Mckeown and Rob Lundie, with Guy Woods *
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Journal Is: (2009) 7 NZJPIL (Page)
© New Zealand Centre for Public Law and contributors Faculty of Law Victoria University of Wellington PO Box 600 Wellington New Zealand June 2009 The mode of citation of this journal is: (2009) 7 NZJPIL (page) The previous issue of this journal is volume 6 number 2, December 2008 ISSN 11763930 Printed by Geon, Brebner Print, Palmerston North Cover photo: Robert Cross, VUW ITS Image Services CONTENTS SPECIAL CONFERENCE ISSUE: MMP AND THE CONSTITUTION Foreword Dean R Knight...........................................................................................................................vii "Who's the Boss?": Executive–Legislature Relations in New Zealand under MMP Ryan Malone............................................................................................................................... 1 The Legal Status of Political Parties under MMP Andrew Geddis.......................................................................................................................... 21 Experiments in Executive Government under MMP in New Zealand: Contrasting Approaches to MultiParty Governance Jonathan Boston and David Bullock........................................................................................... 39 MMP, Minority Governments and Parliamentary Opposition André Kaiser............................................................................................................................. 77 Public Attitudes towards MMP and Coalition Government Raymond Miller and Jack Vowles.............................................................................................. -
Inquiry Into Matters Relating to the Misuse of Electorate Office Staffing Entitlements
PARLIAMENT OF VICTORIA Legislative Council Privileges Committee Inquiry into matters relating to the misuse of electorate office staffing entitlements Parliament of Victoria Legislative Council Privileges Committee Ordered to be published VICTORIAN GOVERNMENT PRINTER August 2018 PP No 433, Session 2014‑18 ISBN 978 1 925703 64 1 (print version) 978 1 925703 65 8 (PDF version) Committee functions The Legislative Council Privileges Committee is established under Legislative Council Standing Orders Chapter 23 — Council Committees, and Sessional Orders. The Committee’s functions are to consider any matter regarding the privileges of the House referred to it by the Council. ii Legislative Council Privileges Committee Committee membership Mr James Purcell MLC Ms Nina Springle MLC Chair* Deputy Chair* Western Victoria South‑Eastern Metropolitan Hon. Philip Dalidakis MLC Mr Daniel Mulino MLC Mr Luke O’Sullivan MLC Southern Metropolitan Eastern Victoria Northern Victoria Hon. Gordon Rich-Phillips MLC Ms Jaclyn Symes MLC Hon. Mary Wooldridge MLC South‑Eastern Metropolitan Northern Victoria Eastern Metropolitan * Chair and Deputy Chair were appointed by resolution of the House on Wednesday, 23 May 2018 and Tuesday, 5 June 2018 respectively. Full extract of proceedings is reproduced in Appendix 2. Inquiry into matters relating to the misuse of electorate office staffing entitlements iii Committee secretariat Staff Anne Sargent, Deputy Clerk Keir Delaney, Assistant Clerk Committees Vivienne Bannan, Bills and Research Officer Matt Newington, Inquiry Officer Anique Owen, Research Assistant Kirra Vanzetti, Chamber and Committee Officer Christina Smith, Administrative Officer Committee contact details Address Legislative Council Privileges Committee Parliament of Victoria, Spring Street EAST MELBOURNE, VIC 3002 Phone 61 3 8682 2869 Email [email protected] Web http://www.parliament.vic.gov.au/lc‑privileges This report is available on the Committee’s website. -
Managing Gender: the 2010 Federal Election
21. Managing Gender: The 2010 federal election Marian Sawer1 The 2010 federal election was the first in Australian history in which a woman prime minister was campaigning for the re-election of her government. Paradoxically, her party had no women’s policy—or at least did not launch one publicly. Despite the avoidance of any policy focus on gender issues, gender was a significant undercurrent in the election, as reflected in consistent gender gaps in public opinion and voting intentions. Unusually, the management of gender turned out to be more of a problem for a male than for a female leader. Gender Gaps and Gendered Coverage Gender was expected to feature prominently in the 2010 campaign given the contest between Julia Gillard as Australia’s first woman prime minister and Tony Abbott, a hyper-masculine Opposition leader and ironman triathlete. Abbott’s persona was that of an ‘action man’ always ready to don lycra and a helmet for some strenuous sporting activity; the Coalition campaign slogan was ‘Real action’. Abbott was also known for telling women how to live their lives, criticising them for taking ‘the easy way out’ by having abortions and blocking the importation of abortion drug RU486 while he was Health Minister. While the Abbott action-man persona might have been useful in a contest with Kevin Rudd, who was to be framed as ‘all talk and no action’, it was less useful in a contest with Julia Gillard. It required various forms of softening, particularly through referencing of the women in his life, but also through less-aggressive presentation and promises not to tinker with access to abortion. -
Independents in Federal Parliament: a New Challenge Or a Passing Phase?
