How Much Does Anyone Need to Know About Eugène Marais?’ the Guest and Die Wonderwerker

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

How Much Does Anyone Need to Know About Eugène Marais?’ the Guest and Die Wonderwerker ‘How much does anyone need to know about Eugène Marais?’ The Guest and Die Wonderwerker Lesley Marx Abstract Comparing and contrasting two film versions of Eugène Marais’s life by means of close analysis, this article explores the relationship between film and history, where history includes both that of the film-makers and that of the referential world they seek to represent, in this case specifically history as it is embodied in the enigmatic figure of Eugène Marais – naturalist, short-story writer, poet, journalist and morphine addict – whose protean nature enables individual film-makers to appropriate those aspects of his life and persona that mesh most creatively with their own creative and ideological sensibilities. Thus the contexts out of which Ross Devenish and Katinka Heyns develop their respective projects are examined, taking note of the key roles of their collaborators, writers Athol Fugard and Chris Barnard. Central to the discussion are the choices and effects of casting (especially drawing on the work of Jean-Louis Comolli’s idea of the ‘body too much’), genre (the art film and domestic melodrama) and formal aesthetic (realism, formalism and heritage cinema). The shifting forms of representation of Marais speak to the multiplicities of his own identity, the shifting forms of his own biography. Brits is a town west of Pretoria and the Hartbeespoort Dam, blessed by fertile lands and rich platinum deposits. It also boasts a primary school attended a few decades ago by director Ross Devenish, who recalls his first teacher, Mrs Gibson, a Catholic who could not divorce her husband and whose relationship with Marais’s only child, Eugène Charles, was thus very discreetly conducted—her house was at the bottom of the koppie, his room at the top (Interview). An awareness of Marais senior was strengthened by the young Ross’s father talking about The Soul of the White Ant (Marais, 1970, first published in 1937 as Die Siel van die Mier) and adult conversations about the naturalist, short-story writer, poet, journalist and morphine addict who had shot himself on Gustav Preller’s farm at Pelindaba, east of the Dam, just three years before Ross was born. As a schoolboy, the future film director had also been fascinated by the photograph of Marais included in the prescribed anthology of Afrikaans poems: ‘I was haunted by the photo,’he remembers. ‘The eyes were so disturbing, I used to turn the page quickly.’ Leon Rousseau, author of the magisterial biography Die Groot Verlange (1974, translated by him as Dark Stream in 1982),1 notes how witnesses offered varied descriptions of those eyes: ‘… it seems that Marais’s eyes could change colour, from grey or light blue to violet’ (2012 [1982], p. 464). It might be argued that this undecidability is merely one token of the resistance of Marais to easy readings, be they verbal or filmic. Sandra Swart (2004a) describes the changing fortunes of Marais’s image through the twentieth century: from pioneer of the Afrikaans language early in the century to popular historian of Afrikaner heroism in the 1930s (and himself the object of such mythmaking after his death by champions of Afrikaner nationalism such as Gustav Preller), to ‘lonely rural genius’ (p. 861), championed by Robert Ardrey in the 1960s (a version of Marais she sees portrayed in The Guest, p. 863) to Afrikaner dissident, honoured by 1 Jack Cope and André Brink in the 1970s and 80s. During the 1990s she writes, ‘Marais was once again re-deployed as an icon of alternative chic, anthologized in a collection of “Green poetry”, as an early “ecological poet”’(p. 866). Swart’s key concern is to show how these varying interpretations of Marais are the product of their specific socio-political contexts and the particular interests of the authors of these images. In another article she debunks the image of Marais as miracle doctor, arguing that where C. Louis Leipoldt was indeed a qualified medical practitioner who ‘despised quacks, Marais was one’ (2004b, p. 253). Most recently, Stephen Gray has offered a detailed and iconoclastic account of the ways in which the Marais myth has been served by his editors and by his own skill as ‘a confidence-trickster’ (2013, p. 63). So the lens on Marais shifts.2 It is clear that The Guest and Die Wonderwerker, separated by 35 years, are also the products of both their times and the vision of their film-makers. In his acerbic review of The Guest, J.M. Coetzee prefigures the sceptical view of Marais and notes sardonically: In Eugène Marais, South Africa came its closest yet to producing a Genius. Think of Marais’ qualifications. He had deep-set piercing eyes. He loved many women. He lived in wild and dangerous places. He was addicted to an exotic drug. He wrote poems about death and thought morbid thoughts. He was mainly unhappy and finally slew himself. (1977, p. 4) Analysing the nature of Genius as product of European Romanticism, Coetzee remarks on ‘two contradictory attributes’: On the one hand he is the prophet, the man of godlike vision (hence the piercing eyes) who foresees the future.