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Fiji's Road to Military Coup, 20061
2. 'Anxiety, uncertainty and fear in our land': Fiji's road to military coup, 20061 Brij V. Lal Introduction If civilization is to survive, one is driven to radical views. I do not mean driven to violence. Violence always compromises or ruins the cause it means to serve: it produces as much wrong as it tries to remedy. The State, for example, is always with us. Overthrow it and it will come back in another form, quite possibly worse. It's a necessary evilÐa monster that continually has to be tamed, so that it serves us rather than devours us. We can't do without it, neither can we ever trust it.2 Fiji experienced the whole gamut of emotions over the course of a fateful 2006. The year ended on an unsettled note, as it had begun. Fiji was yet again caught in a political quagmire of its own making, hobbled by manufactured tensions, refusing to heed the lessons of its recent tumultuous past, and reeling from the effects of the coup. Ironies abound. A Fijian army confronted a Fijian government, fuelling the indigenous community's worst fears about a Fijian army spilling Fijian blood on Fijian soil. The military overthrow took place 19 years to the day after frustrated coup-maker of 1987 Sitiveni Rabuka had handed power back to Fiji's civilian leaders, Ratu Sir Penaia Ganilau and Ratu Sir Kamisese Mara, paving the way for the eventual return to parliamentary democracy. The 2006 coup, like the previous ones, deposed a democratically elected government. Perhaps more importantly, it peremptorily sidelined the once powerful cultural and social institutions of the indigenous community, notably the Methodist Church and the Great Council of Chiefs (GCC)3 ± severing with a startling abruptness the overarching influence they had exercised in national life. -
The Complexities of Fiji's Four Coups Sanjay Ramesh
The Complexities of Fiji’s Four Coups 125 Brij Lal (1988, 1992) saw the defeat of the Alliance Party that ruled Fiji from 1970 to 1987 as the principal cause of the coup. He argued that the Alliance Party led by indigenous chiefs did not want to relinquish 1987 to 2007: The Complexities of Fiji’s Four Coups power to an indigenous Fijian commoner or to the trade union members of the Fiji Labour Party. Victor Lal (1988) analysed the possibility of for- Sanjay Ramesh eign involvement in the Fiji coup and contextualised the events of May 1987 within the cold war political framework. Victor Lal argued that the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) had worked with the indigenous Fijian Introduction pro-western military and indigenous nationalists to undermine the newly elected government in 1987. Robert Robertson and Akosita Tamanisau Fiji politics is often conceptualised as two distinct ethnic groups, (1988) and William Sutherland (1992) argued that the rise of the FLP- one indigenous and the other migrant, warring within the bosom of a sin- NFP coalition was an expression of multiethnic class aspiration which al- gle state. However, the December 2006 non-racial coup raises questions legedly threatened the neo-traditional chiefly political hegemony whereas about the ‘ethnicist’ arguments of the past. It shows that previously ethnic Michael Howard (1991) and Stephanie Lawson (1991) highlighted that race analysis was used to mask indigenous power struggles. This paper the eastern chiefs – the eastern chiefly oligarchy - were not prepared to provides an account of Fiji since the first coup in Fiji on 14 May 1987 relinquish their traditional political authority to a commoner indigenous and shows how race was used by the various Fiji governments and in- Fijian. -
'The People Have Spoken …'
1 ‘The People Have Spoken …’ Steven Ratuva and Stephanie Lawson Fiji’s general elections of 17 September 2014, held eight years after Fiji’s fourth coup, saw some significant firsts, generated largely by new constitutional arrangements. These included a radically deracialised electoral system in which the entire country forms a single electorate and utilises open-list proportional representation. This system, brought in under the regime of coup leader Voreqe (Frank) Bainimarama, was designed first and foremost to encourage a shift away from previous patterns of electoral behaviour which, due in large measure to provisions for communal electorates and voting, were inevitably attuned to communal political identities and the perceived interests attached to them. Elections under such a system certainly allowed ‘the people’ to speak, but in a way which gave primacy to those particular identities and interests and, arguably, contributed to a political culture that saw democracy itself severely undermined in the process. This was illustrated only too clearly by the recurrence of coups d’état between 1987 and 2006 that all revolved, in one way or another, around issues of communal identity expressed through discourses of indigenous Fijian (Taukei) rights versus those of other ethnic or racial communities, especially of those of Indian descent. These discourses remain highly salient politically but, under the Constitution promulgated by the Bainimarama regime in 2013, they are no longer supported institutionally via electoral arrangements. As a result, political parties have generally been forced to at least 1 THE PEOPLE Have SPOKEN attempt to appeal to all ethnic communities. These institutional changes have brought Fiji’s political system much closer to the standard model of liberal democracy in which ‘one person, one vote, one value’ is a basic norm. -