Independents in Federal Parliament: A new challenge or a passing phase? Jennifer Curtin1 Politics Program, School of Political and Social Inquiry Monash University, Melbourne, Australia. [email protected] “Politics just is the game played out by rival parties, and anyone who tries to play politics in some way entirely independent of parties consigns herself to irrelevance.” (Brennan, 1996: xv). The total dominance of Australia’s rival parties has altered since Brennan made this statement. By the time of the 2001 federal election, 29 registered political parties contested seats and while only the three traditional parties secured representation in the House of Representatives (Liberals, Nationals and Labor) three independents were also elected. So could we argue that the “game” has changed? While it is true that government in Australia, both federally and in the states and territories, almost always alternates between the Labor Party and the Liberal Party (the latter more often than not in coalition with the National Party), independent members have been a feature of the parliaments for many years, particularly at the state level (Costar and Curtin, 2004; Moon,1995). Over the last decade or so independents have often been key political players: for a time, they have held the balance of power in New South Wales, Victoria, Queensland, South Australia, Tasmania and the Australian Capital Territory. More generally, since 1980 an unprecedented 56 independents have served in Australian parliaments. In 2003, 25 of them were still there. This is more than six times the number of independents elected in the 1970s. New South Wales has been the most productive jurisdiction during that time, with fourteen independent members, and Tasmania the least, with only one. -
Abortion, Homosexuality and the Slippery Slope: Legislating ‘Moral’ Behaviour in South Australia
Abortion, Homosexuality and the Slippery Slope: Legislating ‘Moral’ Behaviour in South Australia Clare Parker BMusSt, BA(Hons) A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, Discipline of History, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, University of Adelaide. August 2013 ii Contents Contents ii Abstract iv Declaration vi Acknowledgements vii List of Abbreviations ix List of Figures x A Note on Terms xi Introduction 1 Chapter 1: ‘The Practice of Sound Morality’ 21 Policing Abortion and Homosexuality 24 Public Conversation 36 The Wowser State 44 Chapter 2: A Path to Abortion Law Reform 56 The 1930s: Doctors, Court Cases and Activism 57 World War II 65 The Effects of Thalidomide 70 Reform in Britain: A Seven Month Catalyst for South Australia 79 Chapter 3: The Abortion Debates 87 The Medical Profession 90 The Churches 94 Activism 102 Public Opinion and the Media 112 The Parliamentary Debates 118 Voting Patterns 129 iii Chapter 4: A Path to Homosexual Law Reform 139 Professional Publications and Prohibited Literature 140 Homosexual Visibility in Australia 150 The Death of Dr Duncan 160 Chapter 5: The Homosexuality Debates 166 Activism 167 The Churches and the Medical Profession 179 The Media and Public Opinion 185 The Parliamentary Debates 190 1973 to 1975 206 Conclusion 211 Moral Law Reform and the Public Interest 211 Progressive Reform in South Australia 220 The Slippery Slope 230 Bibliography 232 iv Abstract This thesis examines the circumstances that permitted South Australia’s pioneering legalisation of abortion and male homosexual acts in 1969 and 1972. It asks how and why, at that time in South Australian history, the state’s parliament was willing and able to relax controls over behaviours that were traditionally considered immoral. -
Political Overview
ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL OVERVIEW PHOTO: PAUL LOVELACE PHOTOGRAPHY Professor Ken Wiltshire AO Professor Ken Wiltshire is the JD Story Professor of Public Administration at the University of Queensland Business School. He is a Political long-time contributor to CEDA’s research and an honorary trustee. overview As Australia enters an election year in 2007, Ken Wiltshire examines the prospects for a long-established Coalition and an Opposition that has again rolled the leadership dice. 18 australian chief executive RETROSPECT 2006 Prime Minister and Costello as Treasurer. Opinion Politically, 2006 was a very curious and topsy-turvy polls and backbencher sentiment at the time vindi- … [Howard] became year. There was a phase where the driving forces cated his judgement. more pragmatic appeared to be the price of bananas and the depre- From this moment the Australian political than usual … dations of the orange-bellied parrot, and for a dynamic changed perceptibly. Howard had effec- nation that has never experienced a civil war there tively started the election campaign, and in the “ were plenty of domestic skirmishes, including same breath had put himself on notice that he culture, literacy, and history wars. By the end of the would have to win the election. Almost immedi- year both the government and the Opposition had ately he became even more pragmatic than usual, ” changed their policy stances on a wide range of and more flexible in policy considerations, espe- issues. cially in relation to issues that could divide his own Coalition. The defining moment For Kim Beazley and the ALP, Howard’s decision The defining moment in Australian politics was clearly not what they had wanted, despite their occurred on 31 July 2006 when Prime Minister claims to the contrary, but at least they now knew John Howard, in response to yet another effort to the lay of the battleground and could design appro- revive a transition of leadership to his Deputy Peter priate tactics. -
