Case in Standard Arabic: a Dependent Case Approach
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Possessive Constructions in Modern Low Saxon
POSSESSIVE CONSTRUCTIONS IN MODERN LOW SAXON a thesis submitted to the department of linguistics of stanford university in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of master of arts Jan Strunk June 2004 °c Copyright by Jan Strunk 2004 All Rights Reserved ii I certify that I have read this thesis and that, in my opinion, it is fully adequate in scope and quality as a thesis for the degree of Master of Arts. Joan Bresnan (Principal Adviser) I certify that I have read this thesis and that, in my opinion, it is fully adequate in scope and quality as a thesis for the degree of Master of Arts. Tom Wasow I certify that I have read this thesis and that, in my opinion, it is fully adequate in scope and quality as a thesis for the degree of Master of Arts. Dan Jurafsky iii iv Abstract This thesis is a study of nominal possessive constructions in modern Low Saxon, a West Germanic language which is closely related to Dutch, Frisian, and German. After identifying the possessive constructions in current use in modern Low Saxon, I give a formal syntactic analysis of the four most common possessive constructions within the framework of Lexical Functional Grammar in the ¯rst part of this thesis. The four constructions that I will analyze in detail include a pronominal possessive construction with a possessive pronoun used as a determiner of the head noun, another prenominal construction that resembles the English s-possessive, a linker construction in which a possessive pronoun occurs as a possessive marker in between a prenominal possessor phrase and the head noun, and a postnominal construction that involves the preposition van/von/vun and is largely parallel to the English of -possessive. -
Estonian Transitive Verbs and Object Case
ESTONIAN TRANSITIVE VERBS AND OBJECT CASE Anne Tamm University of Florence Proceedings of the LFG06 Conference Universität Konstanz Miriam Butt and Tracy Holloway King (Editors) 2006 CSLI Publications http://csli-publications.stanford.edu/ Abstract This article discusses the nature of Estonian aspect and case, proposing an analysis of Estonian verbal aspect, aspectual case, and clausal aspect. The focus is on the interaction of transitive telic verbs ( write, win ) and aspectual case at the level of the functional structure. The main discussion concerns the relationships between aspect and the object case alternation. The data set comprises Estonian transitive verbs with variable and invariant aspect and shows that clausal aspect ultimately depends on the object case. The objects of Estonian transitive verbs in active affirmative indicative clauses are marked with the partitive or the total case; the latter is also known as the accusative and the morphological genitive or nominative. The article presents a unification-based approach in LFG: the aspectual features of verbs and case are unified in the functional structure. The lexical entries for transitive verbs are provided with valued or unvalued aspectual features in the lexicon. If the verb fully determines sentential aspect, then the aspectual feature is valued in the functional specifications of the lexical entry of the verb; this is realized in the form of defining equations. If the aspect of the verb is variable, the entry’s functional specifications have the form of existential constraints. As sentential aspect is fully determined by the total case, the functional specifications of the lexical entry of the total case are in the form of defining equations. -
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2019. Proceedings of the Workshop on Turkic and Languages in Contact with Turkic 4. 132–146. https://doi.org/10.3765/ptu.v4i1.4587 Delineating Turkic non-finite verb forms by syntactic function Jonathan North Washington & Francis M. Tyers ∗ Abstract. In this paper, we argue against the primary categories of non-finite verb used in the Turkology literature: “participle” (причастие ‹pričastije›) and “converb” (деепричастие ‹de- jepričastije›). We argue that both of these terms conflate several discrete phenomena, and that they furthermore are not coherent as umbrella terms for these phenomena. Based on detailed study of the non-finite verb morphology and syntax of a wide range of Turkic languages (pre- sented here are Turkish, Kazakh, Kyrgyz, Tatar, Tuvan, and Sakha), we instead propose de- lineation of these categories according to their morphological and syntactic properties. Specif- ically, we propose that more accurate categories are verbal noun, verbal adjective, verbal ad- verb, and infinitive. This approach has far-reaching implications to the study of syntactic phe- nomena in Turkic languages, including phenomena ranging from relative clauses to clause chain- ing. Keywords. non-finite verb forms; Turkic languages; converbs; participles 1. Introduction. In the Turkology literature, non-finite verb forms are categorised as either “participles” or “converbs” (corresponding respectively to причастие ‹pričastije› and деепричастие ‹dejepričastije› in the Turkology literature in Russian). These terms are intended to explain the ways in which these mor- phemes (which are almost entirely suffixes) may be used. Sources from throughout the Turkology liter- ature that group all non-finite forms in a given Turkic language into these two categories include Şaʙdan uulu & Batmanov (1933) for Kyrgyz, Дыренкова (1941) for Shor, Убрятова et al. -