… On the other hand he is a child, a weakling, fleeing from a reality which more solid people easily sustain, into a world of illusory gratifications, obsessed with death rather than getting on with the business of living. (1977, p. 4) This scepticism does not inform the two films devoted to Marais, yet neither do they offer us an uncomplicated portrayal of ‘Genius’. While Die Wonderwerker betrays its more hagiographical intent in its title, the narrative and generic framing of the character displaces him from centre screen. In the more complex case of The Guest, however, conventional expectations of, even, sympathy for the protagonist are repeatedly unsettled. Many years after his boyhood in Brits, and having completed his first collaboration with playwright Athol Fugard, Boesman and Lena (1973), Devenish was looking for material for a second collaboration. He read The Soul of the White Ant and the idea of making a film about Marais was born, significantly helped on by Rousseau allowing him to read the manuscript of his biography of Marais. Devenish was struck by the chapter called ‘Die Hoek van die Kraal’ (the corner of the pen): ‘This is it’, he thought, ‘this spells it all out’. He adds, ‘It was an emblematic episode. It set the pattern for the rest of his life’. As the basis for a film, it also had the advantage of being ‘complete in itself, with a beginning, middle and end, a crisis and 2 the hope of recovery, showing both the dark and the light of Marais’s life’ (Interview). It might be argued, as Rousseau does, that the pattern had been set many years earlier and ‘consolidated’ with Marais’s sojourn in the Waterberg on the farm Rietfontein, the focus of the Barnard/Heyns production, Die Wonderwerker (2012). According to Rousseau: This pattern was as follows: Marais always lived with friends (sometimes with family) or with people he could befriend—usually a family with children—and almost always in a stoep room, outside room or rondavel. He very seldom had a permanent job, he seldom worked hard and sometimes not at all. He would devote a great deal of time to observing nature. To an increasing extent, he veered away from criticism of his morphine addiction, which restricted his social intercourse to those he had known for a long time, strangers who knew nothing about him, and especially children. Finally, he always had to find actors to play four crucial roles in his life: the supplier of morphine; his host; an influential patron; and a protégé—a young person or animal—to whom in turn he could give his love and care. (2012 [1982], p. 249) It is unsurprising that the two films centring on Marais should adapt sequences from his life that conform to the pattern described by Rousseau. Following Devenish’s comment, they accord so well with the conventional expectations of the well-made script: an inciting incident, conflict, turning points, crisis, climax and resolution; even, with some creative licence, Aristotelian unities of place and action, and a sufficiently contained time span to sustain tension and cohesion. While the episodes have much in common, and do endorse Rousseau’s view of a pattern in Marais’s life, they also represent different stages of that life: between 1908 and 1926 lie nearly two decades of achievement, abortion and, crucially, addiction. The choices made by the two sets of film-makers are initial indicators as to the different view they will take of Marais’s life and the different ways in which source material will be transmuted through translation, elision and invention. As Robert Rosenstone (2014), points out in History on Film/Film on History, the same life may yield entirely different biographies (or biopics): Biographer and film-maker both appropriate some of the trace details left by a life and weave them into a story which has a theme that infuses meaning into the days of their subject. The resulting work is ultimately based less on the raw data than on that data incorporated into a vision created by the literary (or filmic) skills of the biographer. That is why very different bios can be made about the life of the same individual, without any new data having been found. (‘Telling Lives’) Writing of the evolution of biography in the early 1900s, Hermione Lee makes the point even more strongly: ‘The biographer could be the equal, not the respectful or awe-struck disciple, of the subject.