1 Parliamentary Privilege and the Common Law of Parliament
Parliamentary privilege and the common law of parliament: can MP’s say what they want and get away with it? Carren Walker1 Introduction Parliamentary privilege can be broadly defined as the powers, rights and immunities of parliament and its members. The privileges enjoyed by the parliament are linked historically to the privileges of the UK House of Commons which have their origin in the procedures of the Parliament of Westminster: ..to be found chiefly in ancient practice, asserted by Parliament and accepted over time by the Crown and the courts of law and custom of Parliament.2 The privileges of parliament are defined by the rulings of each House in respect of its own practices and procedures when a matter of privilege arises. The use of the terms ‘history’, ‘procedure’, and ‘tradition’ give the impression of uncertainty, and make those in the legal profession feel most uneasy. The legal world is inhibited by statute, rules, forms and precedent, surrounded by the cocoon of the common law as developed by the courts. Parliamentary privilege and the development of the common law of parliament is based on different principles to those of the common law as developed by the courts. It certainly bears little resemblance in its form and structure to legal professional privilege. The privileges of parliament have changed over time, some are simply not relevant in our modern parliamentary democracy (such as freedom of members from arrest), others (such as the power to detain a person in breach of the privilege) have fallen out of use. These privileges tend to develop as the need arises in a particular House. -
Marriage Equality and the Civil Union
Maddalena Arnfield http://www.flickr.com/photos/lasandri/5932352747 http://www.flickr.com/photos/doxiehaus/3568405719/ Marriage Equality and the Civil Union ‘solution’ ‘ Any ‘alternative’ to marriage, in my opinion, simply offers the insult of formal equivalency without the promise of substantive equality.’ Harry Laforme, Former Justice of the Ontario Superior Court of Justice1 Court of Conscience | 35 ocial media is humming with campaigns for marriage equality. Social Justice SCampaigners such as Get Up, and minority parties including the Socialist Alliance have leant their support, while lobby groups such as Australian Marriage Equality have been established to fight for change. Parliament is debating the pros and cons of various Marriage Amendment bills and the Federal Labor government have recently changed their party policy to endorse gay marriage. Support for removal of discrimination against same-sex couples is gaining momentum. Some are even predicting that the privileged space which homophobia currently occupies will soon be nothing more than a shameful part of our history, akin to life before the women’s liberation or civil rights movements of the sec- http://www.flickr.com/photos/monopache/7439352654/ ond half of the twentieth century. –––––––– A global movement … New Zealand This is not a local initiative; the marriage equality movement is global. In 2001, the Netherlands is set to have a made history as the first nation in the world to recognise gay marriage. Belgium followed in conscience vote 2003. Against all odds, in 2005, the pre- dominantly Catholic Spain legalised same-sex before the year marriage and a few short weeks later Canada is through with enacted the Civil Marriage Act2 providing a gender neutral definition of marriage. -
Ministerial Careers and Accountability in the Australian Commonwealth Government / Edited by Keith Dowding and Chris Lewis
AND MINISTERIAL CAREERS ACCOUNTABILITYIN THE AUSTRALIAN COMMONWEALTH GOVERNMENT AND MINISTERIAL CAREERS ACCOUNTABILITYIN THE AUSTRALIAN COMMONWEALTH GOVERNMENT Edited by Keith Dowding and Chris Lewis Published by ANU E Press The Australian National University Canberra ACT 0200, Australia Email: [email protected] This title is also available online at http://epress.anu.edu.au National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry Title: Ministerial careers and accountability in the Australian Commonwealth government / edited by Keith Dowding and Chris Lewis. ISBN: 9781922144003 (pbk.) 9781922144010 (ebook) Series: ANZSOG series Notes: Includes bibliographical references. Subjects: Politicians--Australia. Politicians--Australia--Ethical behavior. Political ethics--Australia. Politicians--Australia--Public opinion. Australia--Politics and government. Australia--Politics and government--Public opinion. Other Authors/Contributors: Dowding, Keith M. Lewis, Chris. Dewey Number: 324.220994 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Cover design and layout by ANU E Press Printed by Griffin Press This edition © 2012 ANU E Press Contents 1. Hiring, Firing, Roles and Responsibilities. 1 Keith Dowding and Chris Lewis 2. Ministers as Ministries and the Logic of their Collective Action . 15 John Wanna 3. Predicting Cabinet Ministers: A psychological approach ..... 35 Michael Dalvean 4. Democratic Ambivalence? Ministerial attitudes to party and parliamentary scrutiny ........................... 67 James Walter 5. Ministerial Accountability to Parliament ................ 95 Phil Larkin 6. The Pattern of Forced Exits from the Ministry ........... 115 Keith Dowding, Chris Lewis and Adam Packer 7. Ministers and Scandals ......................... -
