sign in sign up
<<
Home , Irish language, Middle Irish, Ogham inscription, Primitive Irish

View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE

provided by Aberystwyth Research Portal

Aberystwyth

A Note on the Inscription from Buckquoy, Rodway, Simon

Published in: Journal of Celtic Linguistics DOI: 10.16922/jcl.18.5 Publication date: 2017 Citation for published version (APA): Rodway, S. (2017). A Note on the from Buckquoy, Orkney. Journal of Celtic Linguistics, 18, 103-116. https://doi.org/10.16922/jcl.18.5

Document License CC BY-NC-ND

General rights Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the Aberystwyth Research Portal (the Institutional Repository) are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights.

• Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the Aberystwyth Research Portal for the purpose of private study or research. • You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain • You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the Aberystwyth Research Portal

Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim.

tel: +44 1970 62 2400 email: [email protected]

Download date: 03. Oct. 2019 Journal of Celtic Linguistics (2017), 18, 103–116 10.16922/jcl.18.5

A Note on the Ogham Inscription from Buckquoy, Orkney

Simon Rodway

Aberystwyth University

I tentatively propose a new interpretation of an ogham inscription on a spindle-whorl from Buckquoy in Orkney. In this interpretation, the spindle-whorl would be a gift from a man to a female spinster.

This short note concerns a circular ogham inscription on a chalk spindle-whorl excavated in 1970 from Buckquoy, Birsay, Orkney, belonging, perhaps,to the eighth century, although dates in the seventh or early ninth century should not be ruled out (Forsyth 1995: 678–9; Forsyth 1996: lxvii, 37,162–3; cf. Padel 1972: 11, 27). Jackson (1977) and Oliver Padel (1972: 73–5) read it as (e/ )TMIQAVSALL(/q), and consequently added it to the undeciphered corpus of ‘Pictish’ inscriptions (cf. 1995: 20).1 However, Forsyth has shown that it should be read in the opposite direction, giving the ENDDACTANIM(/lb), with no real indi­cation of where the inscription begins (Forsyth 1995: 684–5, 687; Forsyth 1996: 167–71, 175; cf. Jackson 1977: 221). This she interprets as BENDDACTANIML, i.e. Gaelic bendacht [for] anim L. ‘a blessing on L.’s soul’, using a formula which is ubiquitous in the medieval Roman-alphabet inscriptions of (Forsyth 1995: 688–9; Forsyth 1996: 160–86; Forsyth 1997: 36), and which occurs once in an eleventh-century bilingual ogham/runic inscription from Killaloe, Ireland (McManus 1991: 130; Forsyth 1995: 689). This looks basically plausible. However, some aspects of her analysis do not seem entirely satisfactory. The

04 Rodway 2017_1_17.indd 103 17-Jan-17 4:53:10 PM 104 Simon Rodway

lack of the preposition for is disturbing. Of course a variant of the formula with an archaizing independent dative is not out of the question, although unparalleled (Forsyth 1995: 689; Forsyth 1996: 178).2 Additionally, the abbreviation of the subject’s name in this way is unique in early insular Celtic inscriptions (Forsyth 1995: 690), although there are comparable runic examples from (Page 1973: 172). Thus, I feel that it is worth revisiting the alternative reading ANIM VENDDACT, suggested to Forsyth by Paul Russell (Forsyth 1996: 177). Forsyth is cautious about explaining VENDDACT as a personal name containing *windo- ‘white, bright’. The reasons she gives for this caution (Forsyth 1996: 177) are based on a misunderstanding of the and subsequent development of this element, and thus are in fact illusory.3 There is, nonetheless, an apparent problem: the Gaelic reflex of *windo-, represented by find < Primitive Irish *windah, does not show lowering of /i/ to /e/, impeded, according to standard doctrine (e.. Thurneysen 1946: 46; Schrijver 1991: 21; Schrijver 1995: 29; Schrijver 1997: 44; McCone 1996: 55, 110; cf. Rhys 1879: 161–2), by /nd/. Note, however, that Sabine Ziegler (1994: 119; cf. Sims-Williams 2003: 40, 76–7, 300, 310) suggests that lowering did occur in this position in , with the form find being due to subsequent in auslaut. If this be the case, compound names in Find- must have been reformed analogically due to the semantic transparency of the first element. At any rate, whatever the explanation, the Irish ogham inscriptions show plenty of examples of VEND- beside only one doubtful example of VIND- (Sims-Williams 2003: 76–7; cf. Rhys 1879: 115). Brittonic forms in VEND-, VENN- are also extant: these could contain the feminine form gwen < *windā (which can occur even in men’s names, e.g. Guengat (Lloyd 1888: 47; cf. Davies et al. 2000: 180; Sims-Williams 2003: 40–1, n. 111)), or they could be orthographical, either under the influence of Vulgar e for i, or due to ancient Celtic confusion of e and i before nasal + stop, perhaps visible in numerous examples of names in Vend- from Roman Britain and from the Continent (Sims-Williams 2003: 40, 76–8, 96; cf. Dottin 1920: 297; Evans 1967: 392–3; Sims-Williams 2006: 257; Delamarre 2007: 194; Raybould and Sims-Williams 2009: 25; Falileyev 2013: 147–8). Of course, some of these names may not contain *windo- at all, but some other element – perhaps *wendo- ‘a single hair’ ( find, finna (Matasović 2009: 413; cf. DIL, s.v. finna))?4