Recommended publications
  • The Construction of Eugène Marais As an Afrikaner Hero*
    The Construction of Eugène Marais as an Afrikaner Hero* SANDRA SWART (Stellenbosch University) Eugène Marais (1871–1936) is remembered as an Afrikaner hero. There are, however, competing claims as to the meaning of this ‘heroic’ status. Some remember him as the ‘father of Afrikaans poetry’, one of the most lionised writers in Afrikaans and part of the Afrikaner nationalist movement. Yet a second intellectual tradition remembers him as a dissident iconoclast, an Afrikaner rebel. This article seeks to show, first, how these two very different understandings of Marais came to exist, and, secondly, that the course of this rivalry of legends was inextricably bound up with the socio-economic and political history of South Africa. We look at his portrayal at particular historical moments and analyse the changes that have occurred with reference to broader developments in South Africa. This is in order to understand the making of cultural identity as part of nationalism, and opens a window onto the contested process of re-imagining the Afrikaner nation. The article demonstrates how Marais’s changing image was a result of material changes within the socio-economic milieu, and the mutable needs of the Afrikaner establishment. The hagiography of Marais by the Nationalist press, both during his life and after his death, is explored, showing how the socio-political context of the Afrikaans language struggle was influential in shaping his image. The chronology of his representation is traced in terms of the changing self-image of the Afrikaner over the ensuing seven decades. Finally, in order to understand the fractured meaning of Marais today, the need for alternative heroes in the ‘New South Africa’ is considered.
    [Show full text]
  • Chapter 3 the Gustav S Preller-C Louis Leipoldt
    87 CHAPTER 3 THE GUSTAV S PRELLER-C LOUIS LEIPOLDT POLEMIC – THE HEDGEHOG AND THE FOX1 Chapter 2 analysed a selection of theoretical works by pioneering thinkers, leading scholars and other authors, against which The Valley as a work of narrative fiction could be read. A selection of writers of theory from ‘standard’ works was made. Newer trends in the theory of history were discussed. And voices of criticism against the deconstructivist paradigm were heard. Against these works, it was seen if historical fiction is fully-enough equipped to provide an alternative (reading of the) past. Put another way, the question is asked whether the profession of history can benefit from the inspiration offered by the work of writers of fiction, such as C Louis Leipoldt’s The Valley trilogy. Chapter 3 examines C Louis Leipoldt’s The Valley trilogy as a set of fictional novels, in their full thrust, as contestation against Preller’s romanticised, idealized and popularized volksgeskiedenis made up of a set of wide-ranging history-as-heritage media, to include enactments, film, the theatre, literature and history, although his predominant medium was his carefully researched historical accounts of the Voortrekkers. This volksgeskiedenis was the prevailing public narrative dominating South African history for the first forty years or so of the twentieth century. This public history-construct, covering a period of circa 100 years ― the time of the start of the Great Trek in 1838 till the commemoration of it a century later culminating in the Voortrekkereeufees2 of 1938 ― was the tireless efforts of Gustav S Preller.
