DOCSLIB.ORG

Case in Nominalisations

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Case in Nominalisations Case in Nominalisations Justin Colley A thesis presented for the degree of Master of Arts (Research) School of Humanities and Languages Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences August 2015 PLEASE TYPE THE UNIVERSITY OF NEW SOUTH WALES Thesis/Dissertation Sheet Surname or Family name: Colley First name: Justin Other name/s: Mark Abbreviation for degree as given in the University calendar: MRes School: Humanities and Languages Faculty: Arts and Social Sciences Title: Case in nominalisations Abstract 350 words maximum: (PLEASE TYPE) This thesis investigates the case-marking properties of Argument Structure (AS)-nominals. A number of researchers have argued that AS-nominals contain a verbal constituent, including the projection (vP/VoiceP) responsible for the introduction of the external argument (Alexiadou, Iordăchioaia, Cano, Martin, & Schäfer, 2013; Borer, 2013; van Hout & Roeper, 1998). v/Voice is standardly taken to assign accusative Case. The absence of accusative case in AS- nominals, together with the presence of v/Voice therefore poses a significant puzzle. I argue that a configurational theory of case (Baker, 2015; Marantz, 2000a; McFadden, 2004) explains the case- marking properties of AS-nominals, when paired with a dynamic theory of phases (Bobaljik & Wurmbrand, 2013; Bošković, 2014). Movement of the verb into the nominal domain triggers phase extension (den Dikken, 2007); the derived phase is nominal by nature, resulting in the loss of accusative case and the assignment of genitive case (unmarked case in the nominal domain). Because gerunds and related constructions do not involve movement of the verb into the nominal domain, phase extension does not occur, and accusative case emerges. The phenomenon of case concord shows that DPs must receive case before they are spelled out. I show that, for independent syntactic reasons, a dynamic theory of phases predicts that DPs are spelled out in the same order that they are assigned case according to Marantz's (2000a) disjunctive case hierarchy. This ordering of DP Spell-Out explains a puzzling pattern of case concord in Finnish AS-nominals. I extend this system to derive the distinctive case-stacking behaviour of lexical/oblique nominals as compared to structurally case-marked nominals. Declaration relating to disposition of project thesis/dissertation I hereby grant to the University of New South Wales or its agents the right to archive and to make available my thesis or dissertation in whole or in part in the University libraries in all forms of media, now or here after known, subject to the provisions of the Copyright Act 1968. I retain all property rights, such as patent rights. I also retain the right to use in future works (such as articles or books) all or part of this thesis or dissertation. I also authorise University Microfilms to use the 350 word abstract of my thesis in Dissertation Abstracts International (this is applicable to doctoral theses only). …………………………………………………………… ……………………………………..……………… ……….……………………...…….… Signature Witness Date The University recognises that there may be exceptional circumstances requiring restrictions on copying or conditions on use. Requests for restriction for a period of up to 2 years must be made in writing. Requests for a longer period of restriction may be considered in exceptional circumstances and require the approval of the Dean of Graduate Research. FOR OFFICE USE ONLY Date of completion of requirements for Award: THIS SHEET IS TO BE GLUED TO THE INSIDE FRONT COVER OF THE THESIS Originality Statement ‘I hereby declare that this submission is my own work and to the best of my knowl- edge it contains no materials previously published or written by another person, or substantial proportions of material which have been accepted for the award of any other degree or diploma at UNSW or any other educational institution, except where due acknowledgement is made in the thesis. Any contribution made to the research by others, with whom I have worked at UNSW or elsewhere, is explicitly acknowledged in the thesis. I also declare that the intellectual content of this thesis is the product of my own work, except to the extent that assistance from others in the project’s design and conception in style, presentation and linguistic expression is acknowledged.’ Signed . Date......................................... ii COPYRIGHT STATEMENT ‘I hereby grant the University of New South Wales or its agents the right to archive and to make available my thesis or dissertation in whole or part in the University libraries in all forms of media, now or here after known, subject to the provisions of the Copyright Act 1968. I retain all proprietary rights, such as patent rights. I also retain the right to use in future works (such as articles or books) all or part of this thesis or dissertation. I also authorise University Microfilms to use the 350 word abstract of my thesis in Dissertation Abstract International (this is applicable to doctoral theses only). I have either used no substantial portions of copyright material in my thesis or I have obtained permission to use copyright material; where permission has not been granted I have applied/will apply for a partial restriction of the digital copy of my thesis or dissertation.' Signed ……………………………………………........................... Date ……………………………………………........................... AUTHENTICITY STATEMENT ‘I certify that the Library deposit digital copy is a direct equivalent of the final officially approved version of my thesis. No emendation of content has occurred and if there are any minor variations in formatting, they are the result of the conversion to digital format.’ Signed ……………………………………………........................... Date ……………………………………………........................... Acknowledgements Many thanks to my supervisors, Mengistu Amberber and Debra Aarons, for all their help over the years. Their support, encouragement, and depth of knowledge have been absolutely crucial. My time with them has been intellectually stimulating and, above all, great fun. I wouldn’t even be studying linguistics if it wasn’t for Peter Slezak, who got me excited about the project of cognitive science in the first place. From the beginning, he was generous, welcoming, and treated me like an intellectual equal. Thanks also to the members of the UNSW Cognitive Science Discussion Group. Thanks to Jake Farrell, for endless hours of discussion about linguistics, listening pa- tiently to my half-baked ideas, and giving useful feedback. He is also a highly recom- mended formatter of syntactic trees. My brother Brendan provided both helpful proofreading and an unending supply of coffee and sandwiches, without which I’d never have finished this thesis. And finally, to my mum and dad, who have been there for me in far toomanyways to list: I am forever grateful for your selfless love and support. iv Contents Acknowledgements v List of Tables ix Abbreviations xi 1 Introduction 1 2 Background 5 2.1 Introduction . 5 2.2 Grimshaw’s typology . 5 2.3 Mixed categorial behaviour . 7 2.4 Early generative approaches . 9 2.4.1 Lees . 9 2.4.2 Remarks on nominalization . 10 2.5 Lexicalist approaches . 14 2.6 Syntactic approaches . 18 2.6.1 Approaches without a verbal constituent . 18 2.6.2 Approaches with a verbal constituent . 22 2.7 Conclusion . 26 3 The external argument and Burzio’s generalisation 27 3.1 Introduction . 27 3.2 An external argument in AS-nominals . 27 3.3 Burzio’s Generalisation . 30 3.4 First option: there is no VoiceP in AS-nominals . 33 3.5 Second option: there really is accusative Case in AS-nominals . 37 3.6 Conclusion . 39 4 A configurational case approach 41 4.1 Introduction . 41 4.2 A disjunctive case hierarchy . 42 4.3 The domain of configurational case . 45 4.4 Burzio’s Generalisation, revisited . 47 4.5 Configurational case in the syntax . 48 4.6 Dynamic Phases . 51 4.6.1 Architecture . 51 4.6.2 Phase theory . 52 v 4.6.3 Dynamic phasehood . 54 4.7 Phase extension . 57 4.8 Phase extension in AS-nominals . 61 4.9 Prepositions as case markers . 64 4.10 Conclusion . 66 5 The timing of Spell-Out 69 5.1 Introduction . 69 5.2 Proposals for early DP Spell-Out . 69 5.2.1 LCA . 70 5.2.2 CED effects . 71 5.2.3 The labelling algorithm . 72 5.3 Case concord . 73 5.3.1 Lexical/oblique case . 75 5.3.2 Structural cases . 76 5.3.3 Finnish AS-nominals . 77 5.4 The timing of Spell-Out . 78 5.4.1 Lexical/oblique vs. structural case in AS-nominals . 78 5.4.2 Case stacking . 81 5.5 Conclusion . 83 6 Conclusion 85 vi List of Tables 1 Two types of nominalisations ......................... 