04 Rodway 2017_1_17.indd 104 17-Jan-17 4:53:10 PM A Note on the Ogham Inscription from Buckquoy, Orkney 105

What of the second element? The abstract-noun *-ak-t- which gives Old Irish -acht : Welsh -aeth (Thurneysen 1946: 167–8; de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 334–5; Zimmer 2000: 553, 555, 576) is extremely rare in personal names, despite Forsyth (1996: 177),5 but Irish ogham GOSSUCTTIAS, GOSOCTEAS, GOSOCTAS, Old Irish Gósacht, Gúasacht (i.e. gúasacht ‘danger, peril, difficulty; fear, anxiety’) could be relevant here, despite the different vowel (MacNeill 1909: 358; Thurneysen 1946: 452; Corráin and 1990: 115; McManus 1991: 108; Ziegler 1994: 185).6 However, neither Irish **findacht nor Welsh **gwynnaeth ‘whiteness’ is attested.7 Otherwise, could it be connected with *-ag-t- the past participle of *-ag- ‘to go’, cf. Gaulish Ambactus, ambactus ‘servus’, Amaethon, Cynaethwy (?), Old Irish ACTO, Acht(án) etc. (Evans 1967: 90, 128; McManus 1991: 106; Ziegler 1994: 122; Delamarre 2001: 35; Delamarre 2007: 209; Irslinger 2002: 245; Sims-Williams 2003: 178, 192; Cane 2003: 162; Meid 2005: 163; Falileyev 2007: 17; Falileyev 2013: 6; Falileyev 2014: 121, 136; Salinas de Fría 2013: 29–33; Wodtko 2013: 222)? Another possibility is the ancestor of Welsh aeth ‘pain, pang, grief; fear’ : Old Irish écht ‘slaying, slaughter’ < *anx-tu-, probably seen in Middle Welsh Elaeth (Sims-Williams 2003: 179, n. 1083; Cane 2003: 19, 162).8 At any rate, I think that VENDDACT could be an otherwise unattested Celtic name.9 However, the lack of a genitive form in the inscription is a stumbling block to reading this as Gaelic ANIM VENDDACT ‘soul of Findacht (vel sim.)’ (Forsyth 1996: 177). However, another possibility suggests itself to me. There is plenty of evidence for modern use of anam ‘soul’ as a term of endearment in Ireland and (see Dinneen 1927: 43; Mac Airt 1956; Thomson 1961: 35), comparable to Middle Welsh eneit ‘soul’, by extension ‘friend’ (GPC s.v. enaid). The earliest Gaelic examples of which I am aware are from the late twelfth- or early thirteenth-century Acallam na Senórach (e.g. Dillon 1970: ll. 11, 71, 130 etc.), but note the diminutive form anamán in a tenth- or eleventh-century poem ( 1956: 37.10d).10 Could we then understand the Buckquoy inscription as Gaelic ‘to/from Findacht, a friend’ or some such? Both nouns would be independent datives. A further possibility occurs to me. Anam, when used as a term of endearment, can be preceded by m’ < mo ‘my’ (e.g. Dillon 1970: l. 71). The occurrence of to, do ‘your’ (abbreviated to t’ before vowels) beside mo, m’ in hypocoristic names in the insular Celtic