Montague Grammatical Analysis of Japanese Case Particles
Montague Grammatical Analysis of Japanese Case Particles Mitsuhiro Okada and Kazue Watanabe Keio University Sophia University 1 Introduction The Montague Grammar for English and other Indo-European languages in the literature is based on the subject-predicate relation, which has been the tradition since Aristotle in the Western language analysis. In this sense, for example, an object and a transitive verb are part of a verb phrase, that is, of a predicate, and the types of a transitive verb and of an object are assigned after the type of predicate (verb phrase) is fixed. When we try to construct categorial grammar and denotational semantics following this tradition, we meet the following deficiencies; • The type structure for transitive verbs and objects, hence their denota- tions, becomes very complicated. For example, the type for transitive verbs is; ((e t) —+ t) (e -4 t) • In order to get an appropriate type for a sentence within the ordinary categorial grammar, we first concatenate a transitive verb with an object and then a subject with the result of the first concatenation. Hence, the resulting grammar becomes very much word-order sensitive. It is easily seen that this kind of operation is not suitable for languages which have word-order flexibility like Japanese, where the following sentences are equivalent in meaning "I ate a cake."; (1) a. Watashi ga cake wo tabeta. I NOM cake ACC ate b. Cake wo watashi ga tabeta. cake ACC I NOM ate We employ the following notational convention in this paper. To each ex- ample sentence of Japanese, we append a gloss which shows the corresponding English expression to each Japanese word and an English translation. -
Adpositional Case
Adpositional Case S.A.M . Lestrade Adpositional Case Sander Lestrade PIONIER Project Case Cross-Linguistically Department of Linguistics Radboud University Nijmegen P.O. Box 9103 6500 HD Nijmegen The Netherlands www.ru.nl/pionier S.Lestrade@ let.ru.nl Adpositional Case M A Thesis Linguistics Department Radboud University Nijmegen May 2006 Sander Lestrade 0100854 First supervisor: Dr. Helen de Hoop Second supervisors: Dr. Ad Foolen and Dr. Joost Zwarts Acknowledgments I would like to thank Lotte Hogeweg and the members of the PIONIER project Case Cross-Linguistically for the nice cooperation and for providing a very stimulating working environment during the past year. Many thanks go to Geertje van Bergen for fruitful discussion and support during the process of writing. I would like to thank Ad Foolen and Joost Zwarts for their willingness to be my second supervisors and their useful comments on an earlier version; special thanks to Joost Zwarts for very useful and crucial discussion. Also, I gratefully acknowledge the Netherlands Organisation of Scientific Research (NWO) for financial support, grant 220-70-003, principal investigator Helen de Hoop (PIONIER-project “Case cross-linguistically”). Most of all, I would like to thank Helen de Hoop for her fantastic supervising without which I probably would not even have started, but certainly not have finished my thesis already. Moreover, I would like to thank her for the great opportunities she offered me to develop my skills in Linguistics. v Contents Acknowledgments v Contents vii Abbreviations -
Studies in African Linguistics Volume 45, Numbers 1&2, 2016 Angelika
Studies in African Linguistics Volume 45, Numbers 1&2, 2016 1 HETEROSEMY OF CASE MARKERS AND CLAUSE-LINKERS IN ANDAANDI (NILE NUBIAN) Angelika Jakobi and El-Shafie El-Guzuuli2 University of Cologne Case markers are usually associated with nouns or noun phrases but, as shown in Aikhenvald’s (2008) cross-linguistic study on “versatile cases”, case markers are also used as clause-linkers in a wide range of genetically diverse languages. However, African languages are not found in Aikhenvald’s sample. Our paper shows that in some subgroups of Nilo-Saharan and Afro-Asiatic case markers are, in fact, attested on subordinate clauses. Focusing on Andaandi, a Nubian language classified as a member of the Eastern Sudanic subgroup of Nilo-Saharan, we first present an outline of the system of grammatical relations and an overview over the use of core and peripheral case markers on noun phrases. This overview serves as a background for our study of case markers. While the Accusative case marker is employed as subordinator of object complement clauses, various peripheral case markers are used as subordinators of adverbial clauses. The different morphosyntactic contexts in which the case markers occur, i.e. on noun phrases and on verbs of subordinate clauses, determine their functional change and heterosemy. Keyword: Andaandi, Nilo-Saharan, case markers, clause-linkers, morphosyntax 1. Topic of paper Case markers are commonly viewed as properties of dependent noun phrases indicating the type of relationship they bear to their heads (Blake 1994: 1). However, in some languages case markers are additionally used on verbal forms where they serve as clause-linkers or even as aspect, modality, and mood markers. -