Endangering Constitutional Government
Endangering Constitutional Government The risks of the House of Commons taking control Sir Stephen Laws and Professor Richard Ekins About the Authors Sir Stephen Laws KCB, QC (Hon) is a Senior Research Fellow at Policy Exchange, and was formerly First Parliamentary Counsel. Professor Richard Ekins is Head of Policy Exchange’s Judicial Power Project, Associate Professor, University of Oxford. Policy Exchange Policy Exchange is the UK’s leading think tank. We are an independent, non-partisan educational charity whose mission is to develop and promote new policy ideas that will deliver better public services, a stronger society and a more dynamic economy. Policy Exchange is committed to an evidence-based approach to policy development and retains copyright and full editorial control over all its written research. We work in partnership with academics and other experts and commission major studies involving thorough empirical research of alternative policy outcomes. We believe that the policy experience of other countries offers important lessons for government in the UK. We also believe that government has much to learn from business and the voluntary sector. Registered charity no: 1096300. Trustees Diana Berry, Pamela Dow, Alexander Downer, Andrew Feldman, Candida Gertler, Patricia Hodgson, Greta Jones, Edward Lee, Charlotte Metcalf, Roger Orf, Andrew Roberts, George Robinson, Robert Rosenkranz, Peter Wall, Nigel Wright. 2 – Endangering Constitutional Government Executive summary The UK’s political crisis is at risk of becoming a constitutional crisis. The risk does not arise because the constitution has been tried and found wanting. Rather, the risk arises because some MPs, with help from the wayward Speaker, are attempting to take over the role of Government. -
Imprisonment for Contempt: Are the Penal Powers of Parliament Compatible with the Rule of Law? I
IMPRISONMENT FOR CONTEMPT: ARE THE PENAL POWERS OF PARLIAMENT COMPATIBLE WITH THE RULE OF LAW? Daniel Matthew Harrop This thesis is presented for the Honours degree of Bachelor of Laws of Murdoch University 2014 I, Daniel Matthew Harrop, declare that this is my own account of my research. 17,302 words D Harrop (2014) Imprisonment for Contempt: Are the Penal Powers of Parliament Compatible with the Rule of Law? i “No man is punishable or can be lawfully made to suffer in body or goods except for a distinct breach of law established in the ordinary legal manner before the ordinary courts of the land.” - A V Dicey D Harrop (2014) Imprisonment for Contempt: Are the Penal Powers of Parliament Compatible with the Rule of Law? ii Copyright Acknowledgment I acknowledge that a copy of this thesis will be held at the Murdoch University Library. I understand that, under the provisions of s51.2 of the Copyright Act 1968, all or part of this thesis may be copied without infringement of copyright where such a reproduction is for the purposes of study and research. This statement does not signal any transfer of copyright away from the author. Signed: _________________________________ Full name of degree: Bachelor of Laws with Honours Thesis title: Imprisonment for Contempt: Are the Penal Powers of Parliament Compatible with the Rule of Law? Author: Daniel Matthew Harrop Year: 2014 D Harrop (2014) Imprisonment for Contempt: Are the Penal Powers of Parliament Compatible with the Rule of Law? iii Abstract The rule of law is synonymous with political legitimacy. -
Faith, Conscience and Legislation
FAITH, CONSCIENCE AND LEGISLATION DR DARRYN JENSEN* I INTRODUCTION Conscience votes are, depending upon whom one talks to, either an example of our democratic processes at their best or a blight on our liberal democratic polity. Former Prime Minister of New Zealand, David Lange, held the latter point of view. Lange described the outcome of conscience votes as ‘a shambles, a kind of legislative lottery in which consistency is the first casualty’.1 One can understand why politicians in Westminster democracies, being concerned first and foremost with their ability to implement their party platforms when in office, would take this attitude. One can also understand why some in the wider community, believing that they voted for a candidate on the basis of that candidate’s identification with a particular party platform, object to conscience votes on the basis that a legislator is free to bring religious and other personal convictions to bear upon the matter before Parliament. While these objections are understandable, they reveal a number of potentially controversial assumptions about the nature of Anglo-Australian parliamentary democracy. The objections assume that members of Parliament are elected to represent the concrete will of those who voted for them, so as to implement a particular basket of measures. Furthermore, the understanding of a conscience vote as a rare exception to the general principle that legislators should follow the ‘party line’ assumes that the program of government is largely fixed by the results of elections and that parliamentary procedures are merely a formality in the implementation of the government’s election promises.