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Singapore Page 1 of 3
Singapore Page 1 of 3 Singapore International Religious Freedom Report 2008 Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor The Constitution provides for freedom of religion; however, other laws and policies restricted this right in some circumstances. There was no change in the status of respect for religious freedom by the Government during the period covered by this report. The Government does not tolerate speech or actions that it deems could adversely affect racial or religious harmony. There were no reports of societal abuses or discrimination based on religious affiliation, belief, or practice. The U.S. Government discusses religious freedom with the Government as part of its overall policy to promote human rights. Section I. Religious Demography The country has an area of 270 square miles and a population of 4.8 million, of whom 3.6 million are citizens or permanent residents. According to the 2000 census, 85 percent of citizens and permanent residents profess a religion. Of this group, 51 percent practice Buddhism, Taoism, ancestor veneration, or other religious practice traditionally associated with the ethnic Chinese population. Approximately 15 percent of the population is Muslim, 15 percent Christian, and 4 percent Hindu. The remainder is composed of adherents of other religious groups, including small Sikh, Jewish, Zoroastrian, and Jain communities. Among Christians, the majority of whom are ethnic Chinese, 33 percent are Roman Catholic and 67 percent are Protestant. The remaining 15 percent of the population does not profess a religious faith. Approximately 77 percent of the population is ethnic Chinese, 14 percent ethnic Malay, and 8 percent ethnic Indian. -
The First and the Second
The First and the Second ____________________________ Kah Kin Ho APPROVED: ____________________________ Alin Fumurescu, Ph.D. Committee Chair ___________________________ Jeremy D. Bailey, Ph.D. __________________________ Jeffrey Church, Ph.D. ________________________________ Antonio D. Tillis, Ph.D. Dean, College of Liberal Arts and Social Sciences Department of Hispanic Studies The Second and the First, An Examination into the Formation of the First Official Political Parties Under John Adams Kah Kin Ho Current as of 1 May, 2020 2 Introduction A simple inquiry into the cannon of early American history would reveal that most of the scholarly work done on the presidency of John Adams has mostly been about two things. The first, are the problems associated with his “characteristic stubbornness” and his tendencies to be politically isolated (Mayville, 2016, pg. 128; Ryerson, 2016, pg. 350). The second, is more preoccupied with his handling of foreign relations, since Adams was seemingly more interested in those issues than the presidents before and after him (DeConde, 1966, pg. 7; Elkin and McKitrick, 1993, pg. 529). But very few have attempted to examine the correlation between the two, or even the consequences the two collectively considered would have domestically. In the following essay, I will attempt to do so. By linking the two, I will try to show that because of these two particularities, he ultimately will— however unintentionally— contribute substantially to the development of political parties and populism. In regard to his personality, it is often thought that he was much too ambitious and self- righteous to have been an ideal president in the first place. -
Fake News: National Security in the Post-Truth Era
FAKE NEWS: NATIONAL SECURITY IN THE POST-TRUTH ERA Norman Vasu, Benjamin Ang, Policy Report Terri-Anne-Teo, Shashi Jayakumar, January 2018 Muhammad Faizal, and Juhi Ahuja POLICY REPORT FAKE NEWS: NATIONAL SECURITY IN THE POST-TRUTH ERA Norman Vasu, Benjamin Ang, Terri-Anne-Teo, Shashi Jayakumar, Muhammad Faizal, and Juhi Ahuja January 2018 Contents Executive Summary 3 Introduction 4 Unpacking Fake News 5 Disinformation Campaign to Undermine National Security 5 Misinformation for Domestic Political Agenda 6 Non-political Misinformation Gone Viral 7 Falsehoods for Entertainment 8 Falsehoods for Financial Gain 8 Dissemination Techniques in Disinformation Campaigns 9 Russia 9 China 12 Human Fallibility and Cognitive Predispositions 14 Fallible Memory 14 Illusory Truth Effect 15 Primacy Effect and Confirmation Bias 16 Access to Information 16 International Responses to Fake News 18 Counter Fake News Mechanisms 18 Strategic Communications 19 Self-Regulation by Technological Companies 20 Reducing Financial Incentives in Advertisements 21 Government Legislation 22 Critical Thinking and Media Literacy 24 Conclusion 26 About the Authors 29 About the Centre of Excellence for National Security 32 About the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies 32 Executive Summary Fake news is not a new issue, but it poses a greater challenge now. The velocity of information has increased drastically with messages now spreading internationally within seconds online. Readers are overwhelmed by the flood of information, but older markers of veracity have not kept up, nor has there been a commensurate growth in the ability to counter false or fake news. These developments have given an opportunity to those seeking to destabilise a state or to push their perspectives to the fore. -