    [Show full text]
  • December 2009 Is Passed on Only Through the Male Line
    Volume 36 Number 1 December 2009 is passed on only through the male line. The only source of variation among mtDNA types is mutation, and the number of mutations separating two mtDNA types is a direct measure of the length of time since they shared a common ancestor. Since women do not carry Y-chromosomes, they can only be tested for mtDNA, but men can be tested for both types. Occasionally some of the genes carried by the DNA types mutate and the resultant genetic changes are passed on to future generations. The mapping of these mutations allows geneticists to track the history of various population groups. This has enabled researchers to determine that the most recent common ancestor of all modern humans on the maternal side Reports covering the period February to June 2009 lived some 150 000 years ago, while that on the paternal side dates to somewhere between 60 000 and 80 000 years ago. Prof. Soodyall then provided information on three facets of her work. The first is of a scientific nature and involves mapping the genetic codes of populations around the globe, but in particular in sub-Saharan Africa and the Indian Ocean islands, and especially those groups that have lived in relative isolation in a particular region over a long period of time. The second aspect of her studies revolves around three burning questions: 1. Is it possible to localise the most likely regions for the origins of various lineages? EVENING LECTURES 2. What impact did trade, which had occurred for well over 2 000 years in the Indian Ocean, have on population groups? 3.
    [Show full text]
  • "De Voortrekkers" (1916): Some Stereotypes and Narrative Conventions
    The African e-Journals Project has digitized full text of articles of eleven social science and humanities journals. This item is from the digital archive maintained by Michigan State University Library. Find more at: http://digital.lib.msu.edu/projects/africanjournals/ Available through a partnership with Scroll down to read the article. "De Voortrekkers" (1916): Some Stereotypes and Narrative Conventions Hannes van Zyl De Voortrekkers was the first of five e~pensive film epics produced by African ~llm Product10ns between 1916 and 1922.1 With these films, and with a number of less expensive productions, the young company sought to secure a place in the international film market, an ideal which never quite materia1ized.2 Harold Shaw was brought out from london to direct the film and the Afrikaans historian and writer Gustav S. Preller was commissioned to write the screenplay and to see to the historical accuracy of costumes and settings It is probably not entirely accidental that De Voortrekkers is the only one of all the early South African feature films stl11 available for study.3 Of all African Film Productions' early films it seems to have been the biggest commercial success both abroad and locally. But it was more than just a commercial success. Besides having an initial record-breaking three week run at the Johannesburg Palladium, it was to become a regular feature at Day of the Covenant celebrations every year for at least three decades.4 Dr. Thelma Gutsche in her study of the history of motion pictures in South Africa notes that in 1938: De Voortrekkers (now twenty years old, silent, jerky and antiquated) was shown extens1vely in the Transvaal and particularly along the Reef where it played to thousands of people even more enthusiastic than its original audiences.
    [Show full text]
  • South Africa, De Voortrekkers and Come See the Bioscope Ilha Do Desterro: a Journal of English Language, Literatures in English and Cultural Studies, Núm
    Ilha do Desterro: A Journal of English Language, Literatures in English and Cultural Studies E-ISSN: 2175-8026 [email protected] Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina Brasil Saks, Lucia A Tale of Two Nations: South Africa, De Voortrekkers and Come See the Bioscope Ilha do Desterro: A Journal of English Language, Literatures in English and Cultural Studies, núm. 61, julio-diciembre, 2011, pp. 137-187 Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina Florianópolis, Brasil Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=478348699006 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative http://dx.doi.org/10.5007/2175-8026.2011n61p137 A TALE of Two Nations: South Africa, DE VOORTREKKERS AND COME SEE THE BIOSCOPE Lucia Saks University of Cape Town/University of Michigan Abstract: This paper examines two films, De Vootrekkers (1916) and Come See the Bioscope (1997), made at two moments of national crisis in South African history, the first at the beginning and the second at the end of the twentieth century. Both films speak to the historical moment of their production and offer very different visions of the nation and the necessity for reconciliation. Keywords: cinema, South Africa, national identity, post apartheid, reconciliation. (M)y knowledge of movies, pictures, or the idea of movie-making, was strongly linked to the identity of a nation. That’s why there is no French television, or Italian, or Brit- ish, or American television.