04 Rodway 2017_1_17.indd 105 17-Jan-17 4:53:11 PM 106 Simon Rodway

languages is well documented (see, e.g., Vendryes 1936; Evans 1970–2: 426; Jenkins and Owen 1984: 107; Zimmer 2007: 455–6). Rolf Baumgarten analyses these forms as having the force ‘X that you are’, i.e. ‘(dear) X that you (truly/uniquely) are’ (Baumgarten 1989: 102–5). Cf. Hiberno-English ‘your man’ calquing Irish mo dhuine. Could we here have T’ANIM as a variant of attested m’anam? In that case, the personal name would be VENDDAC, i.e. the attested Findach (O’Brien 1962: 643).11 How would this fit with comparable inscriptions? I am unaware of any other ogham inscriptions on spindle-whorls, although a spindle-whorl inscribed with ‘ogham-like’ marks was discovered at Burrian, North Ronaldsay, Orkney (MacGregor 1972–4: 92; Forsyth 1996: 509–10; cf. Padel 1972: 15).12 We do have some runic inscriptions on insular spindle-whorls, however. A Norse runic inscription on a spindle-whorl discovered somewhere in the of Scotland (exact provenance unknown) reads Gautr reist rúnar ‘Gautr wrote the ’ (Liestøl 1984: 232; Forsyth 1995: 691; cf. Padel 1972: 15). An example from Whitby reads Wer, probably a male personal name (Page 1973: 171–2). Spinning is an activity which is historically associated with women, so it is surprising to see these male names on spindle-whorls. Perhaps they were given as gifts by the named men to female spinsters. An alternative interpretation of the Whitby inscription, ultimately rejected by . I. Page, might support this idea: it could be a common noun wer, a northern form of West Saxon waer ‘token of friendship’ (Page 1973: 171). Katherine Forsyth (1995: 692; 1996: 182; cf. Padel 1972: 15) discusses a Norse example of an inscribed spindle-whorl, now preserved in Reykjavik Museum, given as a gift to a woman from a man (Thora mig frá Hruna ‘Thora owns me from Hruni’). Note also the corpus of spindle-whorl inscriptions in a mixture of Gaulish and Latin from Roman (specifically from what is now eastern and east central ).13 Wolfgang Meid (1994: 53) describes them as follows: ‘These short texts are, either in a subtle or in a more direct way, erotically suggestive. They are, as a rule, addressed to young women; the implied speakers are, of course, young men.’14 We have corroborative evidence from other languages, then, of the inscription of spindle-whorls by men as gifts for female spinsters. Therefore, my interpretation of the Buckquoy inscription would not be unprecedented. The question of the linguistic affiliation of the ‘Pictish’ogham inscriptions has yet to be settled. They have largely defied elucidation, and a number of

04 Rodway 2017_1_17.indd 106 17-Jan-17 4:53:11 PM A Note on the Ogham Inscription from Buckquoy, Orkney 107

scholars have concluded that they are evidence for a non-Indo-European (e.g. Rhys 1892; Rhys 1898; Macalister 1940; Jackson 1980; Padel 1972: 37–40; Padel 2015, 165–6; Isaac 2005: 78; Sims-Williams 2012: 431). This has been challenged by Katherine Forsyth, in the light of recent opinion that the only language spoken in Pictland in the ancient and early medieval eras was a Brittonic Celtic one, ultimately supplanted by Gaelic (e.g. Smyth 1984: 46–53; Foster 1997: 7; Koch 2003: 76; Fraser 2009: 52–3; Driscoll 2011: 252). Nonetheless, none of the inscriptions has proved amenable to a Brittonic analysis, despite some overoptimistic statements to the contrary (see Rodway forthcoming). However, Forsyth has analysed some of the other putatively Pictish inscriptions as Gaelic, most promisingly that at Dunadd (Forsyth 2000; cf. Forsyth 1996: 227–42). The latter, despite having been previously analysed as Pictish, is of course in the heart of Gaelic Dál Riata, so, if Gaelic, it can be straightforwardly excised from the Pictish corpus. The others, in Forsyth’s analysis, would reflect Gaelic influence in Pictland, and should be seen as outliers of the small corpus of Gaelic ogham inscriptions from Argyll. They should not be seen as evidence in favour of the long-discredited notion that the Pictish language was closely related to Gaelic. The Buckquoy inscription, being on a portable object, could have been carved any distance from the find site. However, it seems likely that the stone used was local (Collins 1977; Forsyth 1995: 680, 693; Forsyth 1996: 164, 184). Thus, if accepted as being a Gaelic inscription, it has nothing to tell us about Pictish, but it may be indicative of a Gaelic presence (perhaps ecclesiastical) in Orkney in the pre-Viking period (Forsyth 1995; Forsyth 1996: 183–5).15