5. Fragments from a Fiji Coup Diary
DIVERSITY, IDENTITY AND THE MEDIA 5. Fragments from a Fiji coup diary ABSTRACT Fiji has endured four coups in the past 22 years. On 10 April 2009, President Ratu Josefa Iloilo suspended the Constitution, sacked the judi- ciary, postponed any general election until 2014 and appointed himself as head of state. He reinstated 2006 coup leader Commodore Voreqe Bainimarama as interim Prime Minister, who in turn reappointed his cabi- net in defiance of international condemnation. A censorship crackdown on the media and civil society followed. The author is a media educator and journalist who worked for a total of 11 years at the University of the South Pacific, including experiencing both the 2000 and the 2006 coups. He later returned to Fiji as social media educator for the National Council for Building a Better Fiji (NCBBF). The Council was critical of the media during the period it developed a draft of the People’s Charter. It recom- mended changes to the law to establish a Media Tribunal, which was also planned to encourage qualified local personnel for editorial, subeditorial and publisher positions; provide a wide diversity of local programmes for television media and develop community radio and community television through a media tax. While the People’s Charter was seen as a neces- sary and constructive contribution to the future of Fiji, the leadership of Bainimarama was questioned after the repeal of the constitution. This arti- cle, opening with the author’s open letter to Bainimarama after the Easter putsch, offers reflections from a coup diary. PATRICK CRADDOCK Media educator, New Zealand AN open letter to the interim regime leader of the Republic of Fiji: ear Commodore Voreqe Bainimarama, So—only good news can be reported. -
Elections and Politics in Fiji
i ii iii Co-Published by ANU E Press and Asia Pacific Press The Australian National Unversity Canberra ACT 0200 Email: [email protected] Website: http://epress.anu.edu.au National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry Lal, Brij V. Islands of turmoil : elections and politics in Fiji. Bibliography. Includes index. ISBN 0 7315 3751 3 ISBN 1 920942 75 0 (Online document) 1. Fiji - Politics and government. 2. Fiji - Social conditions. 3. Fiji - Economic conditions. I. Title. 996.11 This work is copyright. Apart from those uses which may be permitted under the Copyright Act 1968 as amended, no part may be reproduced by any process without written permission from the publishers. The views expressed in this book are those of the author and not necessarily of the publishers. Editor: Bridget Maidment Publisher: Asia Pacific Press and ANU E Press Design: Annie Di Nallo Design Printers: University Printing Service, The Australian National University Cover photo, Nukulau Prison, is copyright and used with permission (www.fijilive.com). Author photo by Darren Boyd, Coombs Photography. First edition © 2006 ANU E Press and Asia Pacific Press For the people of the Fiji Islands There is a dawn at the end of the darkest night v Contents Abbreviations vii Preface viii 1. The road to independence 1 2. Continuity and change 24 3. Things fall apart 49 4. Back from the abyss 77 5. Rabuka’s republic 100 6. Charting a new course 126 7. A time to change 155 8. George Speight’s coup 185 9. In George Speight’s shadow 206 10. -
Between Indigenous Paramountcy and Democracy
Australian Journal of Politics and History: Volume 64, Number 1, 2018, pp.129-141. Between Indigenous Paramountcy and Democracy: How Differentiated Citizenship and the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples Could Help Fijian Self-determination DOMINIC O’SULLIVAN Charles Sturt University Contemporary Fijian politics is shaped by a colonial legacy of extraordinary complexity and political tension. Since gaining independence from Great Britain in 1970, Fiji’s history has been distinguished by incoherent and inconsistent accounts of political power. These concern the political rights belonging to indigenous peoples as first occupants vis-à-vis the claims to political recognition by the descendants of Indian indentured labourers. The relative power between the indigenous aristocracy and commoners is a further complicating variable. Following three coups (1987 and 2006) and a putsch (2000), indigenous paramount authority has been positioned against various forms of democracy and military oversight of the political process. However, none of these political arrangements has enhanced indigenous self- determination. This article argues that indigenous self-determination is more likely to be realised through a form of differentiated liberal citizenship consistent with the United Nations’ Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. This reasonably requires the extension of the Declaration’s provisions to indigenous Fijians, who, as a recent majority indigenous population, are constrained by colonial legacy in a similar manner to the minority indigenous populations for whose benefit the Declaration was primarily adopted. Introduction Sitiveni Rabuka’s insistence (quoted in Brij Lal’s study) that democracy is a “foreign flower unsuited to Fijian soil” arises from the argument that indigenous paramountcy is a fair expression of the political rights owed to indigenous peoples by virtue of first occupancy.1 Fiji’s unstable democratic history contextualises Rabuka’s claim. -
General Assembly Distr.: General 10 November 2001
