DOCSLIB.ORG

SWP Comments 14/2007)

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
SWP Comments 14/2007) Introduction Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs »Hamastan vs. Fatahland« A Chance for Progress in the Middle East? Muriel Asseburg SWP Comments In mid-June 2007, the »Islamic Resistance Movement« Hamas gained the upper hand in the Gaza Strip after a series of bloody conflicts. After seizing control of security facil- ities, Hamas announced the beginning of »Islamic rule« in the Strip. Palestinian President and Fatah leader, Mahmoud Abbas, responded by dissolving the government of national unity and declaring a state of emergency. He appointed an emergency government headed by Salam Fayyad, the previous minister of finance, declared the military wing of Hamas and its security forces to be illegal and ordered their disarma- ment. He has since rejected any cooperation with Hamas in unusually strong terms. Israel and the international community have regarded this split as an opportunity to resume support for the Palestinian Authority (PA) and return to the diplomatic process. As of mid-June 2007, there have been two In particular, Hamas calls for all security governments in the Palestinian territories. forces to be placed under the control of the While Hamas controls the Gaza Strip, the Interior Ministry and for effective power West Bank is ruled by the emergency (since sharing in the institutions of the Palestinian mid-July 2007 the care taker or transition) Authority (PA) and the PLO. Hamas claims government under Salam Fayyad in coope- that its actions in the Gaza Strip were not ration with President Mahmoud Abbas. The directed against Fatah as such, but rather Hamas leadership rejects the Fayyad govern- against those people in Fatah and the Fatah- ment as illegal, arguing that the Palestinian dominated security forces who were harass- basic law requires any government to be ing the local population, engaging in crimi- ratified by the Palestinian Legislative Coun- nal activities, and preventing the unity gov- cil (PLC). Hamas thus insists that the govern- ernment from working efficiently. And it ment of the previous Prime Minister, Ismail is true that the atrocities committed by Haniyeh, remains the legitimate caretaker Hamas were primarily directed against the until ratification has taken place. It also Fatah militias established under the leader- calls for the restoration of the government ship of the National Security Adviser, of national unity and the implementation Mohammed Dahlan, with the intention of of the Mecca Agreement of February 2007. defeating Hamas by military means. Dr. Muriel Asseburg is Head of the Middle East and Africa Research Unit SWP Comments 14 July 2007 1 Efforts at stabilisation by Hamas also prohibited carrying weapons in pub- and by Fatah lic – a measure that first met with rejection Ever since the violent enforcement of its from the Al-Aqsa Martyrs’ Brigades. Yet after a claim to power in the Gaza Strip, Hamas mid-July 2007 Israeli goodwill gesture, some has made fostering public order a priority, of its members have voluntarily disarmed. relying on the broad presence of its Execu- Under the terms of the agreement, some tive Force. It has also sought to break up 180 Fatah-affiliated militants in the West criminal networks and to disarm Fatah mi- Bank wanted by the Shin Bet security ser- litias. As a consequence, the Strip’s popula- vices are granted immunity from arrest or tion has already witnessed significant im- assassination for a trial period of three provements in personal safety. While Hamas months on the condition that they hand has been careful not to turn off ordinary in their weapons and pledge to abandon Gazans through repressive measures, threats armed activities. In an attempt to curb Ha- against media outlets have been reported mas’ influence on society, President Abbas and members of the press have been afraid has ordered by decree that all NGOs must to speak their mind. In early July, Hamas apply for new licensing with the ministry succeeded in liberating the BBC reporter of the interior and he has given the minis- Alan Johnston, who had been abducted in try a free hand with regards to »closure, cor- mid-March by the Doghmush Clan (Jaish al- rection of status, or other measures« – effec- Islam). Hamas has also begun to post secu- tively revoking the law on non governmen- rity forces along the border between the tal organisations and thereby further restrict- Gaza Strip and Egypt (the Philadelphi Line) ing the political space for civil society. in order to control the area and bring about President Mahmoud Abbas and the