Notes

1 In this paper, I use BOLD CAPITALS for transliterations of ogham inscriptions, CAPITALS for inscriptions in the Roman alphabet, and lower case italics for forms recorded in manuscripts. For ogham inscriptions, I follow Forsyth’s conventions, as described in Forsyth 1996: lxxxiii (cf. Forsyth 1995: 694, n. 6; Forsyth 2000: 267, n. 2): ‘Uppercase letters reasonably certain. Lowercase letters doubtful. If a reading is uncertain, alternatives are given in brackets in decreasing order of preference, separated by an oblique stroke, e.g. (t/u), most likely – T, alternative reading – U; ( /a/), most likely – no letter, alternative

04 Rodway 2017_1_17.indd 107 17-Jan-17 4:53:11 PM 108 Simon Rodway

reading – A, least likely – H. [...] Underline – two letters in one character compendium, e.g. EA, RR. [...] -] portion of unknown length lost at beginning; [- portion of unknown length lost at end.’ 2 The damaged Kilalloe inscription reads BENDACHT ... TOROQR ... McManus (1991: 130) restores ‘with reasonable certainty’ BENDACHT FOR TOROQRIM ‘a blessing on Thorgrimr’. 3 Note also that her suggestion (Forsyth 1996: 177) that VENDDACT could be ‘an archaic form of Findach’ is impossible, as the latter name never contained /t/. 4 For a semantic parallel, see Old Irish PN Gúaire < gúaire ‘hair, bristles’ (De Bernardo Stempel 1999: 236). The element ‘wend- > wind- “kin, family”’ mentioned by Mikhailova 2015: 42, referencing Delamarre 2007: 236, seems to be a ghost. Delamarre’s form is ueni- > uini- (cf. Dottin 1920: 297; Evans 1967: 119, 277–9; Delamarre 2001: 263; Falileyev et al. 2010: 33–4). 5 Apparently misunderstanding McManus 1991: 108. 6 And cf. Sims-Williams 2003: 273 on BARRECTI, if this is to be segmented *barro-ekt- rather than *barro-rektu- with (Sims-Williams 2003: 18, 130, 273). This would fit Nash-Williams’s fifth-century date for the relevant inscription better than a syncopated form (Sims-Williams 2003: 354), but perhaps, in view of the common occurrence of *rektu- in Celtic personal names (Evans 1967: 109, 241–2; Ziegler 1994: 225; Koch 1997: 221), ‘it is easier to suppose that there was an early haplography in *Barro-recti owing to the occurrence of two homorganic consonants’ (Sims-Williams, in Edwards 2013: 413). The following Old Irish female personal names may or may not contain the suffix under discussion: Ciannacht (Watkins 1963: 227; a back-formation from the population-group name Cían(n)acht(a)?), Indecht (O’Brien 1962: 666; cf. indecht ‘indiction’ < indictio (DIL s.v. indecht)??), Muirecht (Ó Corráin and Maguire 1990: 140). Indract, an Irish saint venerated at Glastonbury, seems to derive, perhaps via Old English *Indrac(h)te, from Irish Indrechtach (Lapidge 1982:

187). On the saint’s name Attracta ~ Adracht < *ad-drk-to-o ‘the expected one’, see Lambert 2008: 144. For a possible example of Middle Welsh Gwryaeth ‘manliness’ (< *Wiro-akt-) as a personal name, see Jones and Parry Owen 1991: 127. 7 Note, however, Irish Finnecht, the name of a saint and the of another, ‘[d]erived from finn “fair”’ according to Ó Corráin and Maguire (1990: 102). The is hard to account for, however – should we instead be thinking of a derivative of Latin vindicta? Or could it derive from finnech, an attested variant