United Nations A/56, i/611 General Assembly Distr.: General 10 November 2001 Original: English Fifty-sixth session Agenda item 35 Support by the United Nations system of the efforts of Governments to promote and consolidate new or restored democracies United NationsJElectoral Observer Mission for the general elections iri Fiji in August 2001 ' Report of the Secretary-General I. Summary statistical analysis and broad consultations with representatives of Fijian society, the United Nations 1. The present report is submitted pursuant to has concluded that the elections were conducted in a General Assembly resolution 55/280 of 25 July 2001, credible manner and that the results reflected the will in which the Secretary-General was authorized to of the people of Fiji. establish and requested to deploy the United Nations 4. During the period of post-election observation, Electoral Observer Mission to monitor the electoral however, a number of concerns were registered process and immediate post-election environment in regarding the formation of the Government. In Fiji and requested to report on the implementation of contravention of the Constitution, a multiparty Cabinet the resolution. was not formed and this is now the subject of a legal 2. Resolution 55/280 was adopted in response to a challenge. letter dated 4 June 2001 from the caretaker Government of Fiji to the Secretary-General (see II. Background A/55/1016), in which the United Nations was requested to send observers to attend the upcoming general elections, which were being held as part of an Recent political history expressed determination to restore the system of constitutional democracy that was derailed by the coup 5. -
2018 Fijian Elections Insights on the Electoral System, Institutions, Laws and Processes 2018 Fijian Elections
2018 Fijian Elections Insights on the Electoral System, Institutions, Laws and Processes 2018 Fijian Elections Insights on the Electoral System, Institutions, Laws and Processes. 2018 Fijian Elections Insights on the Electoral System, Institutions, Laws and Processes. Nilesh Lal ©2019 International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (International IDEA) ©2019 Dialogue Fiji (DF) International IDEA publications (including joint publications) are independent of specific national or political interests. Views expressed in this publication do not necessarily represent the views of International IDEA, its Board or its Council members. These articles were originally published in the Fiji Times during the months of September and October 2018 and are re-published with the kind permission of the publisher. International IDEA Stromsborg, SE-103 34 Stockholm, Sweden Email: [email protected], website: www.idea.int or Dialogue Fiji 9 Rose Place, Rewa Street, Suva, Fiji Email: [email protected], website: www.dialoguefiji.com The electronic version of this publication is available under a Creative Commons licence (CCl)— Creative Commons Attribute-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 (CC BY-NC-SA 3.0) license. You are free to copy, distribute and transmit the publication as well as to remix and adapt it provided it is only for non-commercial purposes, that you appropriately attribute the publication, and that you distribute it under an identical license. For more information on this license, visit the Creative Commons website: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/3.0/ Graphic Design: Boraine Nansen Cover Photo: Fijian Elections Office ISBN: 987-982-101-061-0 Foreword Elections, particularly in divided societies can be a tricky exercise, often including suspicions by the losing candidates and parties. -
Fiji Islands Political Crisis: Background, Analysis, and Chronology
Fiji Islands Political Crisis: Background, Analysis, and Chronology December 11, 2000 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov RS20690 SUMMARY RS20690 Fiji Islands Political Crisis: Background, December 11, 2000 Analysis, and Chronology Thomas Lum On May 19, 2000, Fijian businessman George Speight and his followers took Prime Specialist in Asian Affairs Minister Mehendra Chaudhry, an ethnic Indian Fijian, and 30 government and parliamentary officials hostage in an attempt to return the political system to indigenous Fijian dominance. The Fiji military appointed an interim civilian government, negotiated the release of the hostages on July 14, 2000, and then arrested Speight on July 26, 2000. Although the interim civilian government expressed disapproval of Speight’s actions, it also indicated plans to create a new Constitution that bars Indo-Fijians from the position of Prime Minister. On November 16, 2000, the Fiji High Court found the formation of the interim government and abrogation of the 1997 Constitution illegal. The United States has demanded a swift restoration of democratic government in Fiji. Congressional Research Service Fiji Islands Political Crisis: Background, Analysis, and Chronology Background Fiji’s Importance in the Region The Republic of the Fiji Islands has the second largest population (813,000 persons) among Pacific Island states, after Papua New Guinea; and second highest per capita income, after the Cook Islands. Many observers regard the Fijian economy as one of the most viable and potentially prosperous in the region.1 Prior to the 1987 coups, described below, many political analysts regarded Fiji as a model of democratic, multi-ethnic government. Even in undemocratic periods, political violence has been relatively minimal and most human rights have remained protected.2 Fiji and Papua New Guinea are the only two South Pacific nations to have significant armed forces. -