The Problem Is Civil Obedience by Howard Zinn in November 1970
The Problem is Civil Obedience by Howard Zinn In November 1970, after my arrest along with others who had engaged in a Boston protest at an army base to block soldiers from being sent to Vietnam, I flew to Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore to take part in a debate with the philosopher Charles Frankel on civil disobedience. I was supposed to appear in court that day in connection with the charges resulting from the army base protest. I had a choice: show up in court and miss this opportunity to explain-and practice-my commitment to civil disobedience, or face the consequences of defying the court order by going to Baltimore. I chose to go. The next day, when I returned to Boston, I went to teach my morning class at Boston University. Two detectives were waiting outside the classroom and hauled me off to court, where I was sentenced to a few days in jail. Here is the text of my speech that night at Johns Hopkins. I start from the supposition that the world is topsy-turvy, that things are all wrong, that the wrong people are in jail and the wrong people are out of jail, that the wrong people are in power and the wrong people are out of power, that the wealth is distributed in this country and the world in such a way as not simply to require small reform but to require a drastic reallocation of wealth. I start from the supposition that we don't have to say too much about this because all we have to do is think about the state of the world today and realize that things are all upside down. -
Singapore Civil Society Stakeholders' Report for the Universal Periodic
Singapore Civil Society Stakeholders’ Report for the Universal Periodic Review A. Introduction 1. This report is a consolidation of concerns from 10 civil society organisations (CSO) listed on the cover page. It is organized in response to the recommendations that were both accepted and rejected, by the State under review1. B. Equality and Non-discrimination 2. Section 377A2 of the Penal Code criminalises sexual contact between two male persons even if they are consenting adults and even if intimacy occurs in private. Despite government promises that it will not be enforced, the law stigmatizes LGBT persons in Singapore, male and female, cisgender and transgender alike. Recommendation (R1): Repeal legal provisions criminalising sexual activity between consenting adults of the same sex [WGUPR 97.12]. 3. Marital rape: Section 375(4) and 376A(5) of the Penal Code offers immunity to rapists if they are married to their victims, making them liable only to the lesser charge of “voluntarily causing hurt”. This tells women that marriage removes them from legal protections against rape, except when the wife has commenced formal legal steps to terminate the marriage or when she has obtained a Personal Protection Order (PPO). These exceptions require married women to make prior arrangements if they are to be legally protected from marital rape. Such requirements are of concern since the PPO application procedure is subject to administrative delays, resulting in 90.4% of women being assaulted more than once before they are granted PPOs.3 R2: Introduce legislation to make marital rape illegal in all circumstances, because consent to marriage should not be equated with consent to rape and sexual assault [WGUPR 97.13]. -
Cap. 16 Tanzania Penal Code Chapter 16 of the Laws
CAP. 16 TANZANIA PENAL CODE CHAPTER 16 OF THE LAWS (REVISED) (PRINCIPAL LEGISLATION) [Issued Under Cap. 1, s. 18] 1981 PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY THE GOVERNMENT PRINTER, DARES SALAAM Penal Code [CAP. 16 CHAPTER 16 PENAL CODE Arrangement of Sections PARTI General Provisions CHAPTER I Preliminary 1. Short title. 2. Its operation in lieu of the Indian Penal Code. 3. Saving of certain laws. CHAPTER II Interpretation 4. General rule of construction. 5. Interpretation. CHAPTER III Territorial Application of Code 6. Extent of jurisdiction of local courts. 7. Offences committed partly within and partly beyond the jurisdiction, CHAPTER IV General Rules as to Criminal Responsibility 8. Ignorance of law. 9. Bona fide claim of right. 10. Intention and motive. 11. Mistake of fact. 12. Presumption of sanity^ 13. Insanity. 14. Intoxication. 15. Immature age. 16. Judicial officers. 17. Compulsion. 18. Defence of person or property. 18A. The right of defence. 18B. Use of force in defence. 18C. When the right of defence extends to causing abath. 19. Use of force in effecting arrest. 20. Compulsion by husband. 21. Persons not to be punished twice for the same offence. 4 CAP. 16] Penal Code CHAPTER V Parties to Offences 22. Principal offenders. 23. Joint offences. 24. Councelling to commit an offence. CHAPTER VI Punishments 25. Different kinds of punishment. 26. Sentence of death. 27: Imprisonment. 28. Corpora] punishment. 29. Fines. 30. Forfeiture. 31. Compensation. 32. Costs. 33. Security for keeping the peace. 34. [Repealed]. 35. General punishment for misdemeanours. 36. Sentences cumulative, unless otherwise ordered. 37. Escaped convicts to serve unexpired sentences when recap- 38. -
The Right to Insult in International Law