    [Show full text]
  • Kent Gij Dat Volk: the Anglo-Boer War and Afrikaner Identity in Postmodern Perspective
    Historia 56, 2, November 2011, pp 59–72 Kent gij dat volk: The Anglo-Boer War and Afrikaner identity in postmodern perspective John Boje and Fransjohan Pretorius* Professional historians have proved resistant to the claims of postmodernism, which they see as highly theoretical, rather theatrical and decidedly threatening. As a result, the debate has become polarised, with proponents of postmodernism dismissing traditional historians as “positivist troglodytes”,1 while reconstructionist and constructionist historians speak in “historicidal” terms of deconstructionism.2 To complicate matters, postmodernism is, in the words of one of its critics, “an amorphous concept and a syncretism of different but related theories, theses and claims that have tended to be included under this one heading”,3 variously applied to art, architecture, literature, geography, philosophy and history. Yet a general perspective can be discerned in which modernism with its totalising, system-building and social- engineering focus is rejected in favour of complexity, diversity and relativity. It is held that an epochal shift took place when modernism, which prevailed from about 1850 to about 1950, lost its credibility in our fragmented, flexible, uncertain but exciting contemporary world.4 Whether or not an epochal shift of this nature can be discerned in the world at large, South Africa certainly finds itself in the throes of transition which has swept away old certainties and which challenges historians to find new ways of theorising and practising their craft. This was foreseen by the South African historian F.A. van Jaarsveld when he speculated in 1989 about a plurality of histories that would emerge in South Africa in the future.5 However, he could not move beyond the suggestion of “own” as opposed to “general” history, making use of the then fashionable categories associated with P.W.
    [Show full text]
  • Re-Fighting the Second Anglo-Boer War: Historians in the Trenches 1
    JOERNAAUJOURNAL VAN DER WAAG RE-FIGHTING THE SECOND ANGLO-BOER WAR: HISTORIANS IN THE TRENCHES 1 Ian van der Waag· Some one hundred years ago, South Africa was torn apart by the Second Anglo­ Boer WBI (1899-1902). The WaI was a colossal psychological experience fought at great expense. It cost Britain tweuty-two thousand men and £223 million. The social, economic and political cost to South Africa was greater than the statistics immediately indicate: at least ten thousand fighting men iu addition to the camp deaths, where a combination of indifference and incompetence resulted iu the deaths of 27 927 Boers and atleast 14 154 black South Africans. Yet these numbers belie the consequences. It was easy for the British to "forget" the paiu of the WaI, which seemed so insignificant after the losses sustained iu 1914-18. With a long history of far-off battles and foreign wais, the British casualties of the Anglo-Boer War became increasingly insignificant as opposed to the lesser numbers held in the collective Afrikaner mind. This impact may be stated somewhat more candidly iu terms of the waI paiticipation ratio for the belligerent populations. After all, not all South Africans fought iu uniform. For the Australian colonies these varied between 4,5 per thousand (New South Wales) to 42,3 per thousand (Tasmania). For New Zealand there were 8 per thousand, for Britain 8,5 per thousand, and for Canada 12,3 per thousand; while iu parts of South Africa this was perhaps as high as 900 per thousand. 2 The deaths and high South African paiticipation ratio, together with the unjustness of the waI in the eyes of most Afrikaners, introduced bitterness, if not hatred, which cast long shadows upon twentieth-century South Africa.