Fay- the reopening of the Rafah border crossing. yad government have governed by decree, At the same time, however, the Hamas as the emergency government was unable leadership has failed to stop the launching to win the absolute majority in the PLC that of Qassam missiles against Israel from the the basic law demands. Indeed, the Palestin- Gaza Strip. After a lengthy respite, its Izz al- ian Parliament has been paralyzed since Ha- Din al-Qassam Brigades resumed their missile mas boycotted its first session under emer- attacks in response to Israeli military opera- gency rule and prevented other factions’ re- tions and the murder of Hamas cadres in presentatives from attending the session in air strikes, albeit initially at a low intensity. Gaza. In reaction, a PLC session called for by Apparently this was done against the will of Hamas was boycotted by Fatah. Both attempts the political leadership, who clearly ex- failed to reach quorum. Hence, neither the pressed their interest in calming the situa- state of emergency nor the Fayyad govern- tion and achieving a long-term cease-fire ment have parliamentary approval. As the with Israel. However, the leadership is un- period of 30 days expired, Abbas dissolved likely to have much success in containing the emergency government and immedia- radicals in their ranks as long as Israel uses tely reinstated Prime Minister Fayyad at the military force to combat these groups. head of an enlarged cabinet as caretaker or In the West Bank members of Fatah and transition government. As the President the Al-Aqsa Martyrs’ Brigades responded to the may not dissolve the PLC during a state of public executions and humiliation of Fatah emergency, he will go on ruling by decree militias in the Gaza Strip with excesses and has made it clear that in the future he against Hamas institutions and acts of re- intends to rely on the institutions of the PLO venge. For the time being, at least, a further rather than the legislative branch of the PA, escalation of violence has been prevented, the PLC. To bolster his rule, Abbas has also even as Fatah-dominated security forces have called for the Fatah-dominated PLO Central begun to target Hamas structures and insti- Council, which in his view represents the tutions in the West Bank. The President has higher authority, to meet in Ramallah. SWP Comments 14 July 2007 2 Background of the confrontations Haniyeh government of funds. Directly The violent confrontations in the Gaza Strip after Hamas’ election victory, the Middle did not come as a surprise. Rather, they East Quartet (the USA, the EU, the Russian were a consequence of developments since Federation, and the UN) formulated three the Palestinian parliamentary elections of conditions for continued cooperation with January 2006. In particular, the conflict has the PA: recognition of Israel’s right to exist, its roots in the reaction of the erstwhile recognition of all prior agreements between governing party, Fatah, and of the interna- Israel and the PLO, and a general renuncia- tional community, to Hamas’ electoral vic- tion of violence. As the Hamas leadership tory. The January 2006 elections, judged was unwilling to submit to the Quartet’s »free and fair« by the international commu- demands, the Haniyeh government was ob- nity, gave Hamas an absolute majority in liged to find other sources of funding – for the PLC, with 74 of 132 seats, compared to example, Iran. Additionally, the govern- Fatah’s 45 seats. As the Hamas leadership ment established with the so-called Execu- did not succeed in integrating Fatah into a tive Force a powerful militia of its own. government of national unity, they formed Israel and Egypt also share responsibility a government in mid-March 2006 headed for the massive armament of the Hamas by Prime Minister Ismail Haniyeh which militias, as both chose not to agree on effec- consisted of some technocrats and indepen- tive control of the Philadelphi Line after dent forces alongside Hamas representatives. Israel’s withdrawal from the Gaza Strip in Subsequently there were several rounds 2005. They rejected the suggestion of post- of violent clashes between parts of the ing international monitors there and in Fatah-dominated security forces and Fatah recent months failed to make serious ef- militias on the one side and Hamas militias forts to prevent the smuggling of weapons on the other. Over 200 Palestinians died in through tunnels underneath the border. these confrontations between March 2006 Only in July 2007 did Egypt begin to deploy and May 2007. Violence among Palestinians a greater contingent of security forces along escalated primarily