04 Rodway 2017_1_17.indd 108 17-Jan-17 4:53:11 PM A Note on the Ogham Inscription from Buckquoy, Orkney 109

of finnach ‘hairy, shaggy’ (DIL s.v. finnach)? For Welsh abstract nouns formed from gwyn (gwynder etc.), see Zimmer 2000: 312. The Gaelic abstract is finne. 8 The Welsh form shows the change /nxt/ > /xt/ > /iθ/˰ seen in Seithin < Sanctinus (Jackson 1953: 406; Sims-Williams 2003: 178, n. 1076, 179, n. 1083; Cane 2003: 162). The name would then have to be Brittonic, in which case the ND and possibly the E would be due to Gaelic influence (see Sims-Williams 2003: 78, 81). For écht as the first element in Gaelic personal names, see Ó Corráin and Maguire 1990: 83; Uhlich 1993: 238. 9 It is tantalizingly reminiscent of Olfinecta, Ollfinachta in the notoriously intractable Pictish regnal list (Skene 1867: 5; Van Hamel 1932: 82), although this is probably to be connected with the Gaelic name Fínnechta, Fínsnechta < fín ‘wine’ and snechta ‘snow’ (Ó Corráin and Maguire 1990: 102), with the oll- ‘all’ (see de Bernardo Stempel 2003; cf. Evans 1967: 106, 237–8; Falileyev 2013: 106–7). 10 Cf. Meyer 1910: xxiv; Murphy 1956: 212–15; Carney 1969–70: 304–12 on the date. Cf. the usage of cride ‘heart’ as a term of endearment in Irish, extant in poems from the late Old Irish or early Middle Irish period (DIL (s.v. cride (c)); Baumgarten 1994: 124). The diminutive form cridecan occurs in an Old Irish poem, dated to c.800 by Gerard Murphy (Murphy 1956: 112). 11 Cf. Uindacius from Roman Britain (Delamarre 2007: 200); Middle Welsh Gwynnog (Bartrum 1966: 195); Breton Guenoc, Guenec (Loth 1908: 295–6). Welsh Gwenog may be unrelated (Wmffre 2004: 265–6), and note that Findach could be a hypocoristic form of Findbair (Russell 1990: 18; cf. Russell 2001: 239 on hypocoristic -ach). 12 Padel (1972: 15) also mentions ‘a whorl with radial decoration in the Perth museum’. Note also a decorated spindle-whorl discovered at a site in Glenshee, Perthshire, in the summer of 2015; according to David Strachan of Perth and Kinross Heritage Trust ‘some of the symbols look like they could be writing, perhaps Viking runes or Ogham inscription’ (reported in The Courier, 26 June 2015, http://www.thecourier.co.uk/news/local/perth-kinross/ cryptic-symbols-may-hold-key-to-glenshee-s-viking-age-past-1.886742 (accessed 6 April 2016). 13 The Gaulish ones are edited in Lambert 2002: 317–35. 14 Further discussion at Lambert 1994: 122–5; Clackson 2012: 44. 15 I am grateful to Dr Mahon for discussing this inscription with me, and for providing some of the references in this paper. I am also grateful for the

04 Rodway 2017_1_17.indd 109 17-Jan-17 4:53:11 PM 110 Simon Rodway

helpful comments on a draft version of Professor Erich Poppe and Dr David Cram, and of an anonymous reviewer. The views expressed and any factual errors are entirely my own responsibility.

Abbreviations

DIL E. G. Quin (ed.) (1983) Dictionary of the Based Mainly on Old and Middle Irish Materials. Compact edition. : . Available online at http://edil.qub.ac.uk. GPC R. J. Thomas, G. A. Bevan and P. J. Donovan (eds) (1950–2002; second edition, 2003) Geiriadur Prifysgol Cymru: A Dictionary of the . Cardiff: University of Press. Available online athttp://www. geiriadur.ac.uk/.

Bibliography

Bartrum, P. C. (ed.) (1966) Early Welsh Genealogical Tracts. Cardiff: University of Wales Press. Baumgarten, R. (1989) The Syntax of Irish ar marb, ar mbeo: ar mairb, ar mbí. Ériu 40, 99–112. Baumgarten, R. (1994) ‘Cr(a)ide hé...’ and the Early Irish Sentence. Ériu 45, 121–6. Cane, M. (2003) Personal Names of Men in Wales, and , 400– 1400 AD. Unpublished PhD thesis, University of Wales, Aberystwyth. Carney, J. (1969–70) Notes on Early Irish Verse. Éigse 13, 291–312. Clackson, J. (2012) Language Maintenance and in the Mediterranean World during the . In A. Mullen and P. James (eds) Multilingualism in the Graeco-Roman Worlds. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 36–57. Collins, G. H. (1977) Chalk Spindle-Whorls from Buckquoy, Orkney. Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, 108, 222–3. Davies, W., J. Graham-Campbell, M. Handley, P. Kershaw, J. T. Koch, G. Le Duc and K. Lockyear (2000) The Inscriptions of Early Medieval Brittany/Les inscriptions de la Bretagne du Haut Moyen Âge. Oakville, CT and Aberystwyth: Publications.

