and 2011 154 Contemporary Challenges

16.6.1 Declining Work Participation as Cultivators The increasing nature of work participation has been accompanied by declining work participation as cultivators and increasing work participation as agricultural labourers. In general Scheduled Castes have lower degree of work participation as cultivators and a higher degree of work participation as agricultural labourers because of:

 landlessness

 de-peasantization displacement

 marginal holding

 economic compulsion of getting engaged in manual activities for a livelihood. Such compulsion pushes equally Scheduled Castes men and women to undertake manual work outside the domain of the family or the household. The census figure of 2011 shows that while overall 24.6% of the total main workers and 33% of the rural workers are cultivators, for Scheduled Castes only 14.8% of the total and 18.2% of their rural workers are cultivators. Similarly, while 20% of total Scheduled Castes workers and 23.5% of their rural workers were cultivators in 2001, the numbers have declined to 14.8% and 18.2% respectively in 2011. For details, see Table 10. Table 10: Work Participation as Cultivators*

Indicator Percentage to Total workers 2001 2011 Total Population Total 31.7 24.6 Rural 40.2 33.0 Urban 3.0 2.8 Scheduled Castes Total 20.0 14.8 Rural 23.5 18.2 Urban 1.8 1.7

*Source : Census of India 2001 and 2011 16.6.2 Increasing Work Participation as Agricultural Labourers and Marginal Workers As indicated earlier there has been a corresponding increase in the category of agricultural workers. Poor peasants who have been displaced from land have joined either the category of agricultural labourers or other category of labourers in both rural and urban areas. The working conditions of rural agricultural labourers are pathetic. Their work is characterized by:

 inadequate legal protection

 lack of fixed wage or social and employment security

 absence of fixed hours of duty. Persistent Inequality 155

It is not only economically non-rewarding but also bone-breaking toil. Despite such plight, a large section of Scheduled Castes workforce is pushed to work as agricultural labourers. It shows that while in general 30% of the work force of India and 39.3% of rural workers are agricultural labourers, for Scheduled Castes, 45.9% of the total and 55.2% their total rural workers are agricultural labourers. Significantly, the extent of work participation as agricultural labourers has increased for Scheduled Castes from 2001 to 2011 showing the persistent downward mobility of this category of workers. Table 11: Work Participation as Agricultural Labourers*

Indicator Percentage to Total workers 2001 2011 Total Population Total 26.5 30.0 Rural 33.1 39.3 Urban 4.7 5.5 Scheduled Castes Total 45.6 45.9 Rural 52.2 55.2 Urban 11.0 10.5 Scheduled Tribes Total 36.9 44.5 Rural 38.4 47.1 Urban 12.4 13.3

*Source : Census of India 2001 and 2011 Such downward mobility has been accompanied by shifting of their workforce to non- agricultural activities as other categories of workers. Table 12 shows that in 2001, 30.5% of the total Scheduled Castes workers, 20.6% of their rural workers and 82.4% of their urban workers worked as other category workers. In 2011 their relative representation as other category workers has increased to 36.1%, 23.6% and 83.8% respectively. Table 12: Work Participation as Other Workers*

Indicator Percentage to Total workers 2001 2011 Total Population Total 37.6 41.6 Rural 22.8 24.3 Urban 87.1 86.9 Scheduled Cates Total 30.5 36.1 Rural 20.6 23.6 Urban 82.4 83.8

*Source : Census of India 2001 and 2011 Similarly, there has been declining work participation among Scheduled Castes workers in the household industry (see Table 13 for detail). 156 Contemporary Challenges

Table 13: Household Industry Workers*

Indicator Percentage to Total Workers 2001 2011 Total Population Total 4.2 3.8 Rural 3.9 3.4 Urban 5.2 4.8 Scheduled Castes Total 3.9 3.2 Rural 3.7 3.0 Urban 4.8 4.0

*Source : Census of India 2001 and 2011 Displacement from land and traditional livelihood has made a large section of Scheduled Castes workers migrate to urban areas. They largely get concentrated in slums and in the unorganized sector as unskilled or semi-skilled cheap labour force. 16.6.3 Representation of Scheduled Castes in Government Jobs Employment in government organization is considered not only a status symbol but also an indicator of social stability, security, empowerment and upward mobility. Government of India has provided reservation of 14.5% jobs for Scheduled Castes. However only about 4 per cent of Scheduled Castes households have a member in a government job, according to the findings of the Socio-Economic and Caste Census 2011. The low representation of Scheduled Castes in government jobs is mainly due to the following factors:

 low level of literacy,

 lack of social networking capability and

 social discrimination. Traditionally the number of Scheduled Castes in government jobs has been very few and far between. Though their representation has increased in recent years, Scheduled Castes need more access to education and training for a faster social mobility. As per information from various ministries/ departments, the representation of Scheduled Castes in various categories as of 2011 is as under: Table 14: Representation of Scheduled Castes in Government Jobs