    [Show full text]
  • History of the Voortrekker Monumwent Tapestries
    ART. GENDER IDEOLOGY AND AFRIKANER NATIONALISM: A mSTORY OF THE VQORTREKKERVOORTREKKER MONUMENT TAPESTRIES University of Cape Town Liese van decWattder Watt Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts University of Cape Town January 1996 The copyright of this thesis vests in the author. No quotation from it or information derived from it is to be published without full acknowledgement of the source. The thesis is to be used for private study or non- commercial research purposes only. Published by the University of Cape Town (UCT) in terms of the non-exclusive license granted to UCT by the author. University of Cape Town ABSTRACT This dissertation considers the role both verbal and visual cultureplayed in the growth and articulation of Afrikanernationalism. For thisreasonit focuses notonly on the centraltopic underdiscussion, namely the Voortrekker tapestries, butalsoonthediscourses thatinformed the production of these tapestries and the circumstances surrounding the decision to commission them. The Voortrekker tapestries werecommissioned in 1952 by the Vrou-en Moederbeweging van die A1XV (Suid-Afrikaanse Spoorwee en Hawens) and presented to the Voortrekker Monument in 1960. It wasdecided that the tapestries should depict the GreatTrek of 1838 and, dueto his widely acclaimed statusas anauthorityon visual representations of Afrikaner history and culture, the artist WI! Coetzer was approached to be the designer of the tapestries. But Coelzer's version of the Great Trek of 1838 perpetuates many popular myths
    [Show full text]
  • Chapter 4 Gustav Preller's
    126 CHAPTER 4 GUSTAV PRELLER’S CONSTRUCTION OF A PUBLIC HISTORY BETWEEN 1905 AND 1938 ― THE SUMMATIVE, CONTRARY EVIDENCE TO THE VALLEY: 4.1 – INTRODUCTION Chapter 3 looked at aspects of the lives of Gustav Preller and C Louis Leipoldt, respectively, and the way certain of their youthful experiences were processed in their writing. It also looked at Preller’s role as a writer of history, and Leipoldt’s role in fiction. Preller’s was a more popularized and romatic-type of history than standard history, whilst Leipoldt constructed his fiction for specific reasons. Preller propagated a public history through cleverly employing a set of media such as film, enactments, acting, the promotion of writing Afrikaans literature, promoting the medium of Afrikaans as a language, and, above all, his flamboyant historical writing. It was against this set that C Louis Leipoldt wrote his fictional novels in The Valley, in its full thrust. The fact that Preller’s writing eclipsed Leipoldt’s desired South African nationalism, his own nationalism being a contestation of it, is heard through the voices of Leipoldt’s characters, who lament the loss of lasting values of being rooted, in local, deep tradition. Chapter 4 examines the actual material in Gustav S Preller’s volksgeskiedenis, a fully-fledged national, public history. As a means of facilitating an understanding of the dialectic between Preller and Leipoldt, the socalled Van Der Stel controversy is examined as a model to show how a burgher (citizen) public history (that taken up by Tas and Huising) elicited a response from loyal-unionists Leibbrandt and Fairbridge, in the form of their counter or contra-history to the then existing public history.
    [Show full text]
  • Union, the Rise of Nationalisms, That Would Be Extended in Future Years
    A SHORT HISTORY OF SOUTH AFRICA The same was not done for black farmers. A commission under Sir CHAPTER 8 Godfrey Langdon decided that black people would be settled in locations strategically placed so that their labour could be drawn to mines and indus- tries where it was needed. This was the start of official segregation policies Union, the rise of nationalisms, that would be extended in future years. resistance movements. World The British administration then set about trying to restore the mining War 1(1914-1918), and the PACT industry to its pre-war levels of production, and to provide the infrastructure government (1924-1929) to cut down desertions from the mines, and maintain an adequate supply of cheap black labour. Their efforts were largely successful - certainly from the mine owners' point of view. One of the noticeable 'improvements' was that with stricter controls, wages paid to black mine workers could be reduced. A few years later, in 1910, the almost unthinkable happened. The former adversaries, the British and the Boers, came together in a Union under the British Crown, and the first Union Cabinet had equal numbers of English The first Union cabinet and the capitals and Afrikaans-speaking members. The long-held federation ambitions of the British in South Africa found fruition in the formation of the Union of South Africa in 1910. The British administrator Alfred Milner played a large part in this before his departure from South Africa in 1905. He persuaded the leaders of all four colonies'1 of the advantages of a union because this would eliminate economic competition between them; to this end, he created a South African Customs Union and a single Central African Railways system, to avoid customs and other taxes paid when goods were moved from one colony to another.