6 vii Abbreviations abs absolutive acc accusative caus causative dat dative erg ergative fut future gen genitive impf imperfective inf infinitive nom nominative obl oblique om object marker pass passive pf perfective pl plural prt particle viii Chapter 1 Introduction This thesis investigates the case-marking properties of a particular kind of nominalisa- tion, often referred to as an Argument Structure nominal (AS-nominal). (1) a. Mary’s kicking of the ball. b. Mary kicked the ball. At first glance, the AS-nominal in (1a) seems to share a great deal in common withthe sentence in (1b). Most prominently, they seem to have the same argument structure. In both examples, Mary is interpreted as the agent of a kicking event, and the ball is interpreted as the theme of this event. Moreover, it is a plausible hypothesis that the eventive nature of both (1a) and (1b) is mediated by the presence of a verb, kick. On the other hand, AS-nominals also appear to share a great deal in common with non- AS-nominals, which don’t have these eventive/argument-structural properties. (2) a. Maria’s (beautiful) reading of Pride and Prejudice. b. Maria’s (beautiful) copy of Pride and Prejudice.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Possessive Constructions in Modern Low Saxon
    POSSESSIVE CONSTRUCTIONS IN MODERN LOW SAXON a thesis submitted to the department of linguistics of stanford university in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of master of arts Jan Strunk June 2004 °c Copyright by Jan Strunk 2004 All Rights Reserved ii I certify that I have read this thesis and that, in my opinion, it is fully adequate in scope and quality as a thesis for the degree of Master of Arts. Joan Bresnan (Principal Adviser) I certify that I have read this thesis and that, in my opinion, it is fully adequate in scope and quality as a thesis for the degree of Master of Arts. Tom Wasow I certify that I have read this thesis and that, in my opinion, it is fully adequate in scope and quality as a thesis for the degree of Master of Arts. Dan Jurafsky iii iv Abstract This thesis is a study of nominal possessive constructions in modern Low Saxon, a West Germanic language which is closely related to Dutch, Frisian, and German. After identifying the possessive constructions in current use in modern Low Saxon, I give a formal syntactic analysis of the four most common possessive constructions within the framework of Lexical Functional Grammar in the ¯rst part of this thesis. The four constructions that I will analyze in detail include a pronominal possessive construction with a possessive pronoun used as a determiner of the head noun, another prenominal construction that resembles the English s-possessive, a linker construction in which a possessive pronoun occurs as a possessive marker in between a prenominal possessor phrase and the head noun, and a postnominal construction that involves the preposition van/von/vun and is largely parallel to the English of -possessive.
    [Show full text]
  • Case in Standard Arabic: a Dependent Case Approach
    CASE IN STANDARD ARABIC: A DEPENDENT CASE APPROACH AMER AHMED A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY GRADUATE PROGRAM IN LINGUISTICS AND APPLIED LINGUISTICS YORK UNIVERSITY TORONTO, ONTARIO August 2016 © AMER AHMED, 2016 ABSTRACT This dissertation is concerned with how structural and non-structural cases are assigned in the variety of Arabic known in the literature as Standard Arabic (SA). Taking a Minimalist perspective, this dissertation shows that the available generative accounts of case in SA are problematic either theoretically or empirically. It is argued that these problems can be overcome using the hybrid dependent case theory of Baker (2015). This theory makes a distinction between two types of phases. The first is the hard phase, which disallows the materials inside from being accessed by higher phases. The second is the soft phase, which allows the materials inside it to be accessed by higher phases. The results of this dissertation indicate that in SA (a) the CP is a hard phase in that noun phrases inside this phase are inaccessible to higher phases for the purpose of case assignment. In contrast, vP is argued to be a soft phase in that the noun phrases inside this phase are still accessible to higher phases for the purposes of case assignment (b) the DP, and the PP are also argued to be hard phases in SA, (c) case assignment in SA follows a hierarchy such that lexical case applies before the dependent case, the dependent case applies before the Agree-based case assignment, the Agree-based case assignment applies before the unmarked/default case assignment, (d) case assignment in SA is determined by a parameter, which allows the dependent case assignment to apply to a noun phrase if it is c-commanded by another noun phrase in the same Spell-Out domain (TP or VP), (e) the rules of dependent case assignment require that the NPs involved have distinct referential indices.