Affirmative Action Programs, 1999 to 2006
6. Appeasement, scams and tension: Affirmative action programs, 1999 to 2006 Affirmative action programs between 1999, after the FLP-led coalition came to power, and the 2006 coup can be understood in terms of three major trends. The first was the failed appeasement strategy by the FLP-led coalition under Prime Minister Mahendra Chaudhry (1999 to 2000); the second was the use of affirmative action as a conflict resolution mechanism and associated scams (2000-2001); and the third was attempted reconciliation and tension leading to the 2006 coup (2002 to 2006). The dominant feature of the first period was the urgent attempt by the Labour-led coalition to mobilize indigenous Fijian support through the public proclamation of its support for affirmative action: a desperate move to win acceptance in a hostile and volatile political environment. When Chaudhry’s coalition came to power in 1999 it was faced with two seemingly contradictory tasks – first was the urgent need to appease indigenous Fijians by promising to continue with special measures for them while at the same time addressing the interests of Indo-Fijians who voted overwhelmingly for the FLP. This involved a very fine and potentially fragile balancing act to satisfy two communities with different expectations. The appeasement effort did not work because indigenous ethno- nationalists were determined to destabilize Chaudhry’s government, until it was removed in a coup in May 2000. The second phase of affirmative action, carried out by the military-appointed interim government under Laisenia Qarase between the May 2000 coup and August 2001 election, was meant to lessen ethno-political tension in the wake of the 2000 upheaval. -
2018 General Election Joint Report by the Electoral
2018 GENERAL ELECTION By THE ELECTORAL COMMISSION & SUPERVISOR OF ELECTIONS 2018 GENERAL ELECTION JOINT REPORT THE ELECTORAL COMMISSION & SUPERVISOR OF ELECTIONS Contents I. Forward 1 II. Introduction 2 III. Key Dates 8 IV. 2018 General Election 9 V. Voter Education 15 VI. Political Parties 17 VII. Electoral Complaints 18 VIII. Legal Challenges 19 IX. Election Expenditure 20 X. International Support 21 XI. Inter-agency cooperation 23 XII. Conclusion 24 XIII. Recommendations 25 XIV. Annexes 29 2018 General Election - Final Report by the Supervisor of Elections 1-121 2018 Fijian General Election - Final Report of the Multinational Observer Group 1-71 III 2018 GENERAL ELECTION JOINT REPORT THE ELECTORAL COMMISSION & SUPERVISOR OF ELECTIONS IV 2018 GENERAL ELECTION JOINT REPORT THE ELECTORAL COMMISSION & SUPERVISOR OF ELECTIONS I. Foreword We present this joint report on the 2018 General Election in accordance with Section 14(g) of the Electoral Act 2014 [Act]. The Electoral Commission [EC] and the Fijian Elections Office FEO[ ] conducted the 2018 General Election on 14 November 2018. Due to heavy rain and flooding in some locations, it was decided to adjourn Polling in those locations and a re-poll was conducted on 17 November 2018 allowing all voters the opportunity to access the Polling places and cast their vote. The General Election was contested by six (6) Political Parties while there were no Independent Candidates. A total of 235 Candidates contested the election which saw a total turnout of 71.9% of the registered voters. In this Joint Report, details of activities of the EC are highlighted together with joint responsibilities of the EC and the FEO. -
Fiji 2015 Human Rights Report
FIJI 2015 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Following eight years of military rule, Fiji held general elections in September 2014. In a contest deemed credible and “broadly reflecting the will of the Fijian people” by the Australian-led Multinational Observer Group, citizens elected 50 new parliamentarians. Josaia Voreqe (Frank) Bainimarama’s Fiji First party won 32 of the seats, and he was sworn in as prime minister. Civilian authorities regained effective control over the security forces after the general elections. The leading human rights problems included police and military abuse of persons in custody; restrictions on freedoms of speech, assembly, and movement; and restrictions on trade union and collective bargaining rights as well as strict limitations on the ability of workers in certain sectors to strike. Other human rights problems included prison conditions, government corruption, violence and discrimination against women, sexual exploitation of children, and deep ethnic divisions. The government failed to prosecute or punish some security forces officials who committed abuses, but it prosecuted or punished most officials who committed abuses elsewhere in the government. Impunity was a problem. Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom from: a. Arbitrary or Unlawful Deprivation of Life There were no reports that the government or its agents committed arbitrary or unlawful killings. Police reportedly killed one person in custody in 2014. Police officers detained robbery suspect Vilikesa Soko on August 17, 2014, and he died in the hospital on August 19 as the result of an alleged assault while in custody. The media reported the autopsy showed evidence of multiple organ failure, rectal and penile injuries, blood clots in the lung, extensive internal injuries, and bacterial blood infection.