THE RIGHT TO INSULT IN INTERNATIONAL LAW Amal Clooney and Philippa Webb* ABSTRACT States all over the world are enacting new laws that criminalize insults, and using existing insult laws with renewed vigour. In this article, we examine state practice, treaty provisions, and case law on insulting speech. We conclude that insulting speech is currently insufficiently protected under international law and regulatedby confused case law and commentary. We explain that the three principal internationaltreaties that regulate speech provide conflicting guidance on the right to insult in internationallaw, and the treaty provisions have been interpreted in inconsistent ways by international courts and United Nations bodies. We conclude by recommending that internationallaw should recognize a "rightto insult"and, drawingon US practice under the FirstAmendment, we propose eight recommendations to guide consideration of insulting speech in internationallaw. These recommendations would promote coherence in international legal standards and offer greater protection to freedom of speech. * Amal Clooney is a barrister at Doughty Street Chambers and a Visiting Professor at Columbia Law School. Philippa Webb is a barrister at 20 Essex Street Chambers and Reader (Associate Professor) in Public International Law at King's College London. We thank Matthew Nelson, Anna Bonini, Katarzyna Lasinska, Raphaelle Rafin, Tiffany Chan, Deborah Tang, Ollie Persey, and Mirka Fries for excellent research assistance. We are grateful to Professor Guglielmo Verdirame, Professor Michael Posner, Professor Vince Blasi, and Nani Jansen for comments. COL UMBIA HUMAN RIGHTS LAW RE VIE W [48.2 INTRODUCTION Freedom of speech is under attack. States all over the world are enacting new laws that criminalize insults and are using existing insult laws with renewed vigour. -
Briefing on the Sedition Act of 1798 Handout A
Briefing on the Sedition Act of 1798 Handout A After the French Revolution, an intense political conflict developed in the United States. Members of the Federalist Party feared France because the French king was beheaded in their revolution. Federalists preferred England as an ally. Members of the opposing Republican Party preferred France as an ally. (It is not associated with today’s Republican Party.) In 1796, John Adams, a Federalist, was elected president. Thomas Jefferson, a Republican, became vice president. In those days, the presidential candidate who won second place became vice president. It did not matter if he was from a different political party. (Under those rules, Donald Trump would be president today, and Hillary Clinton would be vice president!) In 1797, French officials tried to bribe U.S. diplomats. Federalists considered this an outrage. The Federalist- John Adams, Pres. U.S. Photograph. Retrieved from the Library of Congress, <www.loc.gov/item/2004665571/>. controlled Congress decided to suppress French influence in U.S. politics. In June and July 1798, Congress passed the Alien and Sedition Acts. The Alien Acts included a new law that made it harder for immigrants to become citizens. Another new law authorized the president to deport any non-citizen (immigrant) he suspected of plotting against the government. The Sedition Act restricted freedoms of assembly, speech, and the press. Sedition means any act that stirs up rebellion against the government. The new law outlawed protest against laws and acts of the president. It also made it illegal to express “any false, scandalous and malicious writing” against Congress or the president.* The new law punished anyone with “bad intent” who criticized Congress or the president. -
New Seditious Libel Judith Schenck Koffler
Cornell Law Review Volume 69 Article 5 Issue 4 April 1984 New Seditious Libel Judith Schenck Koffler Bennett L. Gershman Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/clr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Judith Schenck Koffler and Bennett L. Gershman, New Seditious Libel, 69 Cornell L. Rev. 816 (1984) Available at: http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/clr/vol69/iss4/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Cornell Law Review by an authorized administrator of Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE NEW SEDITIOUS LIBEL Judith Schenck Koffert & Bennett L Gershman t Let all men take heede how they complayne in wordes against any magistrate, for they are gods. -- Star Chamber saying You've just got to trust us. -Richard Helms, former CIA Director INTRODUCTION Seditious libel is the crime of criticizing the government. It trans- forms dissent, which the first amendment has traditionally been thought to protect, into heresy. Fundamentally antidemocratic, the distinguish- ing feature of seditious libel is, as its nomenclature suggests, injury to the reputation of government or its functionaries. Those who impugn au- thority's good image are diabolized and their criticisms punished as blasphemy. In this way, the doctrine lends a juristic mask to political repression. Seditious libel is alive and well despite attempts of judges and scholars to knock it on the head once and for all.' It is difficult to recog- nize, however, for it wears the mantle of official secrecy and waves the banner of national security. -