Case in Nominalisations
Case in Nominalisations Justin Colley A thesis presented for the degree of Master of Arts (Research) School of Humanities and Languages Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences August 2015 PLEASE TYPE THE UNIVERSITY OF NEW SOUTH WALES Thesis/Dissertation Sheet Surname or Family name: Colley First name: Justin Other name/s: Mark Abbreviation for degree as given in the University calendar: MRes School: Humanities and Languages Faculty: Arts and Social Sciences Title: Case in nominalisations Abstract 350 words maximum: (PLEASE TYPE) This thesis investigates the case-marking properties of Argument Structure (AS)-nominals. A number of researchers have argued that AS-nominals contain a verbal constituent, including the projection (vP/VoiceP) responsible for the introduction of the external argument (Alexiadou, Iordăchioaia, Cano, Martin, & Schäfer, 2013; Borer, 2013; van Hout & Roeper, 1998). v/Voice is standardly taken to assign accusative Case. The absence of accusative case in AS- nominals, together with the presence of v/Voice therefore poses a significant puzzle. I argue that a configurational theory of case (Baker, 2015; Marantz, 2000a; McFadden, 2004) explains the case- marking properties of AS-nominals, when paired with a dynamic theory of phases (Bobaljik & Wurmbrand, 2013; Bošković, 2014). Movement of the verb into the nominal domain triggers phase extension (den Dikken, 2007); the derived phase is nominal by nature, resulting in the loss of accusative case and the assignment of genitive case (unmarked case in the nominal domain). Because gerunds and related constructions do not involve movement of the verb into the nominal domain, phase extension does not occur, and accusative case emerges. -
Similative and Equative Demonstratives in Kambaata Yvonne Treis
Similative and equative demonstratives in Kambaata Yvonne Treis To cite this version: Yvonne Treis. Similative and equative demonstratives in Kambaata. Faits de langues, Brill, 2019, Special issue ”Comparaisons d’égalité et de similitude et expression de la simulation”, 50 (1), pp.175- 202. hal-01872154v2 HAL Id: hal-01872154 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01872154v2 Submitted on 2 May 2019 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Similative and equative demonstratives in Kambaata Yvonne Treis1 1. INTRODUCTION The study of comparison of similarity and equality and the study of deixis intersect in the domain of similative and equative demonstratives. Similative demonstratives are here understood as demonstratives that relate to the multi- dimensional notions of manner (1a) and quality (1b) and establish a similarity relation, while equative demonstratives relate to the one-dimensional notions of degree (1c) and quantity (1d) and establish an equality relation between a referent and a target of demonstration.2 Manner and quality demonstratives are hence subsumed under the label “similative demonstratives”, degree and quantity demonstratives under the label “equative demonstratives” (Table 1). Ontological type Typical syntactic function Similative Manner adverbial Quality adnominal Equative Degree adverbial Quantity adnominal Table 1. -
Structural Case in Finnish
Structural Case in Finnish Paul Kiparsky Stanford University 1 Introduction 1.1 Morphological case and abstract case The fundamental fact that any theory of case must address is that morphological form and syntactic function do not stand in a one-to-one correspondence, yet are systematically related.1 Theories of case differ in whether they define case categories at a single structural level of representation, or at two or more levels of representation. For theories of the first type, the mismatches raise a dilemma when morphological form and syntactic function diverge. Which one should the classification be based on? Generally, such single-level approaches determine the case inventory on the basis of morphology using paradigmatic contrast as the basic criterion, and propose rules or constraints that map the resulting cases to grammatical relations. Multi-level case theories deal with the mismatch between morphological form and syntactic function by distinguishing morphological case on the basis of form and abstract case on the basis of function. Approaches that distinguish between abstract case and morphological case in this way typically envisage an interface called “spellout” that determines the relationship between them. In practice, this outlook has served to legitimize a neglect of inflectional morphol- ogy. The neglect is understandable, for syntacticians’ interest in morphological case is naturally less as a system in its own right than as a diagnostic for ab- stract case and grammatical relations. But it is not entirely benign: compare the abundance of explicit proposals about how abstract cases are assigned with the minimal attention paid to how they are morphologically realized. -
Case, Agreement and Movement in Arabic a Minimalist Approach