    [Show full text]
  • Adpositional Case
    Adpositional Case S.A.M . Lestrade Adpositional Case Sander Lestrade PIONIER Project Case Cross-Linguistically Department of Linguistics Radboud University Nijmegen P.O. Box 9103 6500 HD Nijmegen The Netherlands www.ru.nl/pionier S.Lestrade@ let.ru.nl Adpositional Case M A Thesis Linguistics Department Radboud University Nijmegen May 2006 Sander Lestrade 0100854 First supervisor: Dr. Helen de Hoop Second supervisors: Dr. Ad Foolen and Dr. Joost Zwarts Acknowledgments I would like to thank Lotte Hogeweg and the members of the PIONIER project Case Cross-Linguistically for the nice cooperation and for providing a very stimulating working environment during the past year. Many thanks go to Geertje van Bergen for fruitful discussion and support during the process of writing. I would like to thank Ad Foolen and Joost Zwarts for their willingness to be my second supervisors and their useful comments on an earlier version; special thanks to Joost Zwarts for very useful and crucial discussion. Also, I gratefully acknowledge the Netherlands Organisation of Scientific Research (NWO) for financial support, grant 220-70-003, principal investigator Helen de Hoop (PIONIER-project “Case cross-linguistically”). Most of all, I would like to thank Helen de Hoop for her fantastic supervising without which I probably would not even have started, but certainly not have finished my thesis already. Moreover, I would like to thank her for the great opportunities she offered me to develop my skills in Linguistics. v Contents Acknowledgments v Contents vii Abbreviations
    [Show full text]
  • Structural Case in Finnish
    Structural Case in Finnish Paul Kiparsky Stanford University 1 Introduction 1.1 Morphological case and abstract case The fundamental fact that any theory of case must address is that morphological form and syntactic function do not stand in a one-to-one correspondence, yet are systematically related.1 Theories of case differ in whether they define case categories at a single structural level of representation, or at two or more levels of representation. For theories of the first type, the mismatches raise a dilemma when morphological form and syntactic function diverge. Which one should the classification be based on? Generally, such single-level approaches determine the case inventory on the basis of morphology using paradigmatic contrast as the basic criterion, and propose rules or constraints that map the resulting cases to grammatical relations. Multi-level case theories deal with the mismatch between morphological form and syntactic function by distinguishing morphological case on the basis of form and abstract case on the basis of function. Approaches that distinguish between abstract case and morphological case in this way typically envisage an interface called “spellout” that determines the relationship between them. In practice, this outlook has served to legitimize a neglect of inflectional morphol- ogy. The neglect is understandable, for syntacticians’ interest in morphological case is naturally less as a system in its own right than as a diagnostic for ab- stract case and grammatical relations. But it is not entirely benign: compare the abundance of explicit proposals about how abstract cases are assigned with the minimal attention paid to how they are morphologically realized.
    [Show full text]
  • Agreement and Case: Patterns, Interactions, and Implications Omer Preminger ([email protected]) March 2011
    Agreement and case: Patterns, interactions, and implications Omer Preminger ([email protected]) https://alum.mit.edu/www/omerp/ March 2011 1. Preliminary Things that might be obvious — but still worthwhile saying / putting down on paper: I. Terminology: there is almost certainly an imperfect overlay between the terminology I use and the terminology you use ⇒ You will use some terms I’ve never heard before, and vice versa ➻ This entire exercise will be futile if we don’t stop one another, and ask for clarification; otherwise I might as well be speaking Na’vi1 II. Theoretical background: in the same spirit, there will be some things you take for granted but that I don’t actually know, and vice versa • Again, it will almost always be in everybody’s best interests to stop and review what that background is, when confusion arises ◦ except if/when it threatens to derail the lesson plan completely—in which case we will resort to exchanging bibliographic citations, as needed In the spirit of (I), let me be as clear as I can about what I mean when I say agreement (at least for the purposes of this class): “ϕ-agreement” (or, when I’m less careful, “agreement”): the appearance of a morpheme on a verb or TAM marker, whose form co-varies with the ϕ-features of (at least) one nominal argument in the clause where: ◦ TAM = tense/aspect/mood ◦ ϕ-features = person, number, gender, etc. This might seem trivial, but: • agreement (or more accurately, the mechanisms suggested to underly it, e.g. Agree) have been invoked in relation to a wide array of phenomena: noun-modifier concord; negative concord; pronominal binding; and others.