because Fatah was its side of the Philadelphi Line. unwilling to concede its defeat at the polls Ultimately, the Hamas-led cabinet could and hand over power to the victors. Instead, neither govern effectively nor stabilise the the Palestinian President, with the support security situation. With repeated outbreaks of the international community, reversed of violence, curbed only temporarily and the reforms which had been initiated be- with great effort, the situation careened tween 2002 and 2004. These reforms aimed towards civil war. to create greater transparency in Palestin- ian finances, to strengthen the office of the prime minister against that of the president, A missed opportunity: and to unify the security forces under the The government of national unity authority of the Interior Ministry.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Ep Delegation for Relations with the Palestinian
    Delegation for Relations with the Palestinian Legislative Council European Parliament/Palestinian Legislative Council 7th Interparliamentary Meeting East Jerusalem/Ramallah/Gaza/Hebron 29 April -3 May 2007 Report by Mr Kyriacos TRIANTAPHYLLIDES, Chairman of the Delegation CR\671268EN.doc PE 384.740 EN EN I. Introduction The visit of the EP delegation in Palestine was the first official contact between both sides since November 2005. Due to the situation in the region, several attempts to meet earlier had failed. Following the Hamas victory in the legislative elections in January 2006, the EP delegation insisted to meet with the newly elected government of national unity agreed in Mekka in February 2007. The representation of the Commission did not attend the meetings where Ministers from Hamas and the Prime Minister were present. (This is the reasoning for listing participants at the beginning of each meeting report). One week before travelling to Palestine, the Chair, in a meeting on 25 April 2007 with Deputies from the Knesset, announced that the Delegation wished to meet with members of the new government, including Hamas members. The reaction of the Chair of the Knesset delegation was quite positive. It is worth adding that the Israeli authorities were cooperative during the whole visit, especially at the airport in Tel Aviv and on the Gaza border. II. Meetings Monday 30 April 1. Briefing by ECTAO (European Technical Assistance Office for the West Bank and Gaza Strip) on the humanitarian and political situation in the Occupied Palestinian Territories. Location: ECTAO, Jerusalem, 09h00-10h15 Participants: John Kjaer (ECTAO Representative), Roy Dickinson (Head of Operations), Ana Gallo (Head of the Political Section), Mark Gallagher (Head of Section - Economic and Financial Cooperation), Regis Meritan (Head of Section - Infrastructure, Water, Environment, Agriculture and UNRWA), EP Delegation.
    [Show full text]
  • The Palestinian Economy: a Historical View
    The Palestinian Economy: A Historical View Brian J. Friedman, CFA September 30, 2014 Among the thousands of articles written about the Israeli‐Palestinian conflict, very few study the impact of the conflict on the Palestinian economy. According to the CIA approximately 2.2 million Palestinians live in the West Bank (along with 350,000 Jewish settlers) and 1.8 million in the Gaza Strip. Total Gross Domestic Product (GDP) for the Palestinian Authority is $6.6 billion or $1,650 per capita. By way of comparison, Israeli GDP is $273 billion or $35,000 per capita. Israel’s 1.5 million Arab citizens suffer from a significantly lower standard of living than Jewish Israelis. Nonetheless, Israeli Arab GDP per capita is estimated to be $12,000 (Israel Bureau of Statistics). Even without a formal peace agreement, a cessation of Palestinian terrorism and violence could produce a significant peace dividend for the nearly 12 million people living between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean Sea. Unfortunately the Palestinians only started developing a working economy in 2007 with the appointment of Salam Fayyad as Finance Minister, and then again just in the West Bank. While Israel certainly shares some of the blame for the Palestinians economic malaise, economic development was also a low priority for the Palestinian leadership. Until Mahmoud Abbas became President of the Palestinian Authority in 2005, Palestinian factions pursued armed struggle and terrorism against Israel rather than build institutions required for economic prosperity such as banks, courts, capital markets, factories or corporations. The Palestinian Economy Prior to 1967 In June of 1967 the combined militaries of Egypt, Jordan and Syria mobilized against Israel.