Group SCs Number % A 8,922 11.5 B 28,403 14.9 C 370,557 16.4 (erstwhile) D 110,515 23.0

Source: http://www.gconnect.in/orders-in-brief/reservation/obc-and-scst-reservation-in-central- government-jobs.html Persistent Inequality 157

16.7 HEALTH STATUS OF SCHEDULED CASTES

Data from the National Family Health Survey-III (2005-06) clearly highlights the caste differentials in relation to health status. The survey documents low levels of contraceptive use among Scheduled Castes compared to forward castes. Reduced access to maternal and child health care is evident with reduced levels of ante-natal care, institutional deliveries and complete vaccination coverage among the lower castes. Stunting, wasting, underweight and anaemia in children, and anaemia in adults are higher among the lower castes. Similarly, neo-natal, post-natal, infant, child and under-five statistics clearly show a higher mortality among the SCs and the STs. Problems in accessing health care are higher among the lower castes. The National Family Health Survey-II (1998-99) documented a similar picture of lower accessibility and poorer health statistics among the lower castes (The Hindu, 22 Aug. 2009) K.S. Jacob (2009) points out: The determinants of health are social and economic rather than purely medical. The poor health of people from the lower castes, their social exclusion and the steep social gradient are due to the unequal distribution of power, income, goods and services. Caste is inextricably linked to and is a proxy for socio-economic status in India. The restricted access of those from the lower castes to clean water, sanitation, nutrition, housing, education, health care and employment is due to a toxic combination of poor social policies and programmes, unfair economic arrangement and bad politics. The structural determinants of daily life contribute to the social determinants of health, and fuel the inequities in health between caste groups. Viewing health in general as an individual or medical issue, reducing population health to a biomedical perspective and suggesting individual medical interventions reflect a poor understanding of issues. Social interventions should form the core of all health and prevention programmes as individual medical interventions have little impact on population indices, which require population interventions (For details, see Hindu, 22 August 2009) Table 15: Health Indicators of the Scheduled Castes as per the National Family Health Survey 2005-6

Areas SC ST Total Infant Mortality 66.4 62.1 57.0 Neo-Natal Mortality 46.3 39.9 39.0 Pre-Natal Mortality 55.0 40.6 48.5 Child Mortality 23.3 35.8 18.4 Under-Five Mortality 88.1 95.7 74.3 Percentage of Institutional 32.9 17.7 38.7 Deliveries Childhood Vaccination 39.7 31.3 43.5 (Full Immunization)

Source: National Family Health Survey 2005-6 158 Contemporary Challenges

16.8 PATTERNS OF INTEGRATION OF SCHEDULED CASTES WITH THE EMERGING KNOWLEDGE SOCIETY IN INDIA

India stands today on the threshold of becoming a knowledge society, characterized by increasing rate of work participation in the knowledge sector. This society has developed new ways of integration in society, through access to higher and technical education, ICTs, knowledge jobs and managerial/supervisory positions in the organisational hierarchy. As people from various social categories in India are unequally positioned in relation to the above, there have been varied patterns of their integration with the knowledge society. Table 16: Dominant Patterns of Integration with Knowledge Society by Various Social Groups across the Metro Cities, District Towns and the Villages*

Place Indicators General OBC SC ST Women Metro Post-Secondary Education Very high Moderate Low High Very High City Access to ICTs Very high Very high Very high High Very high Knowledge Job (Non-managerial) Very high Very high Moderate High High Managerial/Supervisory Position in Moderate Moderate Very low - Low Knowledge Job Overall High High Moderate High High District Post-Secondary Education Moderate Moderate Moderate Very low Moderate Town Access to ICTs Very high Very high Very high Moderate Very high Knowledge Job (Non-managerial) Very high Very high Moderate Very low High Managerial/Supervisory Position in High Low Very low Low Moderate Knowledge Job Overall High High Moderate Low High Villages Post-Secondary education Moderate Moderate Very low Low Very low Access to ICTs Moderate Moderate Moderate Low Moderate Knowledge Job (Non-managerial) Very high Very high Low Low Low Managerial/Supervisory Position in High Very Low Very low Low Very low Knowledge Job Overall High Moderate Low Low Low

* Source : SinghaRoy 2014 Note: Indicators in terms of access achieved position: Very High 60% and above, High 50-59%, Moderate 30-49%, Low 20-29%, Very low: 19% and below. Knowledge jobs show a positive correlation with high level of education and skill, degree of urbanization, high caste and ethnic backgrounds and the vice-versa.

 People from the general category have a high degree of integration with knowledge society in metro cities, district towns and in villages because they have: o a very high degree of access to high and technical education and ICTs o a high degree of access to managerial and non-managerial positions in knowledge jobs.