    [Show full text]
  • Acquisition of Agreement and Morphological Features
    Acquisition of Agreement and Morphological Features Within the Noun Phrase in Russian Oksana Vladimirovna Tarasenkova, Ph.D. University of Connecticut, 2010 This dissertation is dedicated to the study of acquisition of morphological features of number, gender and case within the noun phrase in Russian. I investigated several factors influencing the ordering effects of the acquisition of these morphological features derived from different accounts depending on their take on the agreement features being derived from meaning or form. Such factors are semantic grounds, canonicity, and feature specificity. I also took a closer look at the acquisition of gender in Russian nouns to compare competing accounts of gender and declension class representation in Russian. The dissertation is based on the data from two experimental studies performed with Russian monolingual children between the ages 2;5 and 5 years old. Both studies were set up as elicited production. The first study focuses on the ordering effects in the acquisition of agreement features of number, gender and case within the noun phrase. The second study focuses on the debate between two competing accounts of the representation of gender in Russian. These accounts differently answer the question of whether gender in Russian is derived from declension class, or if, on the contrary, declension class is derived from gender. Oksana Vladimirovna Tarasenkova - University of Connecticut, 2010 Acquisition of Agreement and Morphological Features Within the Noun Phrase in Russian Oksana Vladimirovna Tarasenkova B.A., Kostroma State University named after N.A. Nekrassov, 1996 M.A., University of Connecticut, 2008 A Dissertation Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy at the University of Connecticut 2010 UMI Number: 3451400 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted.
    [Show full text]
  • Case in Sakha: Are Two Modalities Really Necessary?* Eodore Levina & Omer Premingerb
    Case in Sakha: Are Two Modalities Really Necessary?* eodore Levina & Omer Premingerb Abstract Baker & Vinokurova (óþÕþ) argue that the distribution of morphologically observable case in Sakha (Turkic) requires a hybrid account, which involves recourse both to configurational rules of case assignment (Bittner & Hale ÕÉÉä, Marantz ÕÉÉÕ, Yip, Maling & Jackendoff ÕÉß), and to case assignment by functional heads (Chomsky óþþþ, óþþÕ). In this paper, we argue that this conclusion is under-motivated, and present an alternative account of case in Sakha that is entirely configurational. e central innovation lies in abandoning Chomsky’s (óþþþ, óþþÕ) assumptions regarding the interaction of case and agreement, and replacing them with Bobaljik’s (óþþ) and Preminger’s (óþÕÕ) independently motivated alternative, nullifying the need to appeal to case assignment by functional heads in accounting for the Sakha facts. Õ. Introduction Baker & Vinokurova (óþÕþ) (henceforth, B&V) argue that the distribution of morphologically observable case in Sakha (Turkic) requires a hybrid approach to the assignment of case. Specifically, they argue that the distribution of accusative and dative case in Sakha can only be accounted for configurationally (Bittner & Hale ÕÉÉä, Marantz ÕÉÉÕ, Yip, Maling & Jackendoff ÕÉß), and cannot be accounted for in terms of case assignment by functional heads (as in Chomsky óþþþ, óþþÕ). Conversely, they argue that nominative and genitive case require an account in terms of case assignment by functional heads, and cannot be accounted for configurationally. In this paper, we present an argument that this conclusion is in fact under-determined by the Sakha data that B&V put forth, and that the distribution of all four cases within their data can be accounted for within a purely configurational approach.