    [Show full text]
  • The Cultural Significance of the Church of the Vow in Pietermaritzburg, Kwazulu-Natal
    THE CULTURAL SIGNIFICANCE OF THE CHURCH OF THE VOW IN PIETERMARITZBURG, KWAZULU-NATAL by Elrica E. Henning (Student number 21114375) Submitted as a requirement for the degree MAGISTER HEREDITATIS CULTURAEQUE SCIENTIAE HERITAGE AND MUSEUM STUDIES in the Department of Historical and Heritage Studies University of Pretoria Faculty of Humanities Supervisor: Dr. Jackie Grobler December 2014 i CONTENTS Page List of illustrations v List of keywords xi Summary xii Acknowledgements xiv Chapter 1 Determining ‘cultural significance’ - the Church of the Vow as a case study 1.1 Introduction 1 1.2 The concept ‘cultural significance’ 4 1.2.1 Criteria to determine cultural significance 6 1.3 Rationale and background to the study 9 1.3.1 Outline and topics of the study 9 1.3.2 Problem and sub problems 10 1.3.3 Rationale for the study 11 1.3.4 Assumptions and conditions associated with the study 13 1.3.5 Delimitations and parameters of the study 15 1.3.6 Motivation for and significance of the study 15 1.3.7 Research organization and methodology 18 Chapter 2 The Church of the Vow as a heritage object 2.1 Introduction 23 2.2 Background to the history of the building 23 2.2.1 Trekking into the interior 23 2.2.2 A vow to God 24 2.2.3 Battle of Blood River (16 December 1838) 29 2.2.4 Establishment of Pietermaritzburg (1839) 30 2.2.5 Establishing a Dutch Reformed Church and temporary church building 34 2.3 Construction of the Church of the Vow (1839-1841) 36 2.3.1 Builders 41 2.3.2 Inauguration (April 1841) 50 i 2.3.3 A pulpit 51 2.3.4 Furnishings 55 2.3.5 Renovations
    [Show full text]
  • An Aspect of the Roles of Eugène Marais and Gustav Preller in the Second Language Movement, Circa 1905-1927*
    Historia 53,2, November 2008, pp 126-150 “Taaltriomf of Taalverdriet?” An aspect of the roles of Eugène Marais and Gustav Preller in the Second Language Movement, circa 1905-1927* ∗∗ Sandra Swart and Lize-Marié van der Watt Amongst the grievances of the Boers during and after the Anglo- Boer War (1899-1902), a special emotional space was occupied by the threat of Anglicisation – English being one of the more intimate and palpable perils of imperial conquest. In the post-war education system especially, Afrikaans children were believed by many to be threatened with Anglicisation. A story commonly recounted by Afrikaners was that those children who spoke more than the three hours of “Dutch-Afrikaans” permitted at school had to wear a placard that read “I am a donkey, I spoke Dutch”.1 By 1933, a mere generation later, the language of those who “spoke Dutch”,2 had been codified and entrenched through the Second Language Movement as Afrikaans. The Afrikaner had a much larger measure of political and ideological control, and started to display a greater measure of economic autonomy. The Second Language Movement was a loosely associated, predominantly male3 group, working after the Anglo-Boer War (historians are divided as to an initial date, varying from the * “Language Triumph or Language Despair?”. This article comes from Swart’s doctoral thesis, supervised by the late Stanley Trapido. Our appreciation goes to him, as well as to Lisa Jenschke, Albert Grundlingh, Adrian Ryan, Leopold Scholtz, Johanna Lategan, Ronèl Foster and Doret Jordaan. ∗∗ Sandra Swart is a Senior Lecturer in the History Department, Stellenbosch University, who has just published a co-authored book with Greg Bankoff, Breeds of Empire The “invention” of the horse in the Philippines and Southern Africa, 1500-1950 (NIAS Press, Copenhagen, 2007) and a co-edited collection, with Lance van Sittert, Canis Africanis – a dog history of Southern Africa (Brill, Leiden, 2008).
    [Show full text]