Sedition Act As a Pillar of Strength in Maintaining Unification for Multiracial Nation
International Journal of Business, Economics and Law, Vol. 6, Issue 4 (Apr.) ISSN 2289-1552 2015 SEDITION ACT AS A PILLAR OF STRENGTH IN MAINTAINING UNIFICATION FOR MULTIRACIAL NATION Roos Niza Mohd Shariff Senior Lecturer (Law) School of Law, Government & International Studies Universiti Utara Malaysia, 06010 Sintok, Kedah, Malaysia Email: [email protected]; [email protected] ABSTRACT Malaysian Sedition Act provides sentences for seditious acts. Late 2014, there was a suggestion to abolish this Sedition Act for reason that Malaysia still able to maintain its multiracial unity without this Act. Thus, this working paper is to analyze the purpose of the implementation of Sedition Act in Malaysia and the impacts if the Act is abolish. Qualitative research method is used through analytical study of case laws and provisions of laws stated in the Sedition Act and the Federal Constitution. Research findings showed that Sedition Act had been in practice since the British occupation for the purpose of maintaining the unity of multiracial community with different religions and customs. This working paper concluded that Sedition Act is in fact a pillar of strength in maintaining the unification of multiracial nation in Malaysia. The Act upheld a crucial part of statutory provisions in the Federal Constitution for the stability and unity of union. Moreover, Sedition Act provides blanket protection via maintaining protection and security for the purpose of harmonious and safe nation. Keywords: Sedition Act, multiracial unity, nation stability Introduction It is not easy to ensure unity and stability in a country with many races, ethnics, religions, beliefs and customs like Malaysia. -
Insurrection & the Cult of Personality
Insurrection & the Cult of Personality: A Truth-Reckoning and Call for Accountability Matthew 2:1-18 Rev. Todd B. Freeman College Hill Presbyterian Church, Tulsa January 10, 2021 Today was supposed to be a celebration of Baptism of the Lord Sunday, the First Sunday after Epiphany. The working title of the sermon I was preparing was, “New Beginnings”. Just as baptism marks an initiation, a starting point, into following the ways and teachings of Jesus, I was going to explore the hope and the calling to new beginnings in this new year. But on Epiphany Day itself, which is always on January 6, twelve days after Christmas, all that was tossed out in order to respond to the violent insurrection and desecration of our nation’s Capitol building. An insurrection is defined as a violent uprising or assault against civil authority or an established government. And sedition, by the way, is defined as conduct or speech inciting people to rebel against the authority of a state. So, instead of reading the story of Jesus’ baptism today, I decided to use the assigned lectionary scripture passage for Epiphany itself, the story of the magi and their encounter with King Herod. Why this passage? Because I find a connection between the leadership of the lying, paranoid, power-hungry, fearful, threatened, angry, and violent King Herod, and the leadership (the words and actions, as well as their resulting consequences) of our current president. The recent words and actions of President Donald Trump have been almost universally accepted as stoking and inciting that insurrection . -
Holocaust Denial and the Concept of Dignity in the European Union
Florida State University Law Review Volume 36 Issue 1 Article 3 2008 Holocaust Denial and the Concept of Dignity in the European Union John C. Knechtle [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.law.fsu.edu/lr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation John C. Knechtle, Holocaust Denial and the Concept of Dignity in the European Union, 36 Fla. St. U. L. Rev. (2008) . https://ir.law.fsu.edu/lr/vol36/iss1/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Florida State University Law Review by an authorized editor of Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. FLORIDA STATE UNIVERSITY LAW REVIEW HOLOCAUST DENIAL AND THE CONCEPT OF DIGNITY IN THE EUROPEAN UNION John C. Knechtle VOLUME 36 FALL 2008 NUMBER 1 Recommended citation: John C. Knechtle, Holocaust Denial and the Concept of Dignity in the European Union, 36 FLA. ST. U. L. REV. 41 (2008). HOLOCAUST DENIAL AND THE CONCEPT OF DIGNITY IN THE EUROPEAN UNION JOHN C. KNECHTLE∗ ABSTRACT On April 19, 2007, the Justice and Home Affairs Council of the European Union adopted the Framework Decision on Racism and Xenophobia (the “Framework Decision”),1 which seeks to initiate sub- stantial hate speech regulation throughout the European Union, in- cluding public speech which condones, denies, or grossly trivializes the crimes defined by the Nuremberg Tribunal, namely the Holo- caust.2 Although the Framework Decision does not have direct effect in member states and the European Commission does not have powers to initiate enforcement actions, the Framework Decision asks Euro- pean Union member states to enact legislation that criminalizes vari- ous forms of pure speech based on their content alone.3 In my recent writing on this subject, I formulated a set of factored principles which address the issues of when and how governmental 4 entities should regulate hate speech.