    [Show full text]
  • Agreement, Case and Locality in the Nominal and Verbal Domains
    Agreement, case and locality in the nominal and verbal domains Edited by Ludovico Franco Mihaela Marchis Moreno Matthew Reeve language Open Generative Syntax 4 science press Open Generative Syntax Editors: Elena Anagnostopoulou, Mark Baker, Roberta D’Alessandro, David Pesetsky, Susi Wurmbrand In this series: 1. Bailey, Laura R. & Michelle Sheehan (eds.). Order and structure in syntax I: Word order and syntactic structure. 2. Sheehan, Michelle & Laura R. Bailey (eds.). Order and structure in syntax II: Subjecthood and argument structure. 3. Bacskai-Atkari, Julia. Deletion phenomena in comparative constructions: English comparatives in a cross-linguistic perspective. 4. Franco, Ludovico, Mihaela Marchis Moreno & Matthew Reeve (eds.). Agreement, case and locality in the nominal and verbal domains. ISSN: 2568-7336 Agreement, case and locality in the nominal and verbal domains Edited by Ludovico Franco Mihaela Marchis Moreno Matthew Reeve language science press Franco, Ludovico, Mihaela Marchis Moreno & Matthew Reeve (eds.). 2019. Agreement, case and locality in the nominal and verbal domains (Open Generative Syntax 4). Berlin: Language Science Press. This title can be downloaded at: http://langsci-press.org/catalog/book/215 © 2019, the authors Published under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 Licence (CC BY 4.0): http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ ISBN: 978-3-96110-200-6 (Digital) 978-3-96110-201-3 (Hardcover) ISSN: 2568-7336 DOI:10.5281/zenodo.2640704 Source code available from www.github.com/langsci/215 Collaborative reading:
    [Show full text]
  • On Latin Nominal Inflection: the Form-Function Relationship
    Published in: Morphology vol. 23 (2013) no. 2, p. 179-200. On Latin nominal inflection: the form-function relationship Bernd Wiese Abstract The present paper provides a new approach to the form-function relation in Latin declension. First, inflections are discussed from a functional point of view with special consideration to questions of syncretism. A case hierarchy is justified for Latin that conforms to general observations on case systems. The analysis leads to a markedness scale that provides a ranking of case-number-combinations from un- marked to most marked. Systematic syncretism always applies to contiguous sections of the case-number-scale (‘syncretism fields’). Second, inflections are analysed from a formal point of view taking into account partial identities and differences among noun endings. Theme vowels being factored out, endings are classified on the basis of their make-up, e.g., as sigmatic endings; as containing desinential (non-thematic) vowels; as containing long vowels; and so on. The analysis leads to a view of endings as involving more basic elements or ‘markers’. Endings of the various declensions instantiate a small number of types, and these can be put into a ranked order (a for- mal scale) that applies transparadigmatically. Third, the relationship between the in- dependently substantiated functional and formal hierarchies is examined. In any de- clension, the form-function-relationship is established by aligning the relevant formal and functional scales (or ‘sequences’). Some types of endings are in one-to-one cor- respondence with bundles of morphosyntactic properties as they should be according to a classical morphemic approach, but others are not.