04 Rodway 2017_1_17.indd 110 17-Jan-17 4:53:11 PM A Note on the Ogham Inscription from Buckquoy, Orkney 111

De Bernardo Stempel, P. (1999) Nominale Wortbildung des älteren Irischen. Tübingen: Max Niemeyer. De Bernardo Stempel, P. (2003) Continental Celtic ollo : Early Welsh (h)ol(l), Olwen and Culhwch. Cambrian Medieval Celtic Studies 46, 119–27. Delamarre, X. (2001) Dictionnaire de la langue gauloise. Paris: Editions Errance. Delamarre, X. (2007) Noms de personnes celtiques dans l’épigraphie classique. Paris: Editions Errance. Dillon, M. (ed.) (1970) Stories from the Acallam. Dublin: Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies. Dinneen, P. S. (1927) Foclóir Gaedhilge agus Béarla: An Irish-English Dictionary. Dublin: The Educational Company of Ireland. Dottin, G. (1912), La langue gauloise. Paris: Librairie C. Klincksieck. Driscoll, S. T. (2011) Pictish Archaeology: Persistent Problems and Structural Solutions. In S. T. Driscoll, J. Geddes and M. A. Hall (eds) Pictish Progress: New Studies on Northern Britain in the Early Middle Ages. Leiden: Brill, 245– 79. Edwards, N. (2013) A Corpus of Early Medieval Inscribed Stones and Stone Sculpture in Wales, vol. III: North Wales. Cardiff: University of Wales Press. Evans, D. E. (1967) Gaulish Personal Names. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Evans, D. E. (1970–2) A Comparison of the Formation of Some Continental and Early Insular Celtic Personal Names. Bulletin of the Board of Celtic Studies 24, 415–34. Falileyev, A. (2007) Celtic Dacia. Aberystwyth: CMCS Publications. Falileyev, A. (2013) The Celtic Balkans. Aberystwyth: CMCS Publications. Falileyev, A. (2014) In Search of the Eastern : Studies in Geographical Names, Their Distribution and . Budapest: Archaeolingua. Falileyev, A., A. E. Gohil and N. Ward (2010) Dictionary of Continental Celtic Place-Names. Aberystwyth: CMCS Publications. Forsyth, K. (1995) The Ogam-Inscribed Spindle-Whorl from Buckquoy: Evidence for Irish Language in Pre-Viking Orkney? Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland 125, 677–96. Forsyth, K. (1996) The Ogham Inscriptions of Scotland: An Edited Corpus. Unpublished PhD thesis, Harvard University. Forsyth, K. (1997) Language in Pictland: The Case against ‘Non-Indo-European Pictish’. Utrecht: de Keltische Draak.

04 Rodway 2017_1_17.indd 111 17-Jan-17 4:53:11 PM 112 Simon Rodway

Forsyth, K. (2000) The Ogham Inscription at Dunadd. In A. Lane and E. Campbell (eds) Dunadd: An Early Dalriadic Capital. Oxford: Oxbow Books, 264–72. Foster, S. M. (1997) The : Quite the Darkest of the Peoples of Dark Age Britain? In D. Henry (ed.) The Worm, The Germ and the Thorn: Pictish and Related Studies Presented to Isabel Henderson. Balgavies, Pinkfoot Press, 5–17. Fraser, J. E. (2009) From Caledonia to Pictland: Scotland to 795. : Edinburgh University Press. Irslinger, B. (2002) Abstrakta mit Dentalsuffixen im Altirischen. Heidelberg, C. Winter. Isaac, G. R. (2005) A Note on ’s Pictish Brooch. Journal of Celtic Linguistics 9, 73–82. Jackson, K. (1953) Language and History in Early Britain. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Jackson, K. (1977) The Ogham Inscription on the Spindle Whorl from Buckquoy, Orkney. Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland 108, 221–2. Jackson, K. (1980) The Language of the Picts. In F. T. Wainwright (ed.), The Problem of the Picts Second edition. Perth: Melven Press, 129–66, 173–6. Jenkins, D. and M. E. Owen (1984) The Welsh Marginalia in the Lichfield Gospels, Part II: The ‘Surexit’ Memorandum. Cambridge Medieval Celtic Studies 7, 91–120. Jones, N. A. and A. Parry Owen (eds) (1991) Gwaith Cynddelw Brydydd Mawr I. Cardiff: University of Wales Press. Koch, J. T. (1997) The Gododdin of Aneirin: Text and Context from Dark-Age North Britain. Cardiff: University of Wales Press. Koch, J. T. (2003) Some Thoughts on Ethnic Identity, Cultural Pluralism, and the Future of Celtic Studies. In M. Herbert and K. Murray (eds) Retrospect and Prospect in Celtic Studies: Proceedings of the 11th International Congress of Celtic Studies. Dublin: Press, 75–92. Lambert, P.-Y. (1994) La langue gauloise. Paris, Editions Errance. Lambert, P.-Y. (2002) Recueil des inscriptions gauloises, II/2. Paris, CNRS Editions. Lambert, P.-Y. (2008) Three Notes on Gaulish. In J. L. García Alonso (ed.) Celtic and Other Languages in Ancient . Salamanca: Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca, 133–44. Lapidge, M. (1982) The Cult of St. Indract at Glastonbury. In D. Whitelock, R. McKitterick and D. Dumville (eds), Ireland in Early Mediaeval Europe. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 179–212.