 People from the Other Backward Classes are in the process of fast integration with knowledge society. Their integration with the knowledge society is: Persistent Inequality 159

o At a high level in metro cities and district towns. o At a moderate level in villages.

 People from the Scheduled Castes are not very well integrated with the knowledge society. Their integration with the knowledge society is: o At a moderate level in metro-cities and district towns o at a low level in villages.

 People from the Scheduled Tribes have a high level of integration in knowledge society in the metro cities and low level of integration in the district towns and villages. Awareness about the policy of protective discrimination among a section of the SCs and STs and their migration to urban areas have contributed to the high levels of their integration in the urban space (See Table 16 for details). 16.9 INCREASING CRIME AGAINST SCHEDULED CASTES

The phenomenon of persistent inequality is not an end in itself. It contributes to sustain and increase domination and subjugation of the subjugated people by the dominant section of society in various ways. Much of such domination is reflected in heinous crimes against the Scheduled Castes. Newspaper and media reports are replete with incidents in which Scheduled Caste men are publically flogged, their houses burnt and the women gang raped. A National Crime Bureau Report (2015) shows that over the years there has been an increase in the incidence of crime against the Scheduled Castes in the country. In 2013, a total of 39,408 cases of crime were committed against SCs. In 2014, the same figure was 47,064, showing an increase of 19.0% in 2014 over 2013. Out of 47,064 cases of crime against SCs in 2014,

 40,300 cases were under various sections of IPC along with the SC/ST (POA) Act (atrocities cases i.e. where SC/ST (POA) Act applied)

 6,511 cases were under various sections of IPC wherein the SC/ST (POA) Act was not applied

 152 cases were under other SLL crimes

 101 cases were under the Protection of Civil Rights Act. In 2014, the following states reported high incidents of crime against SCs:

 Uttar Pradesh (8,075 cases) : 17.2%

 Rajasthan (8,028 cases): 17.1%

 Bihar (7,893 cases): 16.8%

 Madhya Pradesh (4,151 cases): 8.8%. 160 Contemporary Challenges

During 2014, a crime rate of 23.4% was reported under crimes committed on persons belonging to SCs. Notwithstanding the phenomenon of persistent inequality over the decades, there has been an increase in the awareness among the Scheduled Caste population about their plight and collective strength in society. Much of their awareness is expressed through their collective assertion in society. Hence a part of the crime against them is a part of the reaction of the dominant sections of society against the increasing assertion by Scheduled Castes in society. 16.10 LET US SUM UP

This unit has tried to provide you a glimpse of the inequalities that persist for Scheduled Castes in Indian society. Even after six decades of Independence, the Scheduled castes of India remains one of the most marginalized sections and confront various social- economic and political inequalities in their everyday life. Notwithstanding several constitutional protective measures and developmental initiatives are still not able to bridge the gap of existing disparities and exclusion. As against these backdrops you have been able to learn the major facets of inequality those persist in area of literacy, work participation, health etc. Though the rate of literacy has increased among them, still they are not largely absorbed in government sector even after providing reservation and similar situation reflects in private sectors too. Due to their engagement with unhygienic conditions in various sectors where they employed and poverty shows a deplorable health status and state of their quality of life. As they started affirming their identities and advocating for dignified life through existing rights in the constitution, violence against the Scheduled Castes have phenomenally increased across the country. We have reflected only some of the areas persistent inequality for the Scheduled Castes in Indian society. 16.11 QUESTIONS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

1) Write a note on changing patterns of work participation among Scheduled Castes in India. 2) Collect information on concentration and distribution of Scheduled Castes population in various states and union territories of India. 3) Write a note on the socio-political implication of high and low concentrations of Scheduled Castes population in the country in about 200 words. Exchange your note with your co-learners in the study centre. 4) Interact with at least ten Scheduled Castes families in your neighborhood. Make a comparative assessment of their literacy and level of education and write a report on the four causes of high and low rates of literacy among the Scheduled Castes in your neighbourhood. SUGGESTED READINGS

SinghaRoy, D. K. 2014. Toward a Knowledge Society: New Identities in Emerging India. New Delhi: Cambridge University Press. Majumdar, Rand M. Adhikary, 2010. Income Inequality and Poverty among the Scheduled Castes. Indian Journal of Economics. Vol. 90. No. 3: pp. 997-1010. Persistent Inequality 161

REFERENCES

1) Census of India 2001, 2011, Government of India: New Delhi 2) http://www.gconnect.in/orders-in-brief/reservation/obc-and-scst-reservation-in-central- government-jobs.html 3) National Family Health Survey 2005-6 4) The Hindu, 22 Aug. 2009 5) Report of National Crime Bureau Report (2013, 2014, 2015)