    [Show full text]
  • Case Attraction As a Transitional Stage from Old Icelandic Demonstrative to Relative Sá CHRISTOPHER D
    HISTORICAL SYNTAX Arrested development: Case attraction as a transitional stage from Old Icelandic demonstrative to relative sá CHRISTOPHER D. S APP University of Mississippi Old Icelandic relative clauses are frequently preceded by the pronoun sá , considered by most grammars to be a demonstrative. Using a large corpus of Old Icelandic prose, I show that when sá precedes relative clauses, it is often ambiguous between a cataphoric demonstrative (referring ahead to a relative clause) and relative pronoun (part of the relative clause). Syntactic and prosodic evidence indicates that, at least in some instances, sá is unambiguously a relative pronoun, used in tandem with the particle er ; thus Old Icelandic relative clauses seem to have doubly filled COMP. A notable characteristic of relative sá is its pervasive attraction to the case of the matrix an - tecedent. I argue that case attraction represents an intermediate stage in the reanalysis of sá from a demonstrative to a true relative pronoun. Structurally, case-attracting relative pronouns and true relative pronouns occupy different functional positions within a split-CP system. Sá achieved the final stage of the development in the seventeenth century, but rapidly declined under competition with the complementizer sem , thus leaving the false impression that sá never developed beyond the case-attraction stage. Keywords : Old Icelandic, relative pronoun, demonstrative, case attraction, reanalysis 1. Introduction. In the languages of western Europe, there are two types of rela - tivizers: relative pronouns (e.g. English which , Spanish quien , Standard German der ) and relative complementizers (e.g. English that , Spanish que , Norwegian som ). 1 Rela - tive pronouns may show pronoun-like agreement features and may be similar to either demonstrative pronouns or wh -pronouns, while relative complementizers are often ho - mophonous with other complementizers (Harbert 2007:424–26).
    [Show full text]
  • Taxonomies of Case and Ontologies of Case Omer Preminger∗ July 2021
    Taxonomies of case and ontologies of case Omer Preminger∗ July 2021 1. Introduction This chapter is an attempt to clarify the logical structure of the portion of linguistic theory that deals with the assignment of case, and in so doing, to correct some persistent misconceptions about this theoretical landscape. I should note from the outset what is meant here by case: (1) case = the set of contextually-assigned syntactic features that, on a language-specific basis, · · can (but do not have to) be spelled out in the extended nominal projection What the context referenced in (1) consists in—and in particular, whether it is structural or the- matic, and, if structural, what the nature of the relevant structural conditions is—will constitute the bulk of our focus here. One unfortunate facet of many discussions of case in generative linguistics is that pretheoretic, descriptivist taxonomies of case (‘nominative’, ‘accusative’, ‘ergative’, ‘absolutive’, and so on) are frequently conflated with theoretical ontologies of case (the ways in which case may depend on syntactic context, however many such ways there may be). As a result, one frequently comes across arguments resembling (2) (see section 4 for some concrete examples): (2) Linguist A: “The assignment of accusative case works like this!” Linguist B: “No, the assignment of accusative case works like that!” One of my central goals in this contribution is to clarify that arguments of this sort are ill-founded. They are based on the tacit presupposition that our pretheoretic taxonomic labels for case (e.g. ‘accusative’) align perfectly with the ontological categories at play (case assigned by a functional head, dependent case, and so forth).
    [Show full text]
  • Widespread but Not Universal: Improving the Typological Coverage of the Grammar Matrix
    Widespread but Not Universal: Improving the Typological Coverage of the Grammar Matrix Scott Drellishak A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Washington 2009 Program Authorized to Offer Degree: Department of Linguistics University of Washington Graduate School This is to certify that I have examined this copy of a doctoral dissertation by Scott Drellishak and have found that it is complete and satisfactory in all respects, and that any and all revisions required by the final examining committee have been made. Chair of the Supervisory Committee: Emily M. Bender Reading Committee: Emily M. Bender Barbara Citko Sharon Hargus Date: In presenting this dissertation in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the doctoral degree at the University of Washington, I agree that the Library shall make its copies freely available for inspection. I further agree that extensive copying of this dissertation is allowable only for scholarly purposes, consistent with “fair use” as prescribed in the U.S. Copyright Law. Requests for copying or reproduction of this dissertation may be referred to Proquest Information and Learning, 300 North Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor, MI 48106-1346, 1-800-521-0600, to whom the author has granted “the right to reproduce and sell (a) copies of the manuscript in microform and/or (b) printed copies of the manuscript made from microform.” Signature Date University of Washington Abstract Widespread but Not Universal: Improving the Typological Coverage of the Grammar Matrix Scott Drellishak Chair of the Supervisory Committee: Assistant Professor Emily M. Bender Department of Linguistics The LinGO Grammar Matrix provides a foundation for building grammars of natural languages in hpsg.
    [Show full text]