04 Rodway 2017_1_17.indd 112 17-Jan-17 4:53:11 PM A Note on the Ogham Inscription from Buckquoy, Orkney 113

Liestøl, A. (1984) Runes. In A. Fenton and H. Pálsson, H. (eds.) The Northern and Western Isles in the Viking World: Survival, Continuity and Change. Edinburgh, John Publishers Ltd, 224–8. Lloyd, J. E. (1888) The Personal Name-System in Old Welsh. Y Cymmrodor, 9, 39–55. Loth, J. (1908) Les noms des saints . Revue celtique 29, 222–48, 271–311. Mac Airt, S. (1956) Ir. anam; W. eneit. Celtica 3, 268–9. Macalister, R. A. S. (1940) The Inscriptions and Language of the Picts. In J. (ed.) Féil-sgríbhinn Eóin Mhic Néill: Essays and Studies presented to Professor Eoin MacNeill. Dublin: Sign of the Three Candles, 184–226. McCone, K. R. (1996) Towards a Relative Chronology of Ancient and Medieval Celtic Sound Change. : The Department of Old Irish, National University of Ireland, Maynooth. MacGregor, A. (1972–4) The Broch of Burrian, North Ronaldsay, Orkney. Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland 105, 63–118. McManus, D. (1991) A Guide to Ogam. Maynooth: An Sagart. MacNeill, J. (1909) Notes on the Distribution, History, Grammar, and Import of the Irish Ogham Inscriptions, Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, Section C, 27, 329–70. Matasović, R. (2009) Etymological Dictionary of Proto-Celtic. Leiden: Brill. Meid, W. (1994) Gaulish Inscriptions. Budapest: Archaeolingua. Meid, W. (2005) Keltische Personennamen in Pannonien. Budapest: Archaeolingua. Meyer, K. (ed.) (1910) Fianaigecht. Dublin: Hodges, Figgis & Co. Mikhailova, T. A. (2015) British and Roman Names from the Sulis-Minerva : Two Solutions to an Old Problem. In D Johnston, E. Parina and M. Fomin (eds.) ‘Yn llawen iawn, yn llawn iaith’: Proceedings of the 6th International Colloquium of Societas Celto-Slavica. Aberystwyth: University of Wales Centre for Advanced Welsh and Celtic Studies, 31–46. Morris, C. D. (1995) Birsay: An Orcadian Centre of Political and Ecclesiastical Power A Retrospective View on Work in the 1970s and 1980s. Studia Celtica 29, 1–29. Murphy, G. (ed.) (1956) Early Irish Lyrics. Oxford: Clarendon Press. O’Brien, M. A. (ed.) (1962) Corpus Genealogiarum Hiberniae, vol. I. Dublin: Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies. Ó Corráin, D. and F. Maguire (1990) Irish Names. Second edition. Dublin: The Liliput Press.