    [Show full text]
  • Palestine's Occupied Fourth Estate
    Arab Media and Society (Issue 17, Winter 2013) Palestine’s Occupied Fourth Estate: An inside look at the work lives of Palestinian print journalists Miriam Berger Abstract While for decades local Palestinian media remained a marginalized and often purely politicized subject, in recent years a series of studies has more critically analyzed the causes and consequences of its seeming diversity but structural underdevelopment.1 However, despite these advances, the specific conditions facing Palestinian journalists in local print media have largely remained underreported. In this study, I address this research gap from a unique perspective: as viewed from the newsroom itself. I present the untold stories of the everyday work life of Palestinian journalists working at the three local Jerusalem- and Ramallah-based newspapers— al-Quds, al-Ayyam, and al-Hayat al-Jadida—from 1994 until January 2012. I discuss the difficult working conditions journalists face within these news organizations, and situate these experiences within the context of Israeli and Palestinian Authority policies and practices that have obstructed the political, economic, and social autonomy of the local press. I first provide a brief background on Palestinian print media, and then I focus on several key areas of concern for the journalists: Israeli and Palestinian violence, the economics of printing in Palestine, the phenomenon of self-censorship, the Palestinian Journalists Syndicate, and internal newspaper organization. This study covers the nearly two decades since the signing of the Oslo Peace Accords between Israel and the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) which put in place the now stalled process of ending the Israeli military occupation of Palestine (used here to refer to the West Bank, East Jerusalem, and Gaza Strip).
    [Show full text]
  • Eyeless in Gaza 21
    Acram 1/24/04 1:49 AM Page 19 19 Eyeless Michael Ancram: Good to see you. Lots has happened since we last met.1 I guess you have in Gaza been busy, Gaza has been interesting, I’m keen The liberation of Alan to hear what has been going on. How do you Johnston and the think things will go? imprisonment of Gaza Usamah Hamdan: I will start from the Mecca Agreement. At Mecca there were three Daily in the common Prison important points. The first one was on the else enjoyn’d me, National Unity Government; the second point Where I a Prisoner chain’d, covered the reform of the security services and scarce freely draw called for a new security plan for the Palestinian The air imprison’d also, territories, and the third point was on the reform close and damp, of the PLO and the new political arrangements Unwholsom draught … inside the Palestinian political body. That means John Milton, the relations within the PLO itself, the relations Samson Agonistes between the PLO and the Palestinian Authority, the internal Palestinian relations.2 And we [in the Hamas movement] went back to Gaza and within one month there was the formation of the Usamah Hamden National Unity Government. We started talking about security. There was a security plan that Michael Ancram MP was put forward and that was endorsed by the Jonathan Lehrle government and that was then endorsed by Abu Mark Perry Mazen himself as President.3 When we started to apply that [the security plan] on the ground we faced an important problem – which was that the main General in the security service failed to apply and rejected 1.
    [Show full text]
  • Economic Peace in the West Bank and the Fayyad Plan: Are They Working?
    The Middle East Institute Policy Brief No. 28 January 2010 Economic Peace in the West Bank and the Fayyad Plan: Are They Working? By Adam Robert Green Prime Minister of the Palestinian Authority Salam Fayyad wants to build the insti- tutional foundations of a Palestinian state by 2011. Improved security in the West Bank, and Israel’s easing of some checkpoints, has boosted the effort by strengthening the West Bank’s economy. This Policy Brief asks whether this muted economic re- vival can be deepened and sustained in the absence of a peace agreement with Israel or a unified Palestinian leadership. For more than 60 years, the Middle East Institute has been dedicated to increasing Americans’ knowledge and understanding of the re- gion. MEI offers programs, media outreach, language courses, scholars, a library, and an academic journal to help achieve its goals. The views expressed in this Policy Brief are those of the author; the Middle East Institute does not take positions on Middle East policy. Economic Peace in the West Bank and the Fayyad Plan: Are They Working? There can be a democratic, de facto Palestinian state by 2011, according to Salam Fayyad, the Prime Minister of the Palestinian Authority (PA). The goal was outlined in an eloquent two-year plan entitled “Ending the Occupation, Establishing the State,”1 published in August 2009, which called for the formation of the institutional founda- tions of statehood prior to, and independent of, an agreement with Israel. The so-called “August plan” is breathlessly ambitious. It envisions the building of a Palestine International Airport in the Jordan Valley, the reconstruction of Gaza Port, and a passage connecting Hamas’ battered province with the West Bank.
    [Show full text]
  • AFGHANISTAN and PAKISTAN the New Parliament: an Afghan Way to Democracy Fausto Biloslavo 37 Military Center for Strategic Studies
    Q UARTERLY NORTH AFRICA – MIDDLE EAST –PERSIAN GULF YEAR IV SPRING 2006 Four Scenarios After Hamas' Victory Hillel Frisch 5 SOUTH EASTERN EUROPE First Quarter Balkan review: trends and evolutions in the region Centro Militare Paolo Quercia 13 di Studi Strategici COMMONWEALTH OF INDEPENDENT STATES EASTERN EUROPE CeMiSS Quarterly is a review The rising confrontation between Russia and the West supervised by CeMiSS director, Rear Andrea Grazioso 17 Admiral Luciano Callini. It provides a forum to promote the THE TRANSATLANTIC RELATIONS knowledge and understanding of Towards an October Surprise, via Teheran? international security affairs, military Lucio Martino 23 strategy and other topics of significant interest. THE ASIAN PLAYERS: INDIA AND CHINA The opinions and conclusions Find the enemy: China naval strategy and the EU Galileo Project expressed in the articles are those of Nunziante Mastrolia 29 the contributors and do not necessarily reflect the position of the Italian Ministry of Defence. AFGHANISTAN AND PAKISTAN The new parliament: an Afghan way to democracy Fausto Biloslavo 37 Military Center for Strategic Studies External Relations Office Palazzo Salviati LATIN AMERICA Piazza della Rovere, 83 00165 – Free Trade Agreements vs. Nationalizations ROME - ITALY United States’ and Venezuela’s confronting influence in Latin tel. 00 39 06 4691 3207 America fax 00 39 06 6879779 Riccardo Gefter Wondrich 59 e-mail [email protected] Quarterly Year IV N°2 - April 2006 North Africa Middle East Persian Gulf FOUR SCENARIOS AFTER HAMAS' VICTORY Hillel Frisch Elections to the Palestinian Legislative Council raised hopes of bringing the classic spoiler Hamas into negotiations, restart a peace process moribund since September 2000 and to set the Palestinians on a peaceful democratic trajectory.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Meeting Minutes Saeb Erekat – Marc Otte NAD Jericho June 18, 2008 MO: I've Missed the Opportunity to Talk to You the Last
    Meeting Minutes Saeb Erekat – Marc Otte NAD Jericho June 18, 2008 MO: I’ve missed the opportunity to talk to you the last couple of trips. I have been in touch in David [Welch], Tzipi Livni and other. I will be missing Abu Ala’ this time. I want to hear about a few things: your strategy and ideas about the negotiations, particularly with the internal Israeli politics and US elections. Also on Gaza, the crossings, the business of reconciliation that Abu Mazen is talking about. SE: Tomorrow 6am is the zero hour for the Gaza truce. We have worked hard to achieve the goal and hope it will be sustained. All want that. First it allows us to intensify the peace negotiations – you know if there is an Israeli incursion Abu Mazen will suspend the negotiations. Second, it allows us to expose Hamas: with a quiet front, there will be no funerals and such events. People will see the destruction to infrastructure etc. brought about by their policy. The US is now involved in dealing with the smuggling – with $23 million. This is needed for sustaining the truce. Israel should clearly commit not to use needs of the population (fuel, electricity …) as a tool against Gaza. MO: Regarding the RCP, Israel and Egypt are consistent that the only way is the 2005 formula. I ask you – how? Where will we stay? SE: EU can be stationed on Egyptian side of Rafah – it’s much better than Ashkelon - - only two and a half hours from Cairo. I don’t think the EU will be the obstacle.
    [Show full text]
  • Dr-Thesis-2015-Frode-Løvlie.Pdf (3.639Mb)
    7KHLQVWLWXWLRQDOWUDMHFWRU\RI+DPDV )URPUDGLFDOLVPWRSUDJPDWLVP²DQGEDFNDJDLQ" )URGH/¡YOLH Dissertation for the degree philosophiae doctor (PhD) at the University of Bergen Dissertation date: 0DUFK © Copyright Frode Løvlie The material in this publication is protected by copyright law. Year: 2015 Title: The institutional trajectory of Hamas From radicalism to pragmatism—and back again? Author: Frode Løvlie In memory of my father v Contents Illustrations xiii Tables xiv Abstract xv Acknowledgments xvi Chapter 1: Introduction 17 1.1 Research outline: Hamas as a case of party institutionalization 19 1.1.1 Institutionalization explained 19 1.1.2 From movement … 21 1.1.3 … toward institutionalized political party 22 1.2 Consequences of Palestinian politics ordinary politics 23 1.2.1 Hamas as a party—the empirical rationale 24 1.2.2 The theoretical case for traveling to Palestine 26 1.3 The analytical framework 27 1.3.1 Party institutionalization in Palestine 28 1.3.2 The roots of Hamas—a social movement organization in Palestine 30 1.3.3 The institutionalization of Hamas as a political party 34 The process of institutionalization 34 Institutionalization as a property variable 37 1.3.4 Tracing the process and measuring the degree of institutionalization 40 The criteria 42 1.4 Structure of thesis 44 Chapter 2: Researching Hamas—methods, sources, and data 50 2.1 Comparative case studies as a remedy to ideological bias 51 2.1.1 Theoretical comparisons 53 2.1.2 Within-case comparison 54 vi The spatial aspects 54 Temporal comparison 54 2.2 Sources
    [Show full text]
  • Meeting with US Congressional Leaders
    IN THE HIGH COURT OF JUSTICE Claim No. HQ17M02177 QUEEN’S BENCH DIVISION MEDIA AND COMMUNICATIONS LIST BETWEEN: MOHAMMED DAHLAN Claimant and (1) M.E.E LIMITED (2) DAVID HEARST Defendants ________________________________ AMENDED DEFENCE OF BOTH DEFENDANTS CPR 16 PD 1.4 SHORT SUMMARY ________________________________ 1. It is denied that the words complained of are actionable, for the following reasons: 1.1. The issues raised by the claim, specifically the lawfulness and propriety of the alleged activities of the Claimant on behalf of the UAE in the conduct of its foreign affairs, are beyond the subject matter jurisdiction of this Court. 1.2. The words complained of are not defamatory of the Claimant as there are no common standards of society generally (either within England and Wales or across the Additional Jurisdictions specified in the Amended Particulars of Claim) by which the alleged activities of the Claimant on behalf of the UAE in the conduct of its foreign affairs can be judged by this Court. 1.3. The words complained of are not defamatory of the Claimant, alternatively have caused no serious harm to his reputation, in light of his pre-existing reputation within the jurisdiction and within the Additional Jurisdictions specified in the Amended Particulars of Claim, which associates him with corruption, torture and human rights abuses, the use of force for political ends and opposing, undermining and supporting the overthrow by force of democratic governments in the Middle East and North Africa on behalf of the UAE. 1.4. The words complained of do not bear the meanings relied on by the Claimant.
    [Show full text]
  • Protection of Civilians Weekly Report
    U N I T E D N A T I O N S N A T I O N S U N I E S OCHA Weekly Report: 4 – 10 July 2007 | 1 OFFICE FOR THE COORDINATION OF HUMANITARIAN AFFAIRS P.O. Box 38712, East Jerusalem, Phone: (+972) 2-582 9962 / 582 5853, Fax: (+972) 2-582 5841 [email protected], www.ochaopt.org Protection of Civilians Weekly Report 4 – 10 July 2007 Of note this week Gaza Strip: • The IDF killed 11 Palestinians, injured 15, and arrested 70 during its incursion into the area southeast of Al Bureij Camp (Central Gaza). In addition, three Palestinians were injured, including a 15-year-old boy, during IDF military operations southeast of Beit Hanoun. • A total of 23 Qassam rockets and 33 mortar shells were fired from Gaza towards Israel, of which at least four rockets and 29 mortar shells targeted Kerem Shalom crossing. Five rockets landed in the Palestinian area. Hamas and Islamic Jihad claimed responsibility. No injuries were reported. • The Palestinian Ministry of Health confirmed that it has returned at least 25 corpses to Gaza via Kerem Shalom since the closure of Rafah until 5 July. In all cases, the persons had passed away in Egyptian or other overseas hospitals and not at the border. • Senior Palestinian traders were able to cross Erez crossing this week for the first time since 12 June. Humanitarian assistance continues to enter Gaza through Kerem Shalom and Sufa. Critical medical cases with special coordination arrangements exited through Erez. Karni was open on two days for the crossing of wheat and wheat grain.
    [Show full text]
  • Reviving the Stalled Reconstruction of Gaza
    Policy Briefing August 2017 Still in ruins: Reviving the stalled reconstruction of Gaza Sultan Barakat and Firas Masri Still in ruins: Reviving the stalled reconstruction of Gaza Sultan Barakat and Firas Masri The Brookings Institution is a private non-profit organization. Its mission is to conduct high-quality, independent research and, based on that research, to provide innovative, practical recommendations for policymakers and the public. The conclusions and recommendations of any Brookings publication are solely those of its author(s), and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Institution, its management, or its other scholars. Brookings recognizes that the value it provides to any supporter is in its absolute commitment to quality, independence and impact. Activities supported by its donors reflect this commitment and the analysis and recommendations are not determined by any donation. Copyright © 2017 Brookings Institution BROOKINGS INSTITUTION 1775 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W. Washington, D.C. 20036 U.S.A. www.brookings.edu BROOKINGS DOHA CENTER Saha 43, Building 63, West Bay, Doha, Qatar www.brookings.edu/doha Still in ruins: Reviving the stalled reconstruction of Gaza Sultan Barakat and Firas Masri1 INTRODUCTION Israelis and Palestinians seems out of reach, the humanitarian problems posed by the Three years have passed since the conclusion substandard living conditions in Gaza require of the latest military assault on the Gaza Strip. the attention of international actors associated Most of the Palestinian enclave still lies in ruin. with the peace process. If the living conditions Many Gazans continue to lack permanent in Gaza do not improve in the near future, the housing, living in shelters and other forms of region will inevitably experience another round temporary accommodation.
    [Show full text]
  • Fatah and Hamas: the New Palestinian Factional Reality
    Order Code RS22395 March 3, 2006 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Fatah and Hamas: the New Palestinian Factional Reality Aaron D. Pina Analyst in Middle Eastern Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Summary For the first time in its history, the Palestinian parliament is set to be led by Hamas, which the United States and European Union have designated a foreign terrorist organization. Although some lauded the generally free and fair election in January 2006, others criticized the outcome and accused Hamas of “hijacking” democracy. This report provides an overview of the new political realities in the West Bank and Gaza after the election, the challenges Fatah and Hamas face, and possible implications for U.S. policy. This report will be updated as warranted. For more information on the Palestinians, see CRS Report RL33269, Palestinian Elections, by Aaron D. Pina, CRS Issue Brief IB91137 The Middle East Peace Talks, by Carol Migdalovitz, and CRS Report RS22370, U.S. Assistance to the Palestinians, by Jeremy M. Sharp. Background On January 25, 2006, Palestinians voted in parliamentary elections and Hamas emerged as the clear winner, with 74 out of 132 parliamentary seats. Fatah, the dominant party in the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), won 45 seats, and 13 seats went to other minor parties. Since then, several governments, including the United States, have cautioned that unless Hamas disavows terrorism, recognizes Israel, and accepts all previous Israeli-Palestinian agreements, diplomatic and economic relations with the Palestinian Authority may be circumscribed or ended altogether. Hamas1 During the 1970s and 1980s, Palestinians experienced a rise in political Islam, embodied in Hamas, founded in 1987 by the late Sheik Ahmad Yasin.
    [Show full text]