Case, Agreement and Movement in Arabic A Minimalist Approach Mamdouh Musabhien B.A. AHU / Jordan (2001) M.A. University of Essex (2004) A thesis submitted to the School of English Literature Language and Linguistics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at Newcastle University November,2008 © 2008 Mamdouh Ayed Ghayad Musabhien All Rights Reserved 2 Abstract This thesis proposes a minimalist analysis that accounts for a number of word-order- related issues in Modern Standard Arabic (MSA) and Jordanian Arabic (JA). Assuming Chomsky's (2005) feature inheritance model, the thesis investigates the issues of Case, the interaction between subject positions and verbal agreement in addition to object movement. In verb-subject-object word orders, subjects are invariably nominative; the Case value on the postverbal subject is an outcome of an Agree relation between these subjects and T, the head of Tense Phrase (TP), which inherits its feature from the complementiser. Chapter four argues that the Case variability on the preverbal subject in subject-verb-object structures is dependent on the type of the complementiser. The complementiser which introduces subject-verb-object clauses has a lexical Case feature that is not interpretable on T, hence T does not inherit this feature. Consequently, the lexical Case feature of the complementiser in subject- verb-object structures is discharged under a local Agree relation between the complementiser and the preverbal noun phrase which is raised from a lower position. It is also claimed in chapter four that the structure of zero copula sentences contains a light Noun Phrase (nP) functional projection that compares to the light Verb Phrase (vP) functional projection in verbal sentences. -
Agreement and Case: Patterns, Interactions, and Implications Omer Preminger ([email protected]) March 2011
Agreement and case: Patterns, interactions, and implications Omer Preminger ([email protected]) https://alum.mit.edu/www/omerp/ March 2011 1. Preliminary Things that might be obvious — but still worthwhile saying / putting down on paper: I. Terminology: there is almost certainly an imperfect overlay between the terminology I use and the terminology you use ⇒ You will use some terms I’ve never heard before, and vice versa ➻ This entire exercise will be futile if we don’t stop one another, and ask for clarification; otherwise I might as well be speaking Na’vi1 II. Theoretical background: in the same spirit, there will be some things you take for granted but that I don’t actually know, and vice versa • Again, it will almost always be in everybody’s best interests to stop and review what that background is, when confusion arises ◦ except if/when it threatens to derail the lesson plan completely—in which case we will resort to exchanging bibliographic citations, as needed In the spirit of (I), let me be as clear as I can about what I mean when I say agreement (at least for the purposes of this class): “ϕ-agreement” (or, when I’m less careful, “agreement”): the appearance of a morpheme on a verb or TAM marker, whose form co-varies with the ϕ-features of (at least) one nominal argument in the clause where: ◦ TAM = tense/aspect/mood ◦ ϕ-features = person, number, gender, etc. This might seem trivial, but: • agreement (or more accurately, the mechanisms suggested to underly it, e.g. Agree) have been invoked in relation to a wide array of phenomena: noun-modifier concord; negative concord; pronominal binding; and others. -
Morphological and Abstract Case
Morphological and Abstract Case Julie Anne Legate This article examines the relationship between abstract and morpho- logical case, arguing that morphological case realizes abstract Case features in a postsyntactic morphology, according to the Elsewhere Condition. A class of prima facie ergative-absolutive languages is iden- tified wherein intransitive subjects receive abstract nominative Case and transitive objects receive abstract accusative Case; these are real- ized through a morphological default, which is often mislabeled as absolutive. Further support comes from split ergativity based on a nominal hierarchy, which is shown to have a morphological source. Proposals that case and agreement are purely morphological phenom- ena are critiqued. Keywords: ergativity, Warlpiri, Niuean, Enga, Hindi, Pama-Nyungan, Icelandic, inherent Case, quirky Case, morphological case, abstract Case 1 Introduction This article explores the relationship between abstract Case and morphological case. I argue that abstract Case features are determined syntactically and realized in a postsyntactic morphological component. This morphological realization of abstract Case features is governed by the Elsewhere Condition (Anderson 1969, Kiparsky 1973, Halle and Marantz 1993, Halle 1997), resulting in an imperfect relationship between syntax and morphology, but one that is as faithful as possible given the morphological resources of the language. The data used in the argumentation come primarily from ergative languages. I identify a class of prima facie ergative-absolutive languages in which absolutive—that is, a case that groups together intransitive subjects and transitive objects—does not exist, either as an abstract Case or as a morphological case. Instead, the ‘‘absolutive’’ is the default morphological realization of abstract Case features, used when no realization of the specific Case feature is available.