04 Rodway 2017_1_17.indd 113 17-Jan-17 4:53:11 PM 114 Simon Rodway

Padel, O. (1972) The Inscriptions of Pictland. Unpublished MLitt thesis, University of Edinburgh. Padel, O. (2015) Celtic, Pictish and Germanic Onomastics in the Work of H. M. Chadwick. In M. Lapidge (ed.), H. M. Chadwick and the Study of Anglo-Saxon, Norse and Celtic in Cambridge = Cambrian Medieval Celtic Studies, 69/70. Aberystwyth, CMCS Publications, 157–70. Page, R. I. (1973) An Introduction to English Runes. London: Methuen. Raybould, M. E. and P. Sims-Williams (2009) Introduction and Supplement to the Corpus of Latin Inscriptions of the Roman Empire Containing Celtic Personal Names. Aberystwyth: CMCS Publications. Rhys, J. (1879) Lectures in Welsh Philology. Second edition. London: Trübner & Co. Rhys, J. (1892) The Inscriptions and Language of the Northern Picts. Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland 26, 263–351. Rhys, J. (1898) A Revised Account of the Inscriptions of the Northern Picts. Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland 32, 324–98. Rodway, S. (forthcoming) The Ogham Inscriptions of Scotland and Brittonic Pictish. Russell, P. (1990) Celtic Word Formation: The Velar . Dublin: Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies. Russell, P. (2001) Patterns of Hypocorism in Early Irish Hagiography. In J. Carey, M. Herbert and P. Ó Riain (eds) Studies in Irish Hagiography: Saints and Scholars. Dublin, Four Courts Press, 237–49. Salinas de Fría, M. (2013) Personal Onomastics and Local Society in Ancient Lusitania. In J. L. García Alonso (ed.) Continental Celtic Word Formation: The Onomastic Data. Salamanca: Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca, 17–35. Schrijver, P. (1991) The Development of Primitive Irish aN before Voiced Stop. Ériu 42, 13–25. Schrijver, P. (1995) Studies in British Celtic Historical . Amsterdam: Rodopi. Schrijver, P. (1997) Studies in the History of Celtic and Particles. Maynooth: The Department of Old Irish, National University of Ireland, Maynooth. Sims-Williams, P. (2003) The Celtic Inscriptions of Britain: Phonology and Chronology, c. 400–1200. Oxford: Blackwell. Sims-Williams, P. (2006) Ancient Celtic Place-Names in Europe and Asia Minor. Oxford: Blackwell.

04 Rodway 2017_1_17.indd 114 17-Jan-17 4:53:11 PM A Note on the Ogham Inscription from Buckquoy, Orkney 115

Sims-Williams, P. (2012) Bronze- and Iron-Age Celtic-Speakers: What Don’t We Know, What Can’t We Know, and What Could We Know? Language, Genetics and Archaeology in the Twenty-First Century. The Antiquaries Journal 92, 427–49. Skene, W. F. (ed.) (1867) Chronicles of the Picts, Chronicles of the Scots, and Other Early Memorials of Scottish History. Edinburgh: T. Constable. Smyth, A. P. (1984) Warlords and Holy Men: Scotland AD 80–1000. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Thomson, D. S. (ed.) (1961) Branwen uerch Lyr. Dublin: Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies. Thurneysen, R. (1946) A Grammar of Old Irish, trans. D. A. Binchy and O. Bergin. Dublin: Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies. Uhlich, J. (1993) Die Morphologie der komponierten Personennamen des Altirischen. Witterschlick and Bonn: Verlag M. Wehle. Van Hamel, A. G. (ed.) (1932) Lebor Bretnach: The Irish Version of the Historia Brittonum Ascribed to Nennius. Dublin: The Stationery Office. Vendryes, J. (1936) Sur les hypocoristiques celtiques précédés de ‘mo’ ou de ‘to (do)’. Études celtiques 3, 254–68. Watkins, C. (1963) Indo-European Metrics and Archaic Irish Verse, Celtica 6, 194–249. Wmffre, I. (2004) The Place-Names of Cardiganshire. Oxford: Archaeopress. Wodtko, D. (2013) Preverbs and Personal Names. In J. L. García Alonso (ed.) Continental Celtic Word Formation: The Onomastic Data. Salamanca, Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca, 215–34. Ziegler, S. (1994) Die Sprache der altirischen Ogam-Inschriften. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. Zimmer, S. (2000) Studies in Welsh Word-formation. Dublin: Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies. Zimmer, S. (2007) Onomastique galloise et traditions gauloises. In P.-Y. Lamert and G.-J. Pinault (eds.) Gaulois et celtique continental. Geneva: Droz, 447–69.

04 Rodway 2017_1_17.indd 115 17-Jan-17 4:53:11 PM 04 Rodway 2017_1_17.indd 116 17-Jan-